Neurophysiology of Hungarian subject–verb dependencies with varying intervening complexity

Non-adjacent dependencies are thought to be more costly to process than sentences wherein dependents immediately follow or precede what they depend on. In English locality effects have been revealed, while in languages with rich case marking (German and Hindi) sentence final structures show anti-locality-effects. The motivation of the current study is to test whether locality effects can be directly applied to a typologically different language than those investigated so far. Hungarian is a “topic prominent” language; it permits a variation of possible word sequencing for semantic reasons, including SVO word order. Hungarian also has a rich morphological system (e.g., rich case system) and postpositions to indicate grammatical functions. In the present ERP study, Hungarian subject–verb dependencies were compared by manipulating the mismatch of number agreement between the sentence's initial noun phrase and the sentence's final intransitive verb as well as the complexity of the intervening sentence material, interrupting the dependencies. Possible lexical class and frequency or cloze-probability effects for the first two words of the intervening sentence material were revealed when used separate baseline for each word, while at the third word of the intervening material as well as at the main verb ERPs were not modulated by complexity but at the verb ERPs were enhanced by grammaticality. Ungrammatical sentences enlarged the amplitude of both LAN and P600 components at the main verb. These results are in line with studies suggesting that the retrieval of the first element of a dependency is not influenced by distance from the second element, as the first element is directly accessible when needed for integration (e.g., McElree, 2000).     

Sentence verification and event-related brain potentials

The purpose of this study was to examine whether the decision process affected scalp recorded event-related brain potentials (ERPs). ERPs were recorded while 10 subjects evaluated the veracity of four types of Japanese sentences; true-affirmative (TA), true-negative (TN), false-affirmative (FA), and false-negative (FN). Each sentence was presented visually, one word at a time in the following order: Subject (S); object (O); and verb (V). This order of words, which is normal in Japanese grammar, allowed the ERP waveforms associated with semantic mismatch between the S and O occurring in the middle of the sentence to be separated from those elicited by the decision concerning the sentence's truth or falsity occurring at the end of the sentence. Semantic mismatch was associated with a negative component (N310) following the O-word. In addition, P3s were elicited by sentence final words. Affirmative sentences elicited larger P3s than did negative sentences, and true sentences elicited earlier P3s than did false sentences. P3s were smaller in amplitude when they followed a mismatch between the S and O words. The result suggested that by using Japanese sentences, it may be possible to examine sentence-level rather than word-level processes.     

Syntactic expectancy: an event-related potentials study

Although extensive work has been conducted in order to study expectancies about semantic information, little effort has been dedicated to the study of the influence of expectancies in the processing of forthcoming syntactic information. The present study tries to examine the issue by presenting participants with grammatically correct sentences of two types. In the first type the critical word of the sentence belonged to the most expected word category type on the basis of the previous context (an article following a verb). In the second sentence type, the critical word was an unexpected but correct word category (an article following an adjective) when a verb is highly expected. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were measured to critical words in both sentence types. Brain waves evoked by the correct but syntactically unexpected word revealed the presence of a negativity with a central distribution around 300-500 ms after stimuli onset, an N400, that was absent in the case of syntactically expected words. No differences were present in previous time windows. These results support models that differentiate between the processing of expected and unexpected syntactic structures.     

Revisiting the incremental effects of context on word processing: Evidence from single‐word event‐related brain potentials

The amplitude of the N400—an event‐related potential (ERP) component linked to meaning processing and initial access to semantic memory—is inversely related to the incremental buildup of semantic context over the course of a sentence. We revisited the nature and scope of this incremental context effect, adopting a word‐level linear mixed‐effects modeling approach, with the goal of probing the continuous and incremental effects of semantic and syntactic context on multiple aspects of lexical processing during sentence comprehension (i.e., effects of word frequency and orthographic neighborhood). First, we replicated the classic word‐position effect at the single‐word level: Open‐class words showed reductions in N400 amplitude with increasing word position in semantically congruent sentences only. Importantly, we found that accruing sentence context had separable influences on the effects of frequency and neighborhood on the N400. Word frequency effects were reduced with accumulating semantic context. However, orthographic neighborhood was unaffected by accumulating context, showing robust effects on the N400 across all words, even within congruent sentences. Additionally, we found that N400 amplitudes to closed‐class words were reduced with incrementally constraining syntactic context in sentences that provided only syntactic constraints. Taken together, our findings indicate that modeling word‐level variability in ERPs reveals mechanisms by which different sources of information simultaneously contribute to the unfolding neural dynamics of comprehension.     

Parafoveal N400 effect during sentence reading

Research has suggested that during reading, parafoveal information pertaining to the next word in a line might be, at least partially, processed. We used event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to examine this issue. Volunteers read sentences presented word-by-word at fixation with each word flanked bilaterally on its right by the next word in the sentence and on its left by the preceding word. Infrequently, the right flanker was replaced by a word that was semantically incongruous with the ongoing sentence context. N400 amplitudes to the critical triads were smaller when the right flanker was contextually congruent than incongruent, indicating that parafoveal information was extracted and quickly and incrementally integrated within the evolving sentence representation.     

Syntactic anomaly elicits a lexico-semantic (N400) ERP effect in the second language but not the first

Recent brain potential research into first versus second language (L1 vs. L2) processing revealed striking responses to morphosyntactic features absent in the mother tongue. The aim of the present study was to establish whether the presence of comparable morphosyntactic features in L1 leads to more similar electrophysiological L1 and L2 profiles. ERPs were acquired while German–English bilinguals and native speakers of English read sentences. Some sentences were meaningful and well formed, whereas others contained morphosyntactic or semantic violations in the final word. In addition to the expected P600 component, morphosyntactic violations in L2 but not L1 led to an enhanced N400. This effect may suggest either that resolution of morphosyntactic anomalies in L2 relies on the lexico-semantic system or that the weaker/slower morphological mechanisms in L2 lead to greater sentence wrap-up difficulties known to result in N400 enhancement.     

Electrophysiological insights into language processing in schizophrenia

Deficits in language comprehension in schizophrenia were examined using event-related potentials (ERPs). Schizophrenic and healthy participants read sentences in which the first clause ended with a homograph, and the second clause started with a target word that was semantically related to the homograph's dominant meaning (e.g., 1. Diving was forbidden from the bridge because the river had rocks in it. or 2. The guests played bridge because the river had rocks in it.). Processing of the targets (e.g., "river") was expected to be primarily influenced by the preceding overall sentence context (congruent in 1; incongruent in 2) in healthy participants, but to be inappropriately affected by the dominant meaning of homographs (e.g., the "structure" meaning of "bridge") in sentences like 2 in schizophrenic patients. The N400 ERP component that is known to be sensitive to contextual effects during language processing confirmed these predictions. This showed that language abnormalities in schizophrenia may be related to deficient processing of context-irrelevant semantic representations of words from the discourse.     

Comprehending how visual context influences incremental sentence processing: Insights from ERPs and picture‐sentence verification

To re‐establish picture‐sentence verification—discredited possibly for its over‐reliance on post‐sentence response time (RT) measures—as a task for situated comprehension, we collected event‐related brain potentials (ERPs) as participants read a subject‐verb‐object sentence, and RTs indicating whether or not the verb matched a previously depicted action. For mismatches (vs. matches), speeded RTs were longer, verb N400s over centro‐parietal scalp larger, and ERPs to the object noun more negative. RTs (congruence effect) correlated inversely with the centro‐parietal verb N400s, and positively with the object ERP congruence effects. Verb N400s, object ERPs, and verbal working memory scores predicted more variance in RT effects (50%) than N400s alone. Thus, (1) verification processing is not all post‐sentence; (2) simple priming cannot account for these results; and (3) verification tasks can inform studies of situated comprehension.     

Localization of Broca's area using verb generation tasks in the MEG: Validation against fMRI

Functional MRI (fMRI) is routinely used to non-invasively localize language areas. Magnetoencephalography (MEG) is being explored as an alternative technique. MEG tasks to localize receptive language are well established although there are no standardized tasks to localize expressive language areas. We developed two expressive language tasks for MEG and validated their localizations against fMRI data. Ten right-handed adolescents (μ = 17.5 years) were tested with fMRI and MEG on two tasks: verb generation to pictures and verb generation to words. MEG and fMRI data were normalized and overlaid. The number of overlapping voxels activated in fMRI and MEG were counted for each subject, for each task, at different thresholding levels. For picture verb generation, there was 100% concordance between MEG and fMRI lateralization, and for word verb generation, there was 75% concordance. A count showed 79.6% overlap of voxels activated by both MEG and fMRI for picture verb generation and 50.2% overlap for word verb generation. The percentage overlap decreased with increasingly stringent activation thresholds. Our novel MEG expressive language tasks successfully identified neural regions involved in language production and showed high concordance with fMRI laterality. Percentage overlap of activated voxels was also high when validated against fMRI, but showed task-specific and threshold-related effects. The high concordance and high percentage overlap between fMRI and MEG activations confirm the validity of our new MEG task. Furthermore, the higher concordance from the picture verb generation task suggests that this is a promising task for use in the young clinical population.     

Language, memory, and aging: An electrophysiological exploration of the N400 during reading of memory-demanding sentences

Twenty-four young and 24 middle-aged academics carried out a language recognition task in which sentences were presented that made either a high or a low demand on working memory (WM). The sentences ended either normally (i.e., congruent) or with an incongruous word. Middle-aged subjects had smaller WM scores, a marginally slowed down recognition performance, and a smaller and delayed N400 component. The event-related potential (ERP) difference between congruent and incongruent endings was smaller in the high-load condition for younger subjects and totally disappeared for the middle-aged subjects. ERPs for all subjects showed a WM-related positivity in the middle of the sentence and a WM-related negativity at the sentence ending. These shifts could be associated with either storage and retrieval processes or with clause wrap-up processes. Most ERP-effects were dependent on WM capacity. Age differences in sentence processing are not simply explained by age itself but depend to a large extent on individual memory capacity.     

Words and sentences: Event-related brain potential measures

Interactions between sentences and the individual words that comprise them are reviewed in studies using the event-related brain potential (ERP). Results suggest that, for ambiguous words preceded by a biasing sentence context, context is used at an early stage to constrain the relevant sense of a word rather than select among multiple active senses. A study comparing associative single-word context and sentence-level context also suggests that sentence context influences the earliest stage of semantic analysis, but that the ability to use sentence context effectively is more demanding of working memory than the ability to use single-word contexts. Another indication that sentence context has a dramatic effect on single-word processing was the observation that high- and low-frequency words elicit different ERPs at the beginnings of sentences but that this effect is suppressed by a meaningful sentence context.     

Brain Potentials Related to Stages of Sentence Verification

Subjects were shown the terms of simple sentences in sequence (e.g., “A sparrow / is not / a vehicle”) and manually indicated whether the sentence was true or false. When the sentence form was affirmative (i.e., “X is a Y”), false sentences produced scalp potentials that were significantly more negative than those for true sentences, in the region of about 250 to 450 msec following presentation of the sentence object. In contrast, when the sentence form was negative (i.e., “X is not a Y”), it was the true statements that were associated with the ERP negativity. Since both the false-affirmative and the true-negative sentences consist of “mismatched” subject and object terms (e.g., sparrow / vehicle), it was concluded that the negativity in the potentials reflected a semantic mismatch between terms at a preliminary stage of sentence comprehension, rather than the falseness of the sentence taken as a whole. Similarities between the present effects of semantic mismatches and the N400 associated with incongruous sentences (Kutas & Hillyard, 1980) are discussed. The pattern of response latencies and of ERPs taken together supported a model of sentence comprehension in which negatives are dealt with only after the proposition to be negated is understood.     

An investigation of concurrent ERP and self-paced reading methodologies

Traditionally, event-related brain potential (ERP) studies of language processing have presented words at a fixed rate using rapid serial visual presentation. Recent studies suggest, however, that the processes engaged during sentence comprehension are contingent on word presentation rate. These findings underscore the importance of allowing participants to read at a natural pace. The present study employed simultaneous self-paced reading and ERP methodologies to examine behavioral and neural responses while participants read sentences containing pragmatic or morphosyntactic violations or no violations. ERP and self-paced reading results replicated previous findings. This novel combination of behavioral and ERP methodologies combines the high temporal resolution and direct neural measures offered by ERPs with the more natural reading environment and information about processing load provided by self-paced reading.     

Hemispheric laterality in contextual recognition

Hemispheric dominance in contextual recognition is now under discussion. Auditory event-related potentials (ERPs) with a contextual decision task were recorded to study hemispheric dominance by using the wave energy and amplitudes of N400 for eight native volunteers. Two types of 80 sentences with four clauses were used as the structure: [subject] + [object or complement] + [object] + [two-syllable verb]. One type was congruent and the other deviated at the terminal clause as an incongruent sentence. Twenty-one channel ERPs were triggered at the verbs and recorded during -200 and 1,000 ms, with a noncephalic reference from 0.05 to 30 Hz. The wave energy was calculated as mean square potentials and was normalized with the background activity (pretrigger 200 ms). The amplitudes of N400 showed significant differences between the incongruent and congruent sentences, but the hemispheric dominance for the amplitudes of N400 was not significant between the incongruent and congruent sentences. Reaction times with the index finger to respond to the deviated verbs were 470.0 (mean) +/- 42.5 (SD) ms. The maximum normalized wave energy within the mean reaction time showed significant differences between the incongruent and congruent sentences, and the left hemispheric energy was shown to be significantly higher than the right one.     

An electrophysiological analysis of animacy effects in the processing of object relative sentences.

Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were used to investigate how and when a semantic factor (animacy) affects the early analysis of a difficult syntactic structure, namely, object relative sentences. We contrasted electrophysiological and behavioral responses to two object relative types that were syntactically and lexically identical and varied only in the order of the component animate and inanimate nouns [Inanimate (Animate) vs. Animate (Inanimate)]. ERPs were recorded from 40 subjects to each word of 30 I(A) and 30 A(I) sentences that occurred randomly among a set of various other sentence types read for comprehension. ERP effects to the early noun animacy manipulation were observed beginning with the initial noun and extending past the main clause verbs. We interpret the timing and multitude of electrophysiological effects, including the N400, P600, and left-anterior negativity, as evidence that both semantic and syntactic, and perhaps other types of information, are used early during structural analysis and message-level computations as needed for comprehension.     

Modulation of event-related brain potentials by word repetition: Effects of local context

In four experiments, event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were evoked by visually presented word pairs in a task requiring responses to occasional target pairs. In Experiments 1 and 2, some pairs comprised items that had been presented previously. These repeated pairs consisted of words that had been paired together when first presented (same context condition) or words that had first been presented on consecutive trials (different context condition). ERP repetition effects were equivalent in the two conditions. In Experiment 3, same-context repeats were contrasted with a condition in which a repeated word was paired with a new word. Only the same-context pairs evoked a repetition effect. Experiment 4 showed that repetition effects to different- and same-context repeats remained equivalent when first presentations of the members of different-context pairs were separated by six intervening trials. We conclude that the ERP repetition effect shows little sensitivity to local context.     

Agrammatism as a variable phenomenon

Abstract

With a group of 11 Dutch agrammatic speakers, the studies on production and comprehension of word order by Saffran et al. (1980) and Schwartz et al. (1980) were replicated. We found a pattern of errors that was qualitatively the same as observed by these authors. However, the absolute number of errors was much lower: as a group our agrammatics performed highly above chance. In a second study, we asked seven patients to order various types of sentences in which the position of the verb varied. Again the level of performance was highly above chance. There was no effect of sentence type with respect to verb position (VSO or SOV). Another effect of sentence type, however, was apparent. If the position of the verb could be determined by processing a cue that was within the clause to be ordered, the sentences elicited few errors. Sentences with out-of-clause cues were much more difficult. It seems that there is variability, both between patients and between sentences. A series of possible accounts of this variability is discussed. It is concluded that only some accounts are adequate, in particular those that assume the involvement of memory limitation due to restrictions in space or time. However, even these accounts cannot explain telegraphic speech. Therefore, to supplement them, a new theory of Broca's aphasia is proposed.     

Focusing on the N400: an exploration of selective attention during reading

In a series of two experiments, subjects read sentences wherein words were flanked in the lower visual field by irrelevant words (i.e., flankers). The visual angle between the words in the sentence and the flanker words was manipulated (i.e., 0.57 degrees, 0.97 degrees, 1.37 degrees). Sentence endings were either congruent or incongruent; incongruent endings elicited a large N400 component. Flanker effects were observed for sentence final words on electrophysiological measures during the reading task and on subsequent recognition memory performance for sentence final and new words. For both measures, the flanker effect interacted with the congruency of the sentence ending as well as the visual angle between the sentence final word and its flanker. The largest and earliest flanker effects were observed for congruent endings at the smallest visual angle (0.57 degrees); congruent endings and flankers in intermediate visual angle (0.97 degrees) conditions displayed a similar flanker-related negativity but with a longer onset latency (490 vs. 280 ms). Congruent endings and their flankers in the largest visual angle (1.57 degrees) conditions revealed no flanker effect.     

Comprehension of reversible sentences in aphasia: the effects of verb meaning

Abstract

Comprehension of semantically reversible active and passive voice sentences was tested in a timed sentence/picture verification task. Three sets of six verbs were identified that incorporated different features of meaning relevant to the assignment of nouns to the thematic role of agent. Normal control subjects showed an effect of verb set on their response times, with significant effects between sets in the predicted direction. A group of aphasic patients without sentence comprehension disorder also showed a significant effect of verb set despite long and variable response times. A group of patients with reversible comprehension disorder in screening tasks showed weaker effects, primarily because of the use of consistent response biases that ignored the sentence verb. An experimental treatment of active/passive comprehension was conducted with two of these latter patients; one patient reached ceiling in post-testing, and the other showed significant improvement but demonstrated residual comprehension problems that indicated differences across verb sets. Results support the critical importance of verb meaning to normal and aphasic sentence comprehension.     

Comprehension of reversible sentences in aphasia: the effects of verb meaning

Comprehension of semantically reversible active and passive voice sentences was tested in a timed sentence/picture verification task. Three sets of six verbs were identified that incorporated different features of meaning relevant to the assignment of nouns to the thematic role of agent. Normal control subjects showed an effect of verb set on their response times, with significant effects between sets in the predicted direction. A group of aphasic patients without sentence comprehension disorder also showed a significant effect of verb set despite long and variable response times. A group of patients with reversible comprehension disorder in screening tasks showed weaker effects, primarily because of the use of consistent response biases that ignored the sentence verb. An experimental treatment of active/passive comprehension was conducted with two of these latter patients; one patient reached ceiling in post-testing, and the other showed significant improvement but demonstrated residual comprehension problems that indicated differences across verb sets. Results support the critical importance of verb meaning to normal and aphasic sentence comprehension.