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Conflicting findings regarding the relations between thought-action fusion (TAF), religiosity, and obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD) may be due to a lack of clarity regarding the intent associated with the negative thoughts under consideration. In Study 1, we examined the perceptions of the immorality of intentional and unwanted morally-relevant thoughts (Moral TAF) and their relations with OCD symptoms, religiosity, and obsessive beliefs in a non-clinical sample. In Study 2, we randomly assigned participants to complete one of two versions of a previously used sentence neutralization task that was varied in terms of intent. Perception of the immorality of intentional negative thoughts but not unwanted negative thoughts was associated with Protestant/Catholic affiliation and greater prayer frequency, and perception of the immorality of unwanted thoughts was consistently associated with obsessive beliefs. Neither form of Moral TAF was associated with OCD symptoms. Further, reaction to the modified non-intentional neutralization task was associated with OCD symptoms, thought-action fusion, and scrupulosity, while reaction to the original intentional task was only associated with Moral TAF. Overall, the findings suggest that individuals differ in their perceptions of intentional versus unintentional thoughts. Perceptions of intentional morally-relevant thoughts appear related to religiosity, while perceptions of unintentional thoughts are likely to be of greater relevance to our understanding of OCD.  相似文献   
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OBJECTIVES: The purpose of this work was to determine the prognostic value of normal exercise myocardial perfusion imaging (MPI) tests and exercise echocardiography tests, and to determine the prognostic value of these imaging modalities in women and men. BACKGROUND: Exercise MPI and exercise echocardiography provide prognostic information that is useful in the risk stratification of patients with suspected coronary artery disease (CAD). METHODS: We searched the PubMed, Cochrane, and DARE databases between January 1990 and May 2005, and reviewed bibliographies of articles obtained. We included prospective cohort studies of subjects who underwent exercise MPI or exercise echocardiography for known or suspected CAD, and provided data on primary outcomes of myocardial infarction (MI) and cardiac death with at least 3 months of follow-up. Secondary outcomes (unstable angina, revascularization procedures) were abstracted if provided. Studies performed exclusively in patients with CAD were excluded. RESULTS: The negative predictive value (NPV) for MI and cardiac death was 98.8% (95% confidence interval [CI] 98.5 to 99.0) over 36 months of follow-up for MPI, and 98.4% (95% CI 97.9 to 98.9) over 33 months for echocardiography. The corresponding annualized event rates were 0.45% per year for MPI and 0.54% per year for echocardiography. In subgroup analyses, annualized event rates were <1% for each MPI isotope, and were similar for women and men. For secondary events, MPI and echocardiography had annualized event rates of 1.25% and 0.95%, respectively. CONCLUSIONS: Both exercise MPI and exercise echocardiography have high NPVs for primary and secondary cardiac events. The prognostic utility of both modalities is similar for both men and women.  相似文献   
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CD34+ progenitor cells can harbour latent human cytomegalovirus (HCMV); however, the mechanisms of HCMV latency remain unclear. We have investigated the effects of the haematopoietic lineage restriction on the establishment and spread of the latent HCMV to progeny cells. In vitro-infected and latently-infected haematopoietic progenitor cells derived from HCMV seropositive donors were studied. The presence of HCMV DNA in bone marrow progenitor (BMP) cells was determined by single colony polymerase chain reaction and fluorescent in situ hybridization (FISH). The presence of CMV DNA was found to be restricted to myeloid progenitors and the percentage of HCMV-infected cells was lower in naturally-infected cells than in in vitro-infected cells. Erythroid differentiation resulted in an abortive infection with persistence of the viral nucleic acids in red cell precursors. In BMP cells from HCMV seronegative donors, HCMV DNA was localized in the nucleus. Bone marrow progenitors in the presence of granulocyte-macrophage colony stimulating factor (GMCSF) maintained HCMV DNA for extended periods of time. No viral production could be detected throughout the culture but the comparison of the numbers of latently-infected cells prior to and after the culture suggests that proliferation of haematopoietic progenitor cells may lead to the expansion of latently-infected cells.  相似文献   
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BACKGROUND: Sit-to-stand (STS) performance is often used as a measure of lower-limb strength in older people and those with significant weakness. However, the findings of recent studies suggest that performance in this test is also influenced by factors associated with balance and mobility. We conducted a study to determine whether sensorimotor, balance, and psychological factors in addition to lower-limb strength predict sit-to-stand performance in older people. METHODS: Six hundred and sixty nine community-dwelling men and women aged 75-93 years (mean age 78.9, SD = 4.1) underwent quantitative tests of strength, vision, peripheral sensation, reaction time, balance, health status, and sit-to-stand performance. RESULTS: Many physiological and psychological factors were significantly associated with sit-to-stand times in univariate analyses. Multiple regression analysis revealed that visual contrast sensitivity, lower limb proprioception, peripheral tactile sensitivity, reaction time involving a foot-press response, sway with eyes open on a foam rubber mat, body weight, and scores on the Short-Form 12 Health Status Questionnaire pain, anxiety, and vitality scales in addition to knee extension, knee flexion, and ankle dorsiflexion strength were significant and independent predictors of STS performance. Of these measures, quadriceps strength had the highest beta weight, indicating it was the most important variable in explaining the variance in STS times. However, the remaining measures accounted for more than half the explained variance in STS times. The final regression model explained 34.9% of the variance in STS times (multiple R =.59). CONCLUSIONS: The findings indicate that, in community-dwelling older people, STS performance is influenced by multiple physiological and psychological processes and represents a particular transfer skill, rather than a proxy measure of lower limb strength.  相似文献   
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The legislation of health warning labels on cigarette packaging is a major focus for tobacco control internationally and is a key component of the World Health Organization’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. This population-level intervention is broadly supported as a vital measure for warning people about the health consequences of smoking. However, some components of this approach warrant close critical inspection. Through a qualitative content analysis of the imagery used on health warning labels from 4 countries, we consider how this imagery depicts people that smoke. By critically analyzing this aspect of the visual culture of tobacco control, we argue that this imagery has the potential for unintended consequences, and obscures the social and embodied contexts in which smoking is experienced.Visual imagery of the health effects of smoking has a long history in the context of antitobacco campaigns. Such images featured prominently in Victorian era antismoking literature,1,2 and visual representations of the deleterious effects of smoking on the body have been a continuous thread in modern-day tobacco control and public health iconography. The first warning labels mandated on cigarette packaging were text-based only, enacted in the United States a year after the 1964 Surgeon General’s Report decisively linked smoking to cancer and other adverse health outcomes.3 In 1965, the US Federal Cigarette Labeling Act required cigarette cartons and packs to carry the warning, “Caution: cigarette smoking may be hazardous to your health.”4(p13) The addition of pictures to warning labels on tobacco packaging is a relatively recent phenomenon, legislated first in Canada in 2000.5 Following Canada’s lead, many other countries have since followed suit, with text and picture-based warnings required in 63 countries worldwide as of 2012.6 The use of visual imagery (referred to specifically as “health warning labels”) on tobacco packaging has been driven by the World Health Organization’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and is based on the premise that “a picture says a thousand words.”6(p1) Article 11 sets out clear standards for health warning labels, which are expected to cover “as much of the principal display areas as possible.”7(p34)For tobacco control advocates, the impetus for visually based warning labels was clearly protection and empowerment against the tobacco industry’s tactics—for children and youths, who were seen as particularly susceptible to “prosmoking” media imagery, and for consumers, who had been subject to industry “fraud” and misinformation about the health risks and consequences of smoking.5(p356) However, although the ostensible purpose of the visual imagery used on health warning labels is to educate smokers about the effects of smoking, it draws some of its impetus from the assumption that the subjective emotional response the images may provoke will force smokers into “realizing the harm done to their bodies.”8(p358) In other words, the transition from text-based to visual warning labels reflects a growing awareness that the labels could be used not just to transmit information but to affect behavioral change. Indeed, health warning labels on cigarette packages are seen to be even more effective than traditional print and television campaigns because they “potentially reach smokers every time they purchase or consume tobacco products.”7(p23) The underlying assumption is that, in contrast to similar messages presented in other mediums, the warnings are unavoidable. From a public health standpoint, a third goal of such labels is to facilitate tobacco denormalization by challenging the social and cultural acceptability of smoking, especially the glamorization of tobacco in media and popular visual culture.9 In this respect, the visual culture of tobacco control has been heavily influenced by the tobacco industry, and aims to use its strategies and practices against it.10Numerous studies support the view that hard-hitting graphic labels are more effective than text-based warning labels in stimulating awareness of tobacco-related health risks and increasing motivation and intentions to quit smoking.8,11,12 Plain cigarette packaging is seen to be particularly effective in reducing the appeal of smoking and focusing attention on the image and text of the health warning labels.13 Australia’s introduction of plain cigarette packaging requirements in December 2012 has generated considerable interest in such legislation. However, one limitation of the available research is that responses to cigarette packages are studied in a context in which the ordinary coordinates of smoking are absent, making effectiveness very difficult to judge.14Critical approaches to health promotion challenge the assumption of a simplistic or unidirectional relationship between public health campaigns and their intended targets, in which audiences are passive recipients of health information. Contrary to a didactic model of health education and its emphasis on individual behavioral change, critical approaches recognize the structural context of smoking and the social, historical, and political circumstances in which antismoking messages are deployed. Thus, multiple readings and responses on the part of message recipients are inevitable. In the arena of smoking cessation, this includes the potential for negative responses, ranging from context dissonance15 to defiance or resistance.16–18 This recognition challenges mainstream and top-down approaches in health promotion, which may assume that health-related behavior change is merely a matter of better education for at-risk individuals and groups (i.e., that programmers and policymakers just need to get the message right). These approaches also highlight the need for public health policies to move beyond an exclusive emphasis on questions of efficacy to consider the ethics of the strategies employed (i.e., even if they do work, at what cost?). Without careful consideration of the ethical implications and unintended consequences of such messaging, the “war against smoking” may instead become a counterproductive “war against smokers.”Our analysis of health warning labels on cigarette packaging has been informed by previous research on the visual culture of public health, which suggests that health promotion and education campaigns are constitutive of deeply embedded cultural understandings of health, illness, and social relations of power.19–21 From this standpoint, it is useful to consider how health-related imagery presented as scientific and objective privileges particular ways of seeing and defining both the bodies and identities of those who are “healthy” and pathological bodies at risk for illness.22–24 As critical public health scholars suggest, health promotion campaigns not only reinforce a normative imagery of health but can also contribute to social exclusion, stigmatization, and dehumanization when graphic and confronting images designed to provoke disgust are used.16,25 These tendencies have been explored in the context of issues such as injury prevention and disability,26,27 HIV/AIDS,22,28,29 obesity,25 and substance use, including alcohol30 and smoking.31,32 For example, analyses of antitobacco messages for pregnant women33 and campaigns directed toward adolescent girls34 suggest that the former promote the notion of the “bad mother” and neglect smoking by fathers and other men, whereas the latter reinforce the idea that what is most valuable about women is their external, physical appearance.35We analyzed the visual culture of tobacco control as represented by cigarette health warning labels in the context of 4 countries, and interpreted what this reveals about smoking as a social identity and practice. Such labels provide openings through which to see the “densely elaborated iconography”36(p107) of tobacco control and how it conceptualizes smoking and people labeled as smokers. We contend that the currently used and proposed sets of health warning labels ground understandings of smoking and its effects in ways that obscure certain dimensions of the practice while foregrounding and prefiguring others. In particular, they frame smoking as an individual risk behavior, one entirely isolable from its social context. Our approach is critical of such framing, and cuts against both its emphasis on a biomedical imagery of the “diseased and dying” body and its diminishment of agency.9  相似文献   
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