Sniff nasal inspiratory pressure: what is the optimal number of sniffs?

Sniff nasal inspiratory pressure (SNIP) measurement is a volitional noninvasive assessment of inspiratory muscle strength. A maximum of 10 sniffs is generally used. The purpose of the present study was to investigate whether the maximum SNIP improved after the tenth sniff. In total, 20 healthy volunteers and 305 patients with various neuromuscular and lung diseases were encouraged to perform 40 and 20 sniffs, respectively. The best SNIP among the first 10 sniffs was lower than the best SNIP among the next 10 sniffs in the healthy volunteers and patients. The SNIP improvement after the twentieth sniff was marginal. In conclusion, a learning effect persists after the tenth sniff. The current authors suggest using 10 additional sniffs when the best result of the first 10 sniffs is slightly below normal, or when sniff nasal inspiratory pressure is used to monitor a progressive decline in inspiratory muscle strength.     

The expression of emotion through nonverbal behavior in medical visits

Relationship-centered care reflects both knowing and feeling: the knowledge that physician and patient bring from their respective domains of expertise, and the physician’s and patient’s experience, expression, and perception of emotions during the medical encounter. These processes are conveyed and reciprocated in the care process through verbal and nonverbal communication. We suggest that the emotional context of care is especially related to nonverbal communication and that emotion-related communication skills, including sending and receiving nonverbal messages and emotional self-awareness, are critical elements of high-quality care. Although nonverbal behavior has received far less study than other care processes, the current review argues that it holds significance for the therapeutic relationship and influences important outcomes including satisfaction, adherence, and clinical outcomes of care.     

The concept of culture: A core issue in health disparities

Contemporary discourse contains numerous examples of use of the concept of culture by social and behavioral scientists. Simple reification, where the speaker makes culture into a thing capable of action exemplifies one usage in public discourse. Some quantitative social scientists attempt to characterize people’s cultural identities by means of a single categorical variable, which often “lumps” people into categories such as “Hispanic” or “Black” that in fact have numerous culturally bounded subcategories. Approaches that emphasize cultural process are preferable to those who attempt to categorize; more complex measures of acculturation help investigators to make convincing analyses of circumstances in which health disparities occur. Examples in which investigators make appropriate use of cultural characterizations demonstrate their utility in investigating health disparities in Haitian American women, injecting and noninjecting drug users, Hispanic youth, and adult Hispanics at risk of HIV infection. Focus on culture in the study of health disparities can identify entanglements between structural factors such as poverty and lack of education and cultural factors such as beliefs about health. Qualitative methods coupled with quantitative methods have great potential to improve investigators’ grasp of cultural nuance while capturing the distribution of qualitatively derived behaviors.