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Assessing Proposals for New Global Health Treaties: An Analytic Framework
Authors:Steven J Hoffman  John-Arne R?ttingen  Julio Frenk
Abstract:We have presented an analytic framework and 4 criteria for assessing when global health treaties have reasonable prospects of yielding net positive effects.First, there must be a significant transnational dimension to the problem being addressed. Second, the goals should justify the coercive nature of treaties. Third, proposed global health treaties should have a reasonable chance of achieving benefits. Fourth, treaties should be the best commitment mechanism among the many competing alternatives.Applying this analytic framework to 9 recent calls for new global health treaties revealed that none fully meet the 4 criteria. Efforts aiming to better use or revise existing international instruments may be more productive than is advocating new treaties.The increasingly interconnected and interdependent nature of our world has inspired many proposals for new international treaties addressing various health challenges,1 including alcohol consumption,2 elder care,3 falsified/substandard medicines,4 impact evaluations,5 noncommunicable diseases,6 nutrition,7 obesity,8 research and development (R&D),9 and global health broadly.10 These proposals claim to build on the success of existing global health treaties (
Year AdoptedTreaty Name
1892International Sanitary Convention
1893International Sanitary Convention
1894International Sanitary Convention
1897International Sanitary Convention
1903International Sanitary Convention (replacing 1892, 1893, 1894, and 1897 conventions)
1912International Sanitary Convention (replacing 1903 convention)
1924Brussels Agreement for Free Treatment of Venereal Disease in Merchant Seamen
1926International Sanitary Convention (revising 1912 convention)
1933International Sanitary Convention for Aerial Navigation
1934International Convention for Mutual Protection Against Dengue Fever
1938International Sanitary Convention (revising 1926 convention)
1944International Sanitary Convention (revising 1926 convention)
1944International Sanitary Convention for Aerial Navigation (revising 1933 convention)
1946Protocols to Prolong the 1944 International Sanitary Conventions
1946Constitution of the World Health Organization
1951International Sanitary Regulations (replacing previous conventions)
1969International Health Regulations (replacing 1951 regulations)
1972Biological Weapons Convention
1989Basel Convention on Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes
1993Chemical Weapons Convention
1994World Trade Organization Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures
1997Convention on the Prohibition of Anti-Personnel Mines and Their Destruction
1998Rotterdam Convention on Hazardous Chemicals and Pesticides in International Trade
2000Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity
2001Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants
2003World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control
2005International Health Regulations (revising 1969 regulations)
2007United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons With Disabilities
2013Minamata Convention on Mercury
Open in a separate windowNote. Global health treaties are those that were adopted primarily to promote human health.

TABLE 2—

Examples of the Diverse Regulatory Functions Among Existing International Treaties
Domestic ObligationsForeign Obligations
Positive ObligationsThe Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (2003) requires countries to restrict tobacco advertising, promotion, and sponsorshipThe International Health Regulations (2005) requires countries to report public health emergencies of international concern to the World Health Organization
The World Trade Organization''s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (1994) requires countries to protect patent rightsThe Constitution of the World Health Organization (1946) requires countries to pay annual membership dues
Negative ObligationsThe International Convention on Economic, Social & Cultural Rights (1966) prohibits countries from interfering with a person’s right to the highest attainable standard of healthThe Biological Weapons Convention (1972) and the Chemical Weapons Convention (1993) prohibit countries from using biological and chemical weapons, respectively
The Stockholm Convention (2001) prohibits countries from producing certain persistent organic pollutantsThe Geneva Conventions (1949) prohibit countries from torturing prisoners of war
Open in a separate windowBut whether international treaties actually achieve the benefits their negotiators intend is highly contested.11–13 There are strong theoretical arguments on both sides, and the available empirical evidence conflicts. A recent review of 90 quantitative impact evaluations of treaties across sectors found some treaties achieve their intended benefits whereas others do not. From a health perspective, there is currently no quantitative evidence linking ratification of an international treaty directly to improved health outcomes. There is only quantitative evidence linking domestic implementation of policies recommended in treaties with health outcomes. For example, Levy et al. found that tobacco tax increases between 2007 and 2010 in 14 countries to 75% of the final retail price resulted in 7 million fewer smokers and averted 3.5 million smoking-related deaths; the World Health Organization recommended this policy as part of its MPOWER package of tobacco-control measures that was introduced to help countries implement the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.14 Evidence of treaties’ direct impact on other social objectives is extremely mixed.1Even if prospects for benefits are great, international treaties are still not always appropriate solutions to global health challenges. This is because the potential value of any new treaty depends on not only its expected benefits but also its costs, risks of harm, and trade-offs.15 Conventional wisdom suggests that international treaties are inexpensive interventions that just need to be written, endorsed by governments, and disseminated. Knowledge of national governance makes this assumption reasonable: most countries’ lawmaking systems have high fixed costs for basic operations and thereafter incur relatively low marginal costs for each additional legislative act pursued. But at the international level, lawmaking is expensive. Calls for new treaties do not fully consider these costs. Even rarer is adequate consideration of treaties’ potentially harmful, coercive, and paternalistic effects and how treaties represent competing claims on limited resources.11,15When might global health treaties be worth their many costs? Like all interventions and implementation mechanisms, the answer depends on what these costs entail, the associated risks of harm, the complicated trade-offs involved, and whether these factors are all outweighed by the benefits that can reasonably be expected. We reviewed the important issues at stake, and we have offered an analytic framework and 4 criteria for assessing when new global health treaties should be pursued.
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