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61.
目的:观察西沙诺丽的通便和降糖的药效。方法:ICR小鼠,灌胃给予不同剂量的西沙诺丽冻干粉,观察对正常小鼠小肠运动和对盐酸洛哌丁胺导致便秘模型小鼠首粒排便时间、排便粒数及粪便重量的影响。观察西沙诺丽冻干粉对链脲佐菌素导致小鼠糖尿病模型和对正常大鼠血糖和糖耐量的影响。结果:西沙诺丽能够显著增加正常小鼠小肠推进率,可明显缩短盐酸洛哌丁胺导致便秘模型动物首次排便时间,能够显著增加模型动物排便次数和动物粪便重量。西沙诺丽能够显著降低链脲佐菌素导致糖尿病模型血糖水平,但是对正常大鼠血糖和糖耐量的没有明显影响。结论:西沙诺丽冻干粉具有通便和降糖作用。  相似文献   
62.
Mercury levels in the hair segment close to the scalp were well correlated with fish‐eating habits for residents on a small island in the south of Japanese mainlands. Mercury levels changed in segmented hair samples along with the distance from the scalp. The time of sprouting of hair segment in which the mercury level showed the peak coincided well with the peak of catch of fish on the island.  相似文献   
63.
背景:DNA甲基化指DNA中的核苷酸与甲基基团共价结合,这是一种表观遗传修饰,在许多生物学过程中发挥重要作用。目的:探讨弹性蛋白酶3B(ELA3B)基因在胰腺癌中异常表达的潜在机制。方法:以逆转录聚合酶链反应(RT-PCR)检测30例胰腺癌、20例慢性胰腺炎和10例正常胰腺组织中ELA3B mRNA的表达,以甲基化特异性PCR(MSP)检测该基因启动子区甲基化水平。结果:胰腺癌、慢性胰腺炎和正常胰腺组织ELA3B mRNA的表达率依次为46.7%、85.0%和100%。胰腺癌组织ELA3B基因启动子区甲基化指数(MI)显著高于慢性胰腺炎和正常胰腺组织(7.02±6.31对2.33±0.97和3.31±0.75.P〈0.05),其中ELA3B mRNA表达阴性胰腺癌组织的MI显著高于ELA3B mRNA表达阳性组织(11.83±7.82对3.82±1.18,P〈0.05)。结论:本实验首次检测了ELA3B基因在胰腺癌和慢性胰腺炎组织中的甲基化状态,首次揭示ELA3B基因启动子区高甲基化是导致该基因在胰腺癌组织中低表达的原因之一。  相似文献   
64.
A systemic morbillivirus infection was diagnosed postmortem in a juvenile bottlenose dolphin stranded in the eastern North Atlantic Ocean in 2005. Sequence analysis of a conserved fragment of the morbillivirus phosphoprotein gene indicated that the virus is closely related to dolphin morbillivirus recently reported in striped dolphins in the Mediterranean Sea.  相似文献   
65.
The Maori and Pacific Islands peoples of New Zealand suffer a greater burden of type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) and associated comorbidities than their European counterparts. Empirical evidence supports the clinical application of aerobic and resistance training for effective diabetes management and potential remission, but few studies have investigated the effectiveness of these interventions in specific ethnic cohorts. We recently conducted the first trial to investigate the effect of prescribed exercise training in Polynesian people with T2DM. This article presents the cultural considerations undertaken to successfully implement the study. The research procedures were accepted and approved by cultural liaisons and potential participants. The approved methodology involved a trial evaluating and comparing the effects of two, 16-week exercise regimens (i.e. aerobic training and resistance training) on glycosylated haemoglobin (HbA1c), related diabetes markers (i.e. insulin resistance, blood lipids, relevant cytokines and anthropometric and hemodynamic indices) and health-related quality of life. Future exercise-related research or implementation strategies in this cohort should focus on cultural awareness and techniques to enhance participation and compliance. Our approach to cultural consultation could be considered by researchers undertaking trials in this and other ethnic populations suffering an extreme burden of T2DM, including indigenous Australians and Americans.  相似文献   
66.
67.
To determine risk for drug-resistant malaria parasites entering Madagascar from Comoros Islands, we screened travelers. For the 141 Plasmodium falciparum isolates detected by real-time PCR, frequency of mutant alleles of genes associated with resistance to chloroquine and pyrimethamine was high. International-level antimalarial policy and a regional antimalarial forum are needed.  相似文献   
68.
The aim of the study was to assess the frequencies of the hereditary hemochromatosis HFE mutations C282Y, H63D, and S65C in the population in the Faroe Islands. The series comprised 200 randomly selected blood donors of Faroese heritage. The frequency of the C282Y, H63D, and S65C mutations on the HFE gene was assessed by genotyping using the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) technique and calculated from direct allele counting. We found no C282Y homozygous subjects; 28 (14.0%) subjects were C282Y heterozygous and four subjects were C282Y/H63D compound heterozygous (2.0%). The C282Y allele frequency was 8.0% (95% CI 5.3–10.7%). The series contained three (1.5%) H63D homozygous subjects and 60 (30.0%) H63D heterozygous subjects. The H63D allele frequency was 17.5% (95% CI 13.8–21.2%). There were four (2.0%) S65C heterozygous subjects. The S65C allele frequency was 1.0% (95% CI 0.3–2.5%). The frequency of the C282Y mutation is high in Faroese blood donors, being close to and not significantly different from the frequencies reported in other Scandinavian countries: Denmark 5.7%, Norway 6.6%, Iceland 5.1%, and Sweden 6.1%. The frequency of the H63D mutation in Faroese subjects is significantly higher than the frequency in Denmark 12.8% (p=0.007), Iceland 10.9% (p=0.003), and Sweden 12.4% (p=0.015), but not from the frequency in Norway 11.2% (p=0.063). The frequency of the S65C mutation in Faroese subjects is not significantly different from the frequencies in Denmark 1.5% and Sweden 1.6%. Screening of larger groups of the Faroese population for HFE mutations especially C282Y should be considered in order to establish the penetrance.  相似文献   
69.
南澎列岛现场应用灭鼠防霉毒饵的试验研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
目的 验证灭鼠防霉毒饵的现场防霉和灭鼠效果,为南澎列岛的灭鼠和巩固灭鼠成果探索经验。方法 摄食性试验采用饵消耗法;防霉效果观察选择具代表性试验点,各投等量防霉饵和基饵大米,连续观察至全部霉变;现场灭鼠采取饱和投毒法,灭效评价采用饵消耗法和粉迹法。结果 防霉饵的消耗率为53.40%,摄食系数为1.15。对照组大米在野外的战壕、灌丛、草地等试验点,经2-3d暴露后85%霉变,4d后100%霉变。防霉饵经4d暴露后,均未霉变,至5-6d后有少数霉变,7-11d全部霉变;在野外沙滩和室内,对照组大米保持5-7d不霉变,防霉饵则保持2周以上。饵消耗法和粉迹法灭鼠率分别达97.87%和97.67%。结论 南澎列岛鼠种群对防霉饵的接受性好,防霉毒饵的防霉效果显,灭鼠效果高,且有利于巩固灭鼠成果。  相似文献   
70.
With a cultural and linguistic origin in Island Southeast Asia the Lapita expansion is thought to have led ultimately to the Polynesian settlement of the east Polynesian region after a time of mixing/integration in north Melanesia and a nearly 2,000-y pause in West Polynesia. One of the major achievements of recent Lapita research in Vanuatu has been the discovery of the oldest cemetery found so far in the Pacific at Teouma on the south coast of Efate Island, opening up new prospects for the biological definition of the early settlers of the archipelago and of Remote Oceania in general. Using craniometric evidence from the skeletons in conjunction with archaeological data, we discuss here four debated issues: the Lapita–Asian connection, the degree of admixture, the Lapita–Polynesian connection, and the question of secondary population movement into Remote Oceania.The first human settlement of Vanuatu is indicated by the Lapita culture, whose earliest signature appears in the northwestern Melanesian islands toward the end of the interval 3,470–3,250 y B.P. or slightly later (1). The Lapita culture is defined by a set of artifacts including highly decorated pottery displaying a distinctive design system, long-distance exchanges of raw material and finished items, translocations of plants and animals, and the initial incursion of humans into the pristine island environments of Remote Oceania to the east of the main Solomon chain between 3,000 and 2,800 y B.P. (1, 2). In Vanuatu, as in the rest of Remote Oceania, Lapita quickly evolved, within 200–300 y, into distinctive local cultures in conjunction with increased population size and sedentism by the end of the Lapita period (3).The question of the biological nature of the Lapita populations is routinely approached with data collected from protohistoric/historic or extant populations used as proxies. Analysis of skull morphology and morphometrics of protohistoric/historic populations from Oceania shows a geographical pattern of variation, separating northern and southern Melanesia from western and eastern Polynesia (46). More generally, the results indicate two contrasting divisions, an Australo-Melanesian pole comprising groups from the western part of Remote Oceania (Island Melanesia) and an Asian pole including groups from the (far) eastern part of Remote Oceania (Polynesia). This pattern suggests separate origins for the indigenous inhabitants of these two regions. Evidence from inherited genetic markers indicates that the populations living today in Vanuatu and generally in the region first settled by Lapita groups share a common origin in an area that encompasses Island South East Asia, the north coast of New Guinea, and the Bismarck Archipelago (713). These populations display haplogroups attributed both to the Pleistocene settlement of the northern Melanesian/Near Oceanic region and to the Lapita diaspora, with chronological estimates based on genetic data. Geographical variations in haplotype frequencies distinguish the western part of the initial Lapita region from the eastern part, with a smaller diversity in the eastern populations in what is today Western Polynesia.Studies on Lapita skeletal morphology (1420). In a recent biodistance study of mandibles from Watom (New Britain), Pietrusewsky et al. (16) conclude that “expectation that skeletons associated with the Lapita Cultural Complex, Early or Late Lapita, biologically resemble the modern-day inhabitants of Remote Oceania is not supported” and challenge “the prevailing orthodox view that the origin of Polynesians is associated with Lapita culture.” However, whether the few analyzed individuals represent initial “Lapita people” is open to question. Because they postdate the initial appearance of the Lapita culture in the region (20), they may actually reflect subsequent gene flow and migratory events within the Melanesian region, saying more “about the contemporary indigenous inhabitants of eastern Melanesia than … about the ancestors of the Polynesians,” as noted by Pietrusewsky et al. (18). Alternatively, the possibility that these late Lapita and (immediately) post-Lapita individuals derive directly from the initial “Lapita population” is not excluded, because heterogeneity among the early populations of the region and among the Lapita groups themselves might be expected (2123).

Table S1.

List of Lapita specimens known so far
Island/archipelagoSite/locality/labelHuman remainsAge/sexChronological attributionRef.Sources of bio-observations used in this study
New Ireland, Mussau, (Eloaua island)ECA, ECB, EHB, EHMTeeth, cranial, mandibular and infracranialsAdults and nonadults3,200–3,300 y B.P. (1200–1300 B.C.), 3,500–3,000 y B.P. (1500–1000 B.C. corrected), 3,500–3,200 y B.P. (1500–1200 B.C. corrected), Lapita1414
New Britain, WatomReber-Rakival, SACPartial skeletons of 13 individualsW3: male, 30–40 y old; W6: male, 30–35 y old; M1: adult; M2: adultW1: 27,572 ± 32 y B.P. W3: 2,633 ± 33 y B.P.; other individuals: late Lapita (?)6915
15
16
New Caledonia (Grande Terre), KonéLapita, WKO013B (Erica)Four partial individualsAdults2,970–2,850 y cal B.P., Lapita69Personal
New Caledonia (Grande Terre), KonéLapita, WKO013COne partial skeletonMale, 30–40 y old2,710 ± 80 y B.P. (beta-125136; 14C direct dating), immediately post-Lapita17Personal
69
New Caledonia (Grande Terre), KonéLapita, WKO013BOne skeletonFemale, 35–45 y old2,410 ± 55 y B.P. (OxA-4908; 14C direct dating), immediately post-Lapita1818
69
Fiji, Waya (Yasawa group)Yalobi, Y2-25-1One partial skeletonMale, 40–50 y old2,530 ± 50 y B.P. (CAMS-24946; 14C direct dating), immediately post-Lapita1919
69
Fiji, MoturikiNaitabaleOne skeletonFemale, 40–60 y oldPost 2,650 y B.P., late Lapita2020
69
Vanuatu (Malakula)UripivEight skeletonsMales and females, adults and nonadultsLapita, late Lapita, immediately post-Lapita, Post-Lapita70Personal
Vanuatu (Malakula)VaoSeven skeletonsMales and females, adults and nonadultsLate Lapita, immediately post-Lapita70Personal
Vanuatu (Efate)Teouma 7CFive skeletonsFemales, adultsca. 2,400 y cal B.P., immediately post-Lapita25Personal
Vanuatu (Efate)Taplin''sNine partial skeletonsMales and females, adults and nonadultsLate and midthird millennium cal B.P., immediately post-Lapita27Personal
25
Open in a separate windowPast haplotype distribution reconstructed with ancient DNA (aDNA) data obtained from skeletal remains representing early human groups may theoretically be a means to investigate the issue. However, published data on prehistoric Pacific Islanders are sparse and mainly centered on Polynesia (24). Regarding the Lapita question directly, the current aDNA results include only one individual representing the first thousand years of settlement in Vanuatu [Efate, Taplins, midlate third millennium B.P. (25)] and four individuals representing the late Lapita (or immediately post-Lapita) human group from Watom (New Britain), all appearing in a separate mtDNA lineage to modern Polynesians (26). Although consistent with the morphological evidence (15, 16, 27), these pioneering results are still regarded as uncertain (24). The lack of preservation of aDNA is a major complication, as attested in early specimens from New Caledonia (WKO013B) and Mussau (Bismarck Archipelago) (18, 28) as well as in the Teouma human samples tested so far.Here, we provide for the first time to our knowledge insights into the biological diversity and affinities of the human population in Vanuatu at the time of the settlement of Remote Oceania, using craniometric evidence recorded on a sample of the initial “Lapita population” dated to ca. 3,000–2,850 y B.P. (29) and comparisons with prehistoric and modern populations from the Asia-Pacific region. Large-scale excavations at the Teouma site have revealed a Lapita cemetery with 68 burial features where adults were preferentially treated by inhumation (30). However, inhumation was temporary; bones, including skulls and mandibles, were removed from burials postdecomposition and redeposited at the site but in a much smaller number than the incomplete inhumations recovered to date (31). The extant cranial elements consist of seven skulls in secondary deposits (B10 cache, B17, and B30) (Fig. 1), two partial skulls in a disturbed context (Quarry Area), single cranial fragments associated either with incomplete inhumation or secondary deposits (B10, B12, B29, and B45), six mandibles and a fragment of a seventh (B10, B17, B30, and B29), and 98 associated teeth. Although disconnected from the infracranial skeletons these cranial remains seem to have belonged to individuals of the same group, as shown by similarities in isotopic values measured in bone collagen (29) and in dental enamel (32). In the current study, we use five of the seven skulls (labeled TEO 10a, 10b, 10c, 17, and 30a) that, after reconstruction, are almost complete and suitable for metric study (Fig. 1).Open in a separate windowFig. 1.Teouma Lapita skulls TEO 10a, 10b, 10c, 17, and 30a [images of the skull courtesy of Chris Smith (Anatomy Museum Curator, University of Otago] and burial features B17 and B30 (bone collection B30 lies on the lower limbs of without-skull burial B44) [computer-assisted design courtesy of Michèle Ballinger (CNRS, UMR 7041)].  相似文献   
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