Neighborhood social disorganization and the acquisition of trichomoniasis among young adults in the United States

Objectives. We examined relationships between neighborhood social disorganization and trichomoniasis among young US adults.Methods. We employed multilevel logistic regression modeling with secondary data from wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (2001–2002). The dependent variable—trichomoniasis—was measured via urine testing. The measures for neighborhood social disorganization were derived from the 2000 US Census—racial and ethnic composition, concentrated poverty, and residential instability. The sample comprised 11 370 individuals across 4912 neighborhoods.Results. Trichomoniasis was more likely in neighborhoods with higher concentrations of Black residents (adjusted odds ratio AOR] = 1.16; 95% confidence interval CI] = 1.03, 1.30). However, this association was mediated by neighborhood concentrated poverty. Furthermore, young adults who lived in neighborhoods with higher concentrations of poverty were significantly more likely to have trichomoniasis (AOR = 1.25; 95% CI = 1.07, 1.46). Neither immigrant concentration nor residential instability was significantly associated with trichomoniasis.Conclusions. These findings strengthen the evidence that neighborhood structural conditions are associated with individual sexually transmitted infection (STI) acquisition. Research is needed to explore the mechanisms through which these conditions influence STI. In addition, STI-prevention programs that include structural interventions targeting neighborhood disadvantage are needed.Adolescents and young adults are at increased risk for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) because of a complex interplay of biological, behavioral, and developmental factors.¹ Nearly half of all STIs diagnosed in the United States annually are among adolescents and young adults^1,2 despite national priority goals aimed at reducing infection rates.³ Trichomoniasis, a common and easily curable STI,¹ is of increasing concern because the infection facilitates HIV acquisition and transmission through mucosal inflammation of the genital tract and alterations in the innate immune response. ^4-7 The infection is caused by the protozoa, Trichomonas vaginalis, and is typically transmitted via penis-to-vagina or vulva-to-vulva contact.¹ Infected persons are often asymptomatic or experience only mild symptoms,¹ which can hinder early detection and treatment and increase the risk of STIs and HIV.In the United States, the prevalence of trichomoniasis is difficult to ascertain because routine screening currently is not recommended nor is the reporting of positive results required.^1,4 According to urine assay data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), the prevalence of trichomoniasis among the young adult population in 2001–2002 was approximately 2.3%.⁷ The study also found that women were at greater risk than were men (2.8% vs 1.7%) as were non-Hispanic Black (6.9%) and Latino (2.1%) youths compared with their non-Hispanic White peers (1.2%).⁷ In other studies of adult women, individual risk factors for trichomoniasis included poverty, lower education, douching, non-Hispanic Black race/ethnicity, and greater numbers of lifetime sexual partners.^8,9 Among clinic samples of adolescent women, research found trichomoniasis to be associated with older male sexual partners, casual sexual activity, marijuana use, and delinquency.¹⁰However, to date, no studies have examined the role of the broader structural context in shaping trichomoniasis risk, despite theory and previous STI research suggesting that the neighborhood environment may play a role. According to social disorganization theory,^11–14 key indicators of neighborhood structural disadvantage (i.e., racial/ethnic composition, concentrated poverty, and residential instability) influence health outcomes by weakening social ties, reducing access to institutional resources, and limiting exposure to positive role models, conventional social norms, and collective efficacy. Findings from previous research examining other STIs support the hypothesis that neighborhood contexts influence STI prevalence. For example, with respect to racial and ethnic composition, studies have found that gonorrhea rates were higher in cities and neighborhoods with greater proportions of Black residents.^15,16 Furthermore, in an analysis of Chicago neighborhoods, the incidence rates of gonorrhea and chlamydia were higher for neighborhoods in which more than 60% of the residents were Black compared with those in which more than 60% of residents were Hispanic, which suggests that segregated Hispanic ethnic enclaves may be protective of STI compared with segregated Black communities.¹⁷ Researchers hypothesize that the residential segregation of Black communities has contributed to the pervasive Black-White disparities in STI through discrimination processes, which in turn has led to greater concentration of poverty, lower male-to-female gender ratios due to the disproportionate incarceration and mortality of Black men, and closed, racially segregated sexual networks that facilitate the transmission of infection.^18–20In addition, the role of community poverty in shaping STI risk has been examined extensively and found to be positively associated with rates of chlamydia, gonorrhea, syphilis, and HIV in cross-sectional^{15,17,21–23} and longitudinal analyses.¹⁶ Other socioeconomic factors, such as unemployment^17,24 and lower educational attainment,^16,17 have also been linked to higher rates of chlamydia and gonorrhea. Research on the effects of residential instability on STI is limited, but the single study that examined these relationships found greater residential instability was associated with fewer self-reported STIs among a national sample of adolescents.²⁴ Depending on the context, perhaps residential instability could increase STI risk by disrupting social support ties and informal social control measures or reduce STI risk by dispersing closed sexual networks that facilitate infection transmission.Although the aforementioned studies have illustrated links between neighborhood social disorganization and a variety of STIs, limitations exist. First, the majority have been ecological studies, in which the outcomes were measured as community STI rates and no adjustment was made for potential confounding relationships with individual-level data.^{15–17,21–23} Consequently, inferences can be made only about the community, and individual variation in the outcome cannot be ascertained.²⁵ Second, although 1 study examined individual STI, the measure was based on self-report,²⁴ which potentially increases bias because of underreporting as well as unrecognized or undiagnosed infection. In addition, the study only focused on STI in general, which could limit our understanding of unique relationships with specific infectious organisms. Third, data sources of previous research tend to be at local or state levels,^{15–17,21–23} which limits external validity of the findings. Therefore, the purpose of our research was to examine relationships between neighborhood social disorganization and trichomoniasis among young adults in the United States. Our research builds on previous studies in 3 significant ways: (1) we examined multiple levels of analysis, which enabled us to simultaneously examine the independent relationships between individual and neighborhood variables and individual acquisition of trichomoniasis, (2) we examined a more refined measure of STI through the use of urine screening, and (3) we examined data from a large national data set—Add Health.