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31.
Religious belief is often thought to motivate violence because it is said to promote norms that encourage tribalism and the devaluing of the lives of nonbelievers. If true, this should be visible in the multigenerational violent conflict between Palestinians and Israelis which is marked by a religious divide. We conducted experiments with a representative sample of Muslim Palestinian youth (n = 555), examining whether thinking from the perspective of Allah (God), who is the ultimate arbitrator of religious belief, changes the relative value of Jewish Israelis’ lives (compared with Palestinian lives). Participants were presented with variants of the classic “trolley dilemma,” in the form of stories where a man can be killed to save the lives of five children who were either Jewish Israeli or Palestinian. They responded from their own perspective and from the perspective of Allah. We find that whereas a large proportion of participants were more likely to endorse saving Palestinian children than saving Jewish Israeli children, this proportion decreased when thinking from the perspective of Allah. This finding raises the possibility that beliefs about God can mitigate bias against other groups and reduce barriers to peace.Many conflicts around the world have occurred between different religious groups, and many acts of violence have been carried out in the name of religious identity. Perhaps because religious violence seems so deeply embedded and recurrent in human history, the relationship between religious belief and violence is the subject of intense popular and scholarly debate (15). The recent surge of sectarian strife and violence, particularly in the Middle East and Europe, has reinvigorated the public debate on the link between religious belief systems and violence (with particular attention paid to Islam) and seems to lend credibility to the idea that religious belief promotes tribalism and violence toward nonbelievers. Despite the importance of the topic, controlled empirical studies of this relationship are scarce.Religious belief is often characterized as encouraging violence because it is said to have a divisive nature and to devalue the lives of nonbelievers (3). The narrative that religious belief promotes human conflict is complicated by the fact that religious mandates may have motivated action to alleviate the plight of others, as in the case of the abolition of slavery (6), in ways that demonstrate a respect for human life (7). The application of religious mandates is strongly dependent on fluctuating interpretations across contexts. Although major world religions believe in a form of the Golden Rule (8), which may decrease aggression (9), it is not clear whether such rules are seen as applying equally to nonbelievers (10), and religious texts often suggest intolerance toward nonbelievers or seemingly promote violence (11, 12). Debating the relationship between religious belief and violence via theological or historical inquiry is unlikely to yield a clear answer. Perhaps a more pertinent approach may be to ask how religious belief influences the judgments and decisions that ordinary people make about intergroup relations.Here, to address the role of religious belief in human conflict, we investigated relative valuation of the lives of members of other religious groups. Devaluation of the life of another is important because it places that person outside of the scope of moral concern (13), creating a moral distance that may facilitate the use of violence (14, 15). To investigate how one important aspect of religious belief may influence the relative valuation of human life, we asked people to infer the preference of God. Participants answered questions that probed the relative value given to the lives of members of their own group and those of members of a religious outgroup. They answered first from their own perspective, and then from the perspective of God. We chose this method because God is the ultimate arbitrator of religious belief. Whereas religious traditions include apparently contradictory statements about intergroup relations, asking about God’s preferences requires participants to think about what verdict God would give in a certain context. For religions such as Islam that believe in a moralizing God capable of punishing immoral behavior (1618), thinking about God should invoke religious norms (19). If, on the whole, religious belief devalues the lives of nonbelievers, placing them outside the scope of moral concern, then people should believe that God prefers parochial choices that imply a decrease in the relative value of the lives of nonbelievers. However, if God is seen as promoting universal moral laws (20), and if those laws conflict with intergroup bias (21), participants should believe that God would prefer choices that more equally value human life regardless of religious identity.Our study builds on a small emerging body of work that investigated the relative roles of religious belief and religious affiliation on parochial attitudes and that offered suggestive evidence that people may believe that God promotes universal moral laws in intergroup contexts. For example, a study including samples of Palestinians and Jewish Israelis found that support for violent parochial altruism was positively related to attendance at collective religious services, but not related to individual prayer to God (22). The inference was that collective rituals promoted norms favoring self-sacrifice to the group, of which the suicide attack is one extreme example. In an important study, Preston and Ritter (21) demonstrated that college students in the United States primed with God were more likely to help an outgroup member than an ingroup member, whereas participants primed with thoughts of a religious leader or religious institutions showed the opposite pattern of helping behavior.Our study both complements and extends this prior research in three ways. First, whereas prior work compared the effects of different aspects of religion on altruistic or parochial behavior (21, 22), we focused on comparing personal preferences with those of God. Research in a different domain (indigenous forest management practices) showed that people’s beliefs about preferences of supernatural entities (God and forest spirits) can be different from their own preferences and can strongly constrain behavior toward implementation of those preferences (23). Here we were interested in whether God’s preferences encouraged or discouraged moral reasoning that may promote intergroup violence. Second, our study was carried out in a chronic violent conflict separated along religious lines and the beliefs we measured concerned religious groups directly involved in the conflict. Third, although a strength of Preston and Ritter’s (21) work was that they used diverse measures of prosocial behavior (hypothetical helping behavior, hypothetical donations to charity, and cooperation in a prisoner’s dilemma game with real monetary outcomes), these were measures of benign acts of cooperation. We were interested in measuring moral decision making that might be more closely related to intergroup violence. To do this we used a set of artificial but morally challenging dilemmas designed to measure the extent to which people valued the life of ingroup and outgroup members equally (1315).We ran experiments with a representative sample of Muslim Palestinian youth (n = 555, 50% female, aged between 12 and 18 y) living in the West Bank and Gaza. Thus, our experiments were carried out in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian dispute, a chronic and violent conflict. This conflict is divided along religious lines and many violent actors on both sides are religious. Indeed, Israelis and Palestinians seem partly motivated by attachment to sacred lands and sites (24). Our participants have grown up with persistent exposure to violence between Jewish Israelis and predominantly Muslim Palestinians (25). If religious belief promotes moral judgments associated with ingroup violence, they are likely to do so in the context of this dispute.The majority of our participants were very religious and prayed regularly (>80%). To investigate whether thinking about Allah (God) influenced the relative value of the life of Jewish Israelis, participants responded to variants of the classic “footbridge” problem (26), in the form of stories where a Palestinian man can be killed to save the lives of five children (15, 27). We ran two experiments simultaneously. In one experiment participants heard stories where the Palestinian man has to be pushed from a footbridge by another man to stop a truck that would otherwise kill five children. In the second experiment, participants heard stories where a Palestinian has to jump from the footbridge to save the children (SI Appendix). Responses to push and jump experiments were similar and were pooled in this analysis for brevity. In both experiments, participants judged whether the sacrificial act was preferred both from their perspective and from the perspective of Allah. All participants responded to two versions of this dilemma: one where the children to be saved were Palestinian, and one where the children were Jewish Israeli. The order was counterbalanced.Our primary dependent variable was ingroup bias in the valuation of human life. Ingroup bias would be present when participants approved (or thought God would approve) of the man on the footbridge jumping (or being pushed) to save the lives of Palestinian children but not Jewish Israeli children.
PerspectiveIngroup biasNo biasOutgroup bias
Selfn = 233 (42%)n = 303 (55%)n = 16 (3%)
Allahn = 167 (30%)n = 364 (66%)n = 18 (3%)
Open in a separate windowTo demonstrate the relevance of our ingroup bias measure for understanding intergroup violence, we regressed “yes” answers to a question asking participants whether they thought it was their “duty as Muslims” to kill nonbelievers, on an overall measure of ingroup bias for evaluation of lives (average of self and God’s perspective). We created dichotomous measures for ingroup bias giving a score of 1 if participants showed ingroup bias and a score of 0 if they did not. Ingroup bias was related to approval of intergroup violence; those who showed bias were more likely to believe it their duty to kill nonbelievers (B = 0.45, SE = 0.18, z = 2.52, P = 0.01).In preliminary logistic regressions we regressed the existence of ingroup bias from self perspective and ingroup bias from God’s perspective on experimental versions (jump vs. push), question order, residence (West Bank vs. Gaza), refugee status, age group, and gender. Boys were more likely than girls to show both ingroup bias from self perspective (B = 0.35, z = 2.04, P = 0.04) and ingroup bias from God’s perspective (B = 0.51, z = 2.68, P < 0.0001). The only other reliable predictor was residence, with participants from Gaza showing more ingroup bias from God’s perspective than participants from the West Bank (B = 0.80, z = 3.70, P < 0.0001). Ingroup bias was not different in the two versions of the experiment (jump vs. push) or question order (SI Appendix, Tables S2 and S3).Most important, to test our competing hypotheses about the effects of one core aspect of religious belief on biased evaluation of human life, we ran a mixed-effects logistic regression investigating whether bias was different when participants took Allah’s perspective vs. their own perspective. We find that biased evaluation of lives decreased when participants took Allah’s perspective (B = −10.85, z = −14.24, P < 0.0001) (Fig. 1). Overall, biased evaluation of human life was almost 30% lower when thinking from the perspective of God. This was consistent across different subsamples and experiments: It was not moderated by residence in the West Bank or Gaza, refugee status, age group, or gender (see SI Appendix, Tables S5–S8 for more details), and it was robust when the above-mentioned set of controls was entered into the model (SI Appendix, Table S9).Open in a separate windowFig. 1.The percentage of participants who valued Palestinian lives over Jewish Israeli lives decreased when judging from the perspective of Allah, compared with judging from their own perspective. Error bars are 95% confidence intervals.These results reveal that participants believed that they had preferences different from those of God when it came to answering certain moral dilemmas. Rather than encouraging divisive tribalism, participants believed that God had relatively stronger preferences than they did to treat the value of human lives equally, regardless of religious identity. That is, participants believed that Allah preferred them to value the lives of Jewish Israeli and Palestinian children more equally. Prior work suggests that the devout will constrain their behavior to fit in with supernatural preferences (23). If so, thinking about Allah (God), the arbitrator of religious mandates, might mitigate biased valuation of the lives of outgroup members. Still, we need to know more about how people deal with perceived differences between their own preferences and those of God. Although personal preferences are often constrained by God’s preferences, as with supernaturally imposed dietary restrictions or environmental practices, in other situations people may ignore or reframe supernatural preferences.Research done in the North American context has shown that people often ascribe their own beliefs to God (28), something not found in our current work. However, understanding when such egocentric beliefs about God are more or less likely seems a fruitful avenue for future research. Self-centered beliefs about God may be more likely when supernatural mandates are less understood (e.g., by a less-devout sample), when they are difficult to apply to novel contexts, or when cultural factors moderate egocentric estimates of God’s beliefs. We also note that in specific contexts communities might diverge in their interpretation of God’s preference with regard to intergroup conflict. Future research might explore the different situations in which God’s will might encourage or discourage parochial violence (including who invokes God’s will and the context in which this is done), or serve to increase commitment to issues associated with intergroup conflict (29).We think it is striking that despite the salience of religious violence in the Israel–Palestine conflict, a random sample of Palestinian Muslims recognize Allah as a deity who is more concerned than they are with the fate of members of a perceived antagonistic group, and more approving of sacrifice on the part of Muslims to save the lives of Jewish children on the other side of a violent conflict.Humans will fight, kill, and die for a variety of abstract beliefs or entities, including national rights and ideological doctrines of many types. Together with intriguing prior work showing how priming God can increase cooperation with outgroups (21), or how costly signaling of religious belief can increase trust across religious boundaries (30), our findings cast doubt on the notion that there is something special about religious faith, including Islamic belief, that invariably favors promotion of violent intergroup conflict.  相似文献   
32.
Liver transplant recipients with portal vein thrombosis receiving an organ from a high‐risk donor are at an increased risk for graft loss due to hepatic artery thrombosis          下载免费PDF全文
Jonathan G. Stine  Curtis K. Argo  Shawn J. Pelletier  Daniel G. Maluf  Patrick G. Northup 《Transplant international》2016,29(12):1286-1295
We hypothesize that recipients with pretransplant portal vein thrombosis (PVT) receiving organs from high‐risk donors (HRD) are at an increased risk of HAT. Data on all liver transplants in the United States from February 2002 to March 2015 were analyzed. Recipients were sorted into two groups: those with PVT and those without. HRDs were defined by donor risk index (DRI) >1.7. Multivariable logistic regression models were constructed to assess the independent risk factors for HAT with the resultant graft loss ≤90 days from transplantation. A total of 60 404 candidates underwent liver transplantation; of those recipients, 623 (1.0%) had HAT, of which 66.0% (n = 411) received organs from HRDs compared with 49.3% (n = 29 473) in recipients without HAT (P < 0.001); 2250 (3.7%) recipients had pretransplantation PVT and received organs from HRDs. On adjusted multivariable analysis, PVT with a HRD organ was the most significant independent risk factor (OR 3.56, 95% CI 2.52–5.02, P < 0.001) for the development of HAT. Candidates with pretransplant PVT who receive an organ from a HRD are at the highest risk for postoperative HAT independent of other measurable factors. Recipients with pretransplant PVT would benefit from careful donor selection and possibly anticoagulation perioperatively.  相似文献   
33.
Self-inflicted long bone fractures for insurance fraud     
Camarda  Lawrence  D’Arienzo  Antonio  Grassedonio  Emanuele  Zerbo  Stefania  Argo  Antonina  D’Arienzo  Michele 《International journal of legal medicine》2019,133(4):1083-1088
International Journal of Legal Medicine - Self-inflicted fractures simulating traffic accident represent a new social fraud opportunity for criminality. Recognising scams through an increase of...  相似文献   
34.
Physical deconditioning is the common denominator in both obese and overweight subjects with nonalcoholic steatohepatitis          下载免费PDF全文
C. K. Argo  J. G. Stine  Z. H. Henry  C. Lackner  J. T. Patrie  A. L. Weltman  S. H. Caldwell 《Alimentary pharmacology & therapeutics》2018,48(3):290-299
  相似文献   
35.
Reversing Advanced Hepatic Fibrosis in NASH: Clearly Possible,but Widely at Hand?     
Stephen H. Caldwell  Curtis K. Argo 《Digestive diseases and sciences》2015,60(4):810-812
  相似文献   
36.
Sudden death in adolescence caused by cardiac haemangioma     
Stefania Zerbo  Antonina Argo  Emiliano Maresi  Rosa Liotta  Paolo Procaccianti 《Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine》2009,16(3):156-158
Primary tumors of the heart in infants and children are rare. The types of heart tumors in pediatric age groups are generally different from those in adults. Cardiac myxoma is by far the most common tumor in adults, but in infants and adolescents the prevalent tumor of the heart is rhabdomyoma. Among benign cardiac tumors, cardiac hemangiomas are rare and often diagnosed post-mortem due to the lack of specific clinical symptoms and signs.We report a case of sudden death due to cardiac hemangioma in an apparently healthy 15-year-old adolescent. The autopsy revealed a cardiac hemangioma located at the apex of the heart; the histopathological examination showed the tumor was a mixed capillary and arteriolar hemangioma, a very rare type of primary tumor in adolescents.  相似文献   
37.
Response to Di Benedetto: “sorafenib before liver transplantation for hepatocellular carcinoma: risk or give up?”     
Patrick Northup  Aimee Truesdale  Stephen Caldwell  Neeral Shah  Curtis Argo  Abdullah Al‐Osaimi  Timothy Schmitt 《Transplant international》2011,24(11):e98-e99
  相似文献   
38.
Laparoscopic versus open insertion of the peritoneal catheter in ventriculoperitoneal shunt placement: review of 810 consecutive cases     
Naftel RP  Argo JL  Shannon CN  Taylor TH  Tubbs RS  Clements RH  Harrigan MR 《Journal of neurosurgery》2011,115(1):151-158
  相似文献   
39.
Lung function decline in relation to mould and dampness in the home: the longitudinal European Community Respiratory Health Survey ECRHS II     
Norbäck D  Zock JP  Plana E  Heinrich J  Svanes C  Sunyer J  Künzli N  Villani S  Olivieri M  Soon A  Jarvis D 《Thorax》2011,66(5):396-401
  相似文献   
40.
Laparoscopic versus open approach for implantation of the peritoneal catheter during ventriculoperitoneal shunt placement     
Joshua L. Argo  Durgamani K. Yellumahanthi  Naveen Ballem  Mark R. Harrigan  Winfield S. Fisher III  Mary M. Wesley  Tracy H. Taylor  Ronald H. Clements 《Surgical endoscopy》2009,23(7):1449-1455
Background  Ventriculoperitoneal shunt (VPS) is the mainstay of therapy for hydrocephalus. The aim of this study is to compare outcomes of laparoscopic (LVPS) versus open (OVPS) techniques for placement of distal VPS catheters. Methods  All patients undergoing new VPS placement at a tertiary care center between January 2004 and August 2007 were included. Univariate analysis was performed. Wilcoxon rank-sum, chi-square, and Fisher’s exact tests were used to make comparisons between LVPS and OVPS groups. Stepwise backward logistic regression was performed to predict complications requiring operative intervention. A Kaplan–Meier estimate of the survival function was calculated for shunt survival. All data is presented as median and range unless otherwise specified. Results  Five hundred thirty-five consecutive patients underwent 579 VPS (258 LVPS, 321 OVPS). Median age (52.0 years) and American Society of Anesthesiologists (ASA) score (3) were similar in LVPS and OVPS groups. Body mass index (BMI) [27.8 (17.0–64.9) kg/m2 versus 25.9 (12.3–44.4) kg/m2, p = 0.007], previous operations [0.8 ± 0.9 versus 0.6 ± 0.7, p = 0.004 (mean ± standard deviation)], estimated blood loss (EBL) [20 (0–175) ml versus 25 (0–500) ml, p < 0.001], operating room (OR) time [37.5 (17.0–152.0) min versus 52.0 (20.0–197.0) min, p < 0.001], and length of stay (LOS) [11 (1–77) days versus 14 (1–225) days, p = 0.016] were statistically different between the LVPS and OVPS groups, respectively. LVPS abdominal complication rate of 5.8% and OVPS rate of 6.9% were similar (p = 0.611). Previous abdominal operation [odds ratio (OR) 1.673, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.100–2.543, p = 0.016] and previous VPS (OR 1.929, 95% CI 1.147–3.243, = 0.016) were significant predictors of complications requiring operative intervention. Kaplan–Meier analysis demonstrated no difference in survival between LVPS and OVPS groups (p = 0.538), with overall shunt survival of 86.4% at 6 months and 83.0% at 1 year. Conclusions  LVPS is associated with decreased OR time, less blood loss, and shorter LOS with no difference in complication rate when compared OVPS. The laparoscopic approach for VPS is a safe, effective, and readily reproducible alternative to the traditional open approach.  相似文献   
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