The Impact of Local Immigration Enforcement Policies on the Health of Immigrant Hispanics/Latinos in the United States

Objectives. We sought to understand how local immigration enforcement policies affect the utilization of health services among immigrant Hispanics/Latinos in North Carolina.Methods. In 2012, we analyzed vital records data to determine whether local implementation of section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Secure Communities program, which authorizes local law enforcement agencies to enforce federal immigration laws, affected the prenatal care utilization of Hispanics/Latinas. We also conducted 6 focus groups and 17 interviews with Hispanic/Latino persons across North Carolina to explore the impact of immigration policies on their utilization of health services.Results. We found no significant differences in utilization of prenatal care before and after implementation of section 287(g), but we did find that, in individual-level analysis, Hispanic/Latina mothers sought prenatal care later and had inadequate care when compared with non-Hispanic/Latina mothers. Participants reported profound mistrust of health services, avoiding health services, and sacrificing their health and the health of their family members.Conclusions. Fear of immigration enforcement policies is generalized across counties. Interventions are needed to increase immigrant Hispanics/Latinos’ understanding of their rights and eligibility to utilize health services. Policy-level initiatives are also needed (e.g., driver’s licenses) to help undocumented persons access and utilize these services.Federal immigration enforcement policies have been increasingly delegated to state and local jurisdictions, leading to increased enforcement activities by local police. This shift has resulted largely from the implementation of 2 federal initiatives: section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Secure Communities program. Section 287(g) authorizes Immigration and Custom Enforcement to enter into agreements with state and local law enforcement agencies to enforce federal immigration law during their regular, daily law enforcement activities. The original intention was to “target and remove undocumented immigrants convicted of violent crimes, human smuggling, gang/organized crime activity, sexual-related offenses, narcotics smuggling and money laundering.”1 Added to the Immigration and Nationality Act in 1996, section 287(g) was not widely used in its first decade, but its use accelerated in the mid- to late 2000s.2,3The Secure Communities program differs from section 287(g) in that it does not authorize local enforcement bodies to arrest individuals for federal immigration violations. Instead, when individuals are arrested for nonimmigration matters, the Secure Communities program facilitates the sharing of local arrestees’ fingerprints and information with Immigration and Custom Enforcement and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which checks them against immigration databases. If these checks reveal that an individual is unlawfully present in the United States or otherwise removable because of a criminal conviction, Immigration and Custom Enforcement takes enforcement action.4Some evidence suggests that both section 287(g) and the Secure Communities program contribute to Hispanic/Latino immigrants’ general mistrust of local law enforcement and fear of utilizing a variety of public services, such as police protection and emergency services.2,5–7 Although many immigrant Hispanics/Latinos in the United States experience barriers to care because of a lack of bilingual and bicultural services, low health literacy, insufficient public transportation, and limited knowledge of available health services,8–12 studies have suggested that individuals lacking legal status may have more difficulty obtaining health services and may experience worse health outcomes than do individuals with legal status.13–18 Among immigrant Hispanics/Latinos, the fear of deportation, a lack of required forms of documentation, interaction with law enforcement personnel, and racial profiling are factors also associated with reduced utilization of health services and worse health.6,19–22 Such fears lead to incomplete sequences of care,19,20,23,24 promote the use of nonstandard and unsafe contingencies for care,16,25–27 and contribute to public health hazards, as immigrants delay preventive care or treatment.13,22,28 These fears further affect long-term health outcomes as immigrant Hispanics/Latinos alter their physical activity, food purchasing behaviors, and food consumption because of concerns about being in public.29 They may withhold information from health care providers19 and experience high levels of stress, leading to compromised mental health.20,30,31The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act bars undocumented or recent legal immigrants from receiving financial assistance for health insurance32; thus, many will continue to remain uninsured and dependent on public health services and free clinics for a significant portion of their care. Because these services are associated with government authority, there is the potential that increasing immigration enforcement policies will deter noncitizens from seeking needed care, not only to their detriment but also to the detriment of public health.Currently there is little research examining the impact of recent immigration enforcement policies on the access to and utilization of health care, and there has been a call to better understand the public health impact of current immigration policies and their enforcement.29 Through mixed methods, we explored the effect of local immigration enforcement policies on access to and utilization of health services among immigrant Hispanics/Latinos in North Carolina. We analyzed vital records data to determine whether there were differences in utilization of prenatal services by Hispanic/Latina mothers pre- and postimplementation of section 287(g), and we conducted focus groups and in-depth interviews with Hispanics/Latinos living in counties that had implemented section 287(g) and in “sanctuary” counties, counties in which leaders, including politicians and clergy, have spoken out against the program.     

Educating and Training a Workforce for Nutrition in a Post-2015 World

Nearly all countries in the world today are burdened with malnutrition, manifesting as undernutrition, micronutrient deficiencies, and/or overweight and obesity. Despite some progress, efforts to alleviate malnutrition are hampered by a shortage in number, skills, and geographic coverage, of a workforce for nutrition. Here, we report the findings of the Castel Gandolfo workshop, a convening of experts from diverse fields in March 2014 to consider how to develop the capacity of a global cadre of nutrition professionals for the post-2015 development era. Workshop participants identified several requirements for developing a workforce for nutrition, including an ability to work as part of a multisectoral team; communication, advocacy, and leadership skills to engage decision makers; and a set of technical skills to address future challenges for nutrition. Other opportunities were highlighted that could immediately contribute to capacity development, including the creation of a consortium to link global North and South universities, online training modules for middle managers, and practical, hands-on experiences for frontline nutrition workers. Institutional and organizational support is needed to enable workshop recommendations on education and training to be effectively implemented and sustained. The findings from the Castel Gandolfo workshop can contribute to the delivery of successful nutrition-relevant actions in the face of mounting external pressures and informing and attaining the forthcoming Sustainable Development Goals.