Health status, neighborhood socioeconomic context, and premature mortality in the United States: The National Institutes of Health-AARP Diet and Health Study

Objectives. We examined whether the risk of premature mortality associated with living in socioeconomically deprived neighborhoods varies according to the health status of individuals.Methods. Community-dwelling adults (n = 566 402; age = 50–71 years) in 6 US states and 2 metropolitan areas participated in the ongoing prospective National Institutes of Health–AARP Diet and Health Study, which began in 1995. We used baseline data for 565 679 participants on health behaviors, self-rated health status, and medical history, collected by mailed questionnaires. Participants were linked to 2000 census data for an index of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. The main outcome was all-cause mortality ascertained through 2006.Results. In adjusted survival analyses of persons in good-to-excellent health at baseline, risk of mortality increased with increasing levels of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. Neighborhood socioeconomic mortality disparities among persons in fair-to-poor health were not statistically significant after adjustment for demographic characteristics, educational achievement, lifestyle, and medical conditions.Conclusions. Neighborhood socioeconomic inequalities lead to large disparities in risk of premature mortality among healthy US adults but not among those in poor health.Research dating back to at least the 1920s has shown that the United States has experienced persistent and widening socioeconomic disparities in premature mortality over time.^1–5 However, it has been unclear whether socioeconomic inequalities affect the longevity of persons in good and poor health equally. Socioeconomic status (SES) and health status are interrelated,^6–8 and both are strong independent predictors of mortality.⁹ Low SES is associated with greater risk of ill health and premature death,^{1–5,8,10–13} partly attributable to disproportionately high prevalence of unhealthful lifestyle practices^10,14,15 and physical and mental health conditions.^13,16 Correspondingly, risk of premature mortality is higher in poor than in more affluent areas.^16,17 Although the association between neighborhood poverty and mortality is independent of individual-level SES,^17,18 aggregation of low-SES populations in poor areas may contribute to variations in health outcomes across neighborhoods. Conversely, economic hardships resulting from ill health may lead persons in poor physical or mental health to move to poor neighborhoods.¹⁹ This interrelatedness may create spurious associations between neighborhood poverty and mortality.Although previous studies have found that the risk of premature death associated with poor health status varies according to individuals'' SES,^20,21 no published studies have examined whether the relative risks for premature mortality associated with living in neighborhoods with higher levels of socioeconomic deprivation vary by health status of individuals. Clarifying these relationships will inform social and public health policies and programs that aim to mitigate the health consequences of neighborhood poverty.^22,23We used data from a large prospective study to examine whether the risk of premature mortality associated with neighborhood socioeconomic context differs according to health status at baseline and remains after adjustment for person-level risk factors for mortality, such as SES, lifestyle practices, and chronic medical illnesses.     

Individual and area-based indicators of acculturation and the metabolic syndrome among low-income Mexican American women living in a border region

Objectives. We sought to examine the relationships between individual and area-based indicators of acculturation and metabolic syndrome (MetS) risk among a sample of Mexican American women living in the California–Baja California border region.Methods. We examined data collected between October 2003 and December 2004 from 141 women (mean age = 47.07 years) who completed physical and psychosocial assessments. We reviewed medical records for laboratory values.Results. Individual-level US acculturation was associated with a greater consumption of fruits, vegetables, and fiber; increased odds of engaging in health-enhancing levels of physical activity; and decreased odds of meeting the clinical criteria for MetS. Moreover, beyond the influence of individual-level factors, US neighborhood acculturation was associated with less fat intake.Conclusions. These findings provide preliminary evidence for a relationship between acculturation and the development of MetS in this population. Such information may assist efforts aimed at understanding and eliminating ethnic disparities in MetS risk and related health conditions.Metabolic syndrome (MetS) is a clustering of metabolic abnormalities that places individuals at an increased risk of developing cardiovascular disease (CVD), type 2 diabetes, and related complications.¹ Although it has been variously defined,² MetS generally refers to the presence of 3 or more of the following risk factors: central adiposity (large waist circumference), hypertriglyceridemia, reduced high-density lipoprotein cholesterol, elevated resting blood pressure, and hyperglycemia.³Mexican Americans, and, particularly, Mexican American women,^4,5 are at high risk for the development of MetS, with prevalence estimates of 51% to 54% in middle-aged Mexican American women, compared with 33% to 37% in non-Latino White women.⁶ Obesity (particularly abdominal obesity) and insulin resistance are believed to be the primary physiological mechanisms underlying the development of MetS.^7–9 Notably, behavioral factors could also help explain the high rates of MetS observed among Mexican American women,¹⁰ given the central importance of an imbalance of nutrient intake and energy expenditure in understanding these interrelated states.^8,11 Thus, research that examines factors predicting diet, exercise, and obesity among Mexican American women may be helpful in understanding their vulnerability to MetS and other related chronic diseases.Attempts to understand the mechanisms that drive ethnic-specific vulnerabilities in MetS should consider cultural factors, which can shape health through a myriad of pathways.^12–14 Unfortunately, studying cultural effects on health is complex because of its multifaceted nature, which makes it difficult to adequately define or measure culture.¹⁵ This challenge is further compounded in regions of the United States near the border with Mexico, where Mexican cultural influences remain pervasive.A common approach to assessing the health effects of culture is to examine the related construct of “acculturation.” Although variously defined, acculturation generally refers to changes in the behaviors and cultural values of an individual or group as a result of contact with another culture.¹⁶ Although acculturation to the United States has repeatedly been associated with health outcomes in this population, research findings are often conflicting.¹⁷ For example, several studies have found an association between US acculturation and poor nutritional choices.^18–20 However, other studies have reported mixed, beneficial, or no association between acculturation and diet.^21–23 Similarly conflicting patterns can be found in research exploring the association between US acculturation and physical activity levels,^24,25 as well as obesity.^26–28 Thus, these mixed findings, as well as the paucity of research that has directly examined the association between acculturation and MetS, prohibit clear conclusions.Finally, to date, most research has focused on individual acculturation indicators and their effects on health. However, extensive literature indicates that community or contextual factors (e.g., accessibility to sidewalks, heart-healthy foods, and recreational facilities) are associated with health outcomes in minority populations beyond the impact of individual influences.^29,30 Few studies have explored the association between area-based proxies of acculturation and health. Although the limited research available suggests that heart-healthy resources are more accessible in neighborhoods with higher concentrations of non-Latino Whites,³¹ for Mexican Americans, ethnic enclaves could foster social and community integration, which may improve their resiliency to disease.^29,32,33 Hence, a consideration of contextual factors may provide a more complete picture of the relationship between acculturation and health outcomes, including the MetS.We examined the relationships between individual and area-based indicators of acculturation and the prevalence of MetS and related behavioral factors in low-income Mexican American women living in a border community. To our knowledge, this is the first study to examine the association between MetS prevalence and acculturation in Mexican Americans. In addition, we addressed some of the limitations that have been noted in relation to previous studies on acculturation and health.^15,17 Specifically, we included multiple indicators of acculturation, focused on a specific high-risk Latino subgroup, controlled for differences in socioeconomic status (SES), and accounted for the influence of contextual factors on MetS risk and prevalence.     

Association Between Socioeconomic Status and the Development of Asthma: Analyses of Income Trajectories

Objectives. Using data on 2868 children born in the Western Australian Pregnancy Cohort (Raine) Study, we examined the association between changes in family socioeconomic status and childhood asthma.Methods. We determined the likelihood (odds ratio) of a child having asthma at ages 6 and 14 years for 4 family-income trajectories (chronic low, increasing, decreasing, and never low) over the child''s lifetime. The trajectories were created from longitudinal latent-class models.Results. We found a 2-fold increased risk of asthma at age 14 years among children who had lived in a low-income family since birth, especially for girls. Asthma was less likely to occur in children born to single parents; income rose over time in many of these families. Compared with children in chronic low-income families, children in households with increasing incomes had a 60% lower risk of asthma. Single-point measures of low income were not found to be associated with asthma.Conclusions. Chronic exposure to a low-income environment from birth was associated with the development of persistent asthma. There was also a protective effect against asthma among those children whose families had moved out of poverty.Asthma disproportionately burdens children living in economically disadvantaged urban communities. Some of this disparity can be attributed to the observation that once asthma is established, lower utilization of prophylactic medications and higher rates of hospitalization are more common among low-income children than among high-income children.^1,2 Evidence for the link between socioeconomic status (SES) and the development of asthma is less strong—and is, in fact, contradictory.^1,3 Many studies report asthma to be more prevalent among low-SES children, even in countries with universal health care insurance.^4–7 However, no association with SES was reported in 1 study,⁸ and another study documented lower rates of asthma among low-SES children.⁹ The latter finding is congruent with the lower prevalence of atopic disease in developing countries¹⁰ and with the “hygiene” hypothesis, which proposes that exposure to infections and endotoxin is protective against atopic asthma.¹¹ Low-income children have higher infection rates, although endotoxin levels are not always elevated in low-income households.¹²Despite this level of uncertainty, it is common for household SES to be treated as a confounding factor and to be used to statistically adjust models testing the association between early life exposures and the development of childhood asthma. As low-income mothers are more likely to smoke and less likely to breastfeed,^13,14 SES acts as a proxy measure for these exposures in the absence of available data. However, there is a lack of recognition that contradictory findings on the association of SES with childhood asthma may be a function of the validity of the SES measure. Low-income variables are fraught with measurement error, and there may be considerable fluctuation in household income over the course of a child''s life from birth to adolescence.¹⁵ Measures of cumulative income, such as the frequency of low-income episodes over time, have shown stronger associations with poor health than have single-point measures.¹⁶ Other SES trajectories, such as downward or upward social mobility, have been reported to increase and decrease risk of cardiovascular disease, respectively.¹⁷ Fluctuations in family income also affect family functioning and maternal mental health.¹⁸The effects of chronic poverty on child functioning and health have long been recognized.^19,20 However, few studies have evaluated childhood asthma in relation to cumulative household income or income trajectories from the time of birth.²¹ Low-income households and neighborhoods are characterized by high levels of chronic stress,^1,22 but no longitudinal studies have investigated the relationship between chronic poverty, chronic stress, and asthma development. To fill this gap in the literature, we studied the relationship between family SES trajectories starting from birth of the child and asthma development in early school age and adolescence. We used maximum-likelihood longitudinal latent-class modeling techniques to identify SES trajectories over time.^15,23     

Impact of individual-, environmental-, and policy-level factors on health care utilization among US farmworkers

Objectives. We examined individual-, environmental-, and policy-level correlates of US farmworker health care utilization, guided by the behavioral model for vulnerable populations and the ecological model.Methods. The 2006 and 2007 administrations of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (n = 2884) provided the primary data. Geographic information systems, the 2005 Uniform Data System, and rurality and border proximity indices provided environmental variables. To identify factors associated with health care use, we performed logistic regression using weighted hierarchical linear modeling.Results. Approximately half (55.3%) of farmworkers utilized US health care in the previous 2 years. Several factors were independently associated with use at the individual level (gender, immigration and migrant status, English proficiency, transportation access, health status, and non-US health care utilization), the environmental level (proximity to US–Mexico border), and the policy level (insurance status and workplace payment structure). County Federally Qualified Health Center resources were not independently associated.Conclusions. We identified farmworkers at greatest risk for poor access. We made recommendations for change to farmworker health care access at all 3 levels of influence, emphasizing Federally Qualified Health Center service delivery.US farmworkers face significant disease burden¹ and excessive mortality rates for some diseases (e.g., certain cancers and tuberculosis) and injuries.² Disparities in health outcomes likely stem from occupational exposures and socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities. US farmworkers are typically Hispanic with limited education, income, and English proficiency.³ Approximately half are unauthorized to work in the United States.³ Despite marked disease burden, health care utilization appears to be low.^1,4–9 For example, only approximately half of California farmworkers received medical care in the previous year.⁶ This rate parallels that of health care utilization for US Hispanics, of whom approximately half made an ambulatory care visit in the previous year, compared with 75.7% of non-Hispanic Whites.¹⁰ Disparities in dental care have a comparable pattern.^6,8,11,12 However, utilization of preventive health services is lower for farmworkers^5,7,13,14 than it is for both US Hispanics and non-Hispanic Whites.^15,16Farmworkers face numerous barriers to health care^1,4,17: lack of insurance and knowledge of how to use or obtain it,^6,18 cost,^{5,6,12,13,18–20} lack of transportation,^{6,12,13,19–21} not knowing how to access care,^6,18,20,21 few services in the area or limited hours,^12,20,21 difficulty leaving work,¹⁹ lack of time,^5,13,19 language differences,^6,8,18–20 and fear of the medical system,¹³ losing employment,⁶ and immigration officials.²¹ Few studies have examined correlates of health care use among farmworkers. Those that have are outdated or limited in representativeness.^5,7,14,22,23 Thus, we systematically examined correlates of US health care use in a nationally representative sample of farmworkers, using recently collected data. The sampling strategy and application of postsampling weights enhance generalizability. We selected correlates on the basis of previous literature and the behavioral model for vulnerable populations.²⁴ The behavioral model posits that predisposing, enabling, and need characteristics influence health care use.²⁵ The ecological model, which specifies several levels of influence on behavior (e.g., policy, environmental, intrapersonal),²⁶ provided the overall theoretical framework. To our knowledge, we are the first to extensively examine multilevel correlates of farmworker health care use. We sought to identify farmworkers at greatest risk for low health care use and to suggest areas for intervention at all 3 levels of influence so that farmworker service provision can be improved.     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

Lifetime Segmented Assimilation Trajectories and Health Outcomes in Latino and Other Community Residents

Objectives. Under an ecodevelopmental framework, we examined lifetime segmented assimilation trajectories (diverging assimilation pathways influenced by prior life conditions) and related them to quality-of-life indicators in a diverse sample of 258 men in the Pheonix, AZ, metropolitan area.Methods. We used a growth mixture model analysis of lifetime changes in socioeconomic status, and used acculturation to identify distinct lifetime segmented assimilation trajectory groups, which we compared on life satisfaction, exercise, and dietary behaviors. We hypothesized that lifetime assimilation change toward mainstream American culture (upward assimilation) would be associated with favorable health outcomes, and downward assimilation change with unfavorable health outcomes.Results. A growth mixture model latent class analysis identified 4 distinct assimilation trajectory groups. In partial support of the study hypotheses, the extreme upward assimilation trajectory group (the most successful of the assimilation pathways) exhibited the highest life satisfaction and the lowest frequency of unhealthy food consumption.Conclusions. Upward segmented assimilation is associated in adulthood with certain positive health outcomes. This may be the first study to model upward and downward lifetime segmented assimilation trajectories, and to associate these with life satisfaction, exercise, and dietary behaviors.“Acculturation” refers to a process of cultural change and adaptation that occurs across time.^1–3 Despite this dynamic conception, most acculturation studies have examined acculturation at a single point in time, inferring health-related outcomes from cross-sectional comparisons across levels of acculturation.⁴ Unfortunately, this static approach does not examine temporal changes in the process of acculturation.Segmented assimilation has been defined as “diverse patterns of adaptation whereby immigrant groups differentially adopt the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of divergent cultural groups in the United States.”^3,5(p1344) More specifically, segmented assimilation is a process of cultural and economic integration into a “mainstream” society. Individuals and groups thus will differ in how effectively they succeed in their cultural and economic integration, as indicated by different assimilation trajectories (i.e., segmented assimilation).⁵Segmented assimilation theory⁷ has identified 3 basic outcomes in this process of social integration: (1) acculturation change toward mainstream White American culture coupled with upward socioeconomic mobility (upward assimilation); (2) acculturation change and downward socioeconomic mobility into an underclass (downward assimilation); and (3) resistance to acculturation and to assimilation into the mainstream society (resistance to forced assimilation).⁸ Downward assimilation is predicted for groups that have low social or human capital.^9–12 Within the United States, segmented assimilation has typically been examined for Latino populations, and recently it has been examined with Asian Americans.¹³Differing assimilation trajectories may be associated with variations in quality of life, as indicated by differing disease risks and health-related outcomes.^14–16 Among Latinos, acculturation toward mainstream American society has been associated with higher rates of alcohol, tobacco, and illegal drug use,^17–20 and with higher prevalence rates of psychiatric disorders.^21,22 By contrast, among Latinos, greater acculturation has also been associated with enhanced quality of life, including better employment, and access to health insurance and health care.¹⁷     

Intergenerational relationships between the smoking patterns of a population-representative sample of US mothers and the smoking trajectories of their children

Objectives. We assessed intergenerational transmission of smoking in mother-child dyads.Methods. We identified classes of youth smoking trajectories using mixture latent trajectory analyses with data from the Children and Young Adults of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (n = 6349). We regressed class membership on prenatal and postnatal exposure to maternal smoking, including social and behavioral variables, to control for selection.Results. Youth smoking trajectories entailed early-onset persistent smoking, early-onset experimental discontinued smoking, late-onset persistent smoking, and nonsmoking. The likelihood of early onset versus late onset and early onset versus nonsmoking were significantly higher among youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus either postnatally alone or unexposed. Controlling for selection, the increased likelihood of early onset versus nonsmoking remained significant for each exposure group versus unexposed, as did early onset versus late onset and late onset versus nonsmoking for youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus unexposed. Experimental smoking was notable among youths whose mothers smoked but quit before the child''s birth.Conclusions. Both physiological and social role-modeling mechanisms of intergenerational transmission are evident. Prioritization of tobacco control for pregnant women, mothers, and youths remains a critical, interrelated objective.Women who smoke during pregnancy are more likely to have offspring who become adolescent smokers.^1–7 Studies link mother''s smoking during pregnancy with youths'' earlier smoking initiation,^3,7–9 greater persistence in regular smoking,^3,7 and stronger nicotine dependency.^6,8,10,11Hypothesized physiological pathways for mother-to-child transmission of smoking are reviewed elsewhere^12–14 and may include inherited susceptibility to addiction alone or in combination with in utero neurodevelopmental exposure and scarring that activates nicotine susceptibility. Furthermore, because few women who smoke during pregnancy quit after delivery^15,16 higher rates of smoking among offspring may reflect role modeling of maternal smoking behavior. Notably, parental smoking is hypothesized to demonstrate pro-smoking norms and solidify pro-smoking attitudes.^17,18Studies considering both smoking during pregnancy and subsequent maternal smoking outcomes have sought to distinguish between these proposed social and physiological transmission pathways.^{1–4,6,7,9,19} Similarly, studies controlling for family sociodemographic factors^{1,2,4,5,7,8,10,11,19,20} or maternal propensity for health or risk taking^1,2,9,10 have sought to further distinguish direct physiological or social transmission from selection. Studies considering children''s cognitive and behavioral outcomes have shown that selection by maternal social and behavioral precursors to smoking during pregnancy strongly biases findings on smoking during pregnancy^21,22; however, it remains unclear whether this is also the case for youth smoking. Some studies^2,3,5,6,19 have observed that smoking during pregnancy operates independently of subsequent maternal smoking. A few have found that smoking during pregnancy is only independently associated in select analyses (e.g., for initiation but not frequency or number of cigarettes^6,9 or only among females^7,20). Several have found that smoking during pregnancy does not operate independently of subsequent maternal smoking behavior,^1,4 and the remaining studies do not address postnatal maternal smoking.^8,9,11We explored whether these inconsistencies in findings supporting social or physiological mechanisms for intergenerational transmission can be accounted for by more comprehensively examining maternal and child smoking behavior. Previous work has established the advantages of statistical models for youth smoking trajectories that capture initiation, experimentation, cessation, or continued use.^23–28 Studies focusing on parental smoking concurrent with youth smoking suggest that postnatal exposures may differentially predispose youths for specific smoking trajectories.^24,26–28 Only 3 known studies have considered whether smoking during pregnancy influences youth smoking progression, and these have shown greater likelihood of early regular use^3,11 and telescoping to dependence.⁸ However, limitations of sample selectivity and measurement and modeling of maternal and youth smoking outcomes restrict the generalizability and scope of these findings.²⁹ To specifically address these limitations and more comprehensively assess hypothesized intergenerational transmission pathways, we used US population–representative data, latent variable techniques, and a rich set of data on maternal and youth smoking and social and behavioral selection factors. We characterized trajectories of youth smoking from adolescence through young adulthood and considered exposure to various maternal smoking patterns from prebirth to the child''s early adolescence.     

Life-Course Socioeconomic Position and Incidence of Diabetes Mellitus Among Blacks and Whites: The Alameda County Study, 1965�C1999

Objectives. We examined associations between several life-course socioeconomic position (SEP) measures (childhood SEP, education, income, occupation) and diabetes incidence from 1965 to 1999 in a sample of 5422 diabetes-free Black and White participants in the Alameda County Study.Methods. Race-specific Cox proportional hazard models estimated diabetes risk associated with each SEP measure. Demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and potential pathway components (physical inactivity, body composition, smoking, alcohol consumption, hypertension, depression, access to health care) were included as covariates.Results. Diabetes incidence was twice as high for Blacks as for Whites. Diabetes risk factors independently increased risk, but effect sizes were greater among Whites. Low childhood SEP elevated risk for both racial groups. Protective effects were suggested for low education and blue-collar occupation among Blacks, but these factors increased risk for Whites. Income was protective for Whites but not Blacks. Covariate adjustment had negligible effects on associations between each SEP measure and diabetes incidence for both racial groups.Conclusions. These findings suggest an important role for life-course SEP measures in determining risk of diabetes, regardless of race and after adjustment for factors that may confound or mediate these associations.Diabetes mellitus is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in the United States.^1,2 Type 2 diabetes disproportionately affects Hispanics, as well as non-Hispanic Black Americans, American Indians/Alaska Natives, and some Asian/Pacific Islander groups. In the United States, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are almost twice as likely to develop or have type 2 diabetes than are non-Hispanic Whites.^2–5 Significant racial and ethnic differences also exist in the rates of diabetes-related preventive services, quality of care, and disease outcomes.^6–10Researchers have attempted to determine why, relative to Whites, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are disproportionately affected by diabetes. For example, compared with White Americans, Black Americans are presumed to have stronger genetic^5,11 or physiological^11–13 susceptibility to diabetes, or greater frequency or intensity of known diabetes risk factors, such as obesity, physical inactivity, and hypertension.^14–17Black Americans also are more likely than are White Americans to occupy lower socioeconomic positions.¹⁸ Low socioeconomic position (SEP) across the life course is known to influence the prevalence^19–24 and incidence^3,19,25–30 of type 2 diabetes. The risk of diabetes also is greater for people who are obese,^3,17,31 physically inactive,^3,32 or have hypertension,^33,34 all of which are conditions more common among people with lower SEP.^16,35–37Several studies have focused on the extent to which socioeconomic factors, body composition (i.e., weight, height, body mass index, and waist circumference), and behaviors explain the excess risk of diabetes attributed to race.^4,12,19,30 For example, 2 separate studies, one with data from the Health and Retirement Study¹⁹ and the other with data from the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study,³⁰ used race to predict diabetes incidence. Attempting to separate the direct and indirect effects of race on diabetes,³⁸ these studies assessed, via statistical adjustment, which socioeconomic measures and diabetes-related risk factors, when adjusted, could account for the excess risk among Black participants relative to White participants.^19,30 Adjustment for education lessened the effect of Black race on diabetes incidence in the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study.³⁰ In the Health and Retirement Study, excess risk attributed to Black race was not explained by early-life socioeconomic disadvantage, but it was reduced after adjustment for education and later-life economic resources.¹⁹ The validity of this analytic approach has been challenged, however, because the socioeconomic measures used were assumed to have the same meaning across all racial/ethnic groups, a questionable assumption³⁸ in the United States, especially in 1965.We sought to explore the predictive effects of several life-course socioeconomic factors on the incidence of diabetes among both Black and White Americans. We examined demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and diabetes risk factors (obesity, large waist circumference, physical inactivity, high blood pressure, depression, access to health care) as possible mediators of the observed associations between SEP and incident diabetes (i.e., the development of new cases of diabetes over time).     

The Health of Older Mexican Americans in the Long Run

Objectives. We compared risk for several medical illnesses between immigrant and US-born older Mexican Americans to determine the relationship between functional health and years of US residency among immigrants.Methods. Cross-sectional, multistage probability sample data for 3050 Mexican Americans aged 65 years or older from 5 US southwestern states were analyzed. Self-rated health, medical illnesses, and functional measures were examined in multivariate regression models that included nativity and years of US residency as key predictors.Results. Self-rated health and medical illnesses of immigrant and US-born groups did not differ significantly. Immigrants with longer US residency had significantly higher cognitive functioning scores and fewer problems with functional activities after adjustment for predisposing and medical need factors.Conclusions. Among older Mexican Americans, immigrant health advantages over their US-born counterparts were not apparent. Immigrants had better health functioning with longer US residency that may derive from greater socioeconomic resources. Our findings suggest that the negative acculturation–health relationship found among younger immigrant adults may become a positive relationship in later life.More than 30 years ago, Teller and Clyburn reported more favorable birth outcomes in Bexar County, Texas, for Spanish-surnamed residents than for non-Latino White and African American residents.¹ Despite the disadvantaged economic and social position of many Latinos, additional reports appeared of unexpected favorable birth and longevity outcomes for Latinos (primarily Mexican Americans) compared with other ethnic groups.^2–5 These findings were considered paradoxical, since they ran contrary to the negative socioeconomic health gradient documented in the public health literature.^6,7 The Latino health paradox contends that despite experiencing disproportionate exposure to risk factors for excess morbidity and mortality associated with low socioeconomic position, Latinos, primarily Mexican American immigrants, generally have more favorable health outcomes than Mexican Americans born in the United States, most other minorities, and nonminorities.⁸ The longer these healthy immigrants resided in the United States and acculturated, the more likely they were to report deterioration in health status indicators compared with recent immigrants.⁹The mental health researchers Rogler et al. referred to “acculturation as an exogenous force shaping the conditions for the rise to psychological distress.”^10(p588) This phenomenon was later coined the “acculturative stress” hypothesis and widely used in mental health research of the Latino population. However, acculturative stress models have important limitations in health research because they confound the effects of cultural change on health behaviors with pathology. In addition, they are temporally unspecific and thus inconsistent with developmental models of health. We offer an alternative, the “acculturation–health” hypothesis, to emphasize that health outcomes are instead conditional on multiple life-course contingencies that vary in importance as determinants over one''s life span. The temporal relationships between acculturation and health can range from negative to positive during the lifespan of an individual. Although the negative effects of acculturation are commonly described in the literature, positive outcomes are observed as well and also require explanations.^11–15 Acculturative stress assumes a cumulative, linear, dose–response association of acculturation with health. An acculturation–health hypothesis accounts for transactions between endogenous (individual-level) and exogenous (external) factors that affect health differentially over the life course. These factors are systematically influenced by acculturation across multiple domains of life activity.The proposed acculturation–health model assumes that there are multiple points in the life course that are critical for improving health and lowering the risk of weathering effects seen in aging among minority groups.¹⁶ Carefully focused research could lead to timely and effective interventions that improve health outcomes across the life course. The assumption that a constant acculturation–health relationship is generally negative and leads to declines in health among Mexican Americans is limiting because it is overly deterministic and restricts opportunities for identifying determinants of long-range outcomes and life-course stages when they are most consequential. Although we can assume that living in a new society introduces behavioral, social, and environmental changes that may negatively influence health, there may be benefits as well, such as acquisition of new occupational skills, greater exposure to public health information, and use of preventive medicine. Nevertheless, it is unclear how these changes are expressed in the long run in the health of older Mexican Americans.Mexican Americans represent more than two-thirds of US Latinos and, perhaps accordingly, most previous studies have focused on the relationship between Mexican American acculturation (or various proxies of acculturation, such as language preference and years of US residency) and health.¹⁷ For younger Mexican Americans, most studies have reported negative relationships between acculturation and health¹¹—for example, for birth outcomes^18,19 and perinatal health behaviors,^20,21 general health behaviors (e.g., nutrition and physical exercise),²² vascular disease risks (e.g., diabetes),^23,24 and substance abuse and mental disorders.^25,26 Several reports have shown positive associations between acculturation and higher use of preventive medical services, which may relate to the higher economic position of more acculturated and US-born Mexican Americans.^27–30 Among older adults, the prevalence of depression and dementia are reportedly lower among acculturated Mexican Americans.^12,13 Furthermore, there is evidence that greater social assimilation, as evidenced by English-language acquisition and more years of education, are associated with lower disability rates and higher self-esteem.^14,15,31These general findings have led scientists to hypothesize that immigrants are somehow healthier than US-born Mexican Americans and non-Latino Whites and that with longer US residency, acculturation erodes immigrants'' health.^9,32 The negative aspects of the acculturation–health relationship dominate current thinking about Mexican American health, especially regarding acculturation-related changes in risk behaviors such as diet, exercise, and substance abuse.³³ However, if the association between acculturation and health is conditional and predicated on various endogenous and exogenous life-course factors, recent work among older adults may better inform us about the long-term acculturation–health relationship.Our first aim was to examine whether the “healthy immigrant” phenomenon persists among older Mexican Americans by comparing the rates of several medical conditions between US-born and immigrant groups. Second, we sought to determine if functional health was negatively associated with longer exposure to the host country within a representative sample of immigrant Mexican Americans. On the basis of previous work,^12–14,31 we expected that the health status of US-born and immigrant older Mexican Americans would not differ. Third, we sought to examine if longer US residency would be associated with better functional health among older Mexican American immigrants. We expected that increased wealth, access to healthcare and services would facilitate or mediate better health functioning.^6,34,35 Finally, in examining the health of older Mexican Americans, we aimed to compare the acculturative stress hypothesis and the acculturation–health hypothesis for a better understanding of their utility for the study of health.     

The association between perceived discrimination and obesity in a population-based multiracial and multiethnic adult sample

Objectives. We examined whether perceived chronic discrimination was related to excess body fat accumulation in a random, multiethnic, population-based sample of US adults.Methods. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression and logistic regression analyses to examine the relationship between interpersonal experiences of perceived chronic discrimination and body mass index and high-risk waist circumference.Results. Consistent with other studies, our analyses showed that perceived unfair treatment was associated with increased abdominal obesity. Compared with Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who did not experience perceived chronic discrimination, Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who perceived chronic discrimination were 2 to 6 times more likely to have a high-risk waist circumference. No significant relationship between perceived discrimination and the obesity measures was found among the other Whites, Blacks, or Hispanics.Conclusions. These findings are not completely unsupported. White ethnic groups including Polish, Italians, Jews, and Irish have historically been discriminated against in the United States, and other recent research suggests that they experience higher levels of perceived discrimination than do other Whites and that these experiences adversely affect their health.It is estimated that 2 of every 3 adults in the United States are overweight or obese.^1,2 Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic health conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, hypertension, stroke, some forms of cancer, and osteoarthritis.³ Although it is widely accepted that high-fat diets and physical inactivity are preventable risk factors,⁴ obesity continues to increase.^1,2,5There is a growing interest in the relationship between psychosocial risk factors and excess body fat accumulation.^6–16 In particular, some evidence suggests that psychosocial stressors may play a role in disease progression in general and in excess body fat in particular.^7,8,17 The key factors underlying physiological reactions to psychosocial stress have not been completely elucidated, but McEwen and Seeman¹⁷ and others^7,18,19 posit that the continued adaptation of the physiological system to external challenges alters the normal physiological stress reaction pathways and that these changes are related to adverse health outcomes.^8,17,18,20 For example, in examining the association between psychosocial stress and excess body fat accumulation, Björntorp and others have suggested that psychosocial stress is linked to obesity, especially in the abdominal area.^7,8Perceived discrimination, as a psychosocial stressor, is now receiving increased attention in the empirical health literature.^21–24 Such studies suggest perceived discrimination is inversely related to poor mental and physical health outcomes and risk factors, including hypertension,^24,25 depressive symptoms,^26–28 smoking,^29–31 alcohol drinking,^32,33 low birthweight,^34,35 and cardiovascular outcomes.^36–38Internalized racism, the acceptance of negative stereotypes by the stigmatized group,³⁹ has also been recognized as a race-related psychosocial risk factor.⁴⁰ Recent studies have also suggested that race-related beliefs and experiences including perceived discrimination might be potentially related to excess body fat accumulation. Three of these studies^9,13,41 showed that internalized racism was associated with an increased likelihood of overweight or abdominal obesity among Black Caribbean women in Dominica⁴¹ and Barbados¹³ and adolescent girls in Barbados.⁹ These researchers posit that individuals with relatively high levels of internalized racism have adopted a defeatist mindset, which is believed to be related to the physiological pathway associated with excess body fat accumulation. However, Vines et al.¹⁶ found that perceived racism was associated with lower waist-to-hip ratios among Black women in the United States. Although the assessment of race-related risk factors varied across these studies, the findings suggest that the salience of race-related beliefs and experiences may be related to excess body fat accumulation.Collectively, the results of these studies are limited. First, because they examined the relationship between race-related beliefs and experiences and excess body fat only among women, we do not know if this relationship is generalizable to men.^13,16,41 Second, these studies only examined this relationship among Blacks, even though perceived unfair treatment because of race/ethnicity has been shown to be adversely related to the health of multiple racial/ethnic population groups in the United States^42–49 and internationally.^27,50–55 Third, none of the studies have examined the relationship between excess body fat accumulation and perceived nonracial/nonethnic experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Some evidence suggests that the generic perception of unfair treatment or bias is adversely related to health, regardless of whether it is attributed to race, ethnicity, or some other reason.^45,55,56 Fourth, none of these studies included other measures of stress. We do not know if the association between race-related risk factors and obesity is independent of other traditional indicators of stress.Using a multiethnic, population-based sample of adults, we examined the association of perceived discrimination and obesity independent of other known risk factors for obesity, including stressful major life events. Additionally, because reports of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and non-racial/ethnic discrimination vary by racial/ethnic groups^24,45,46,57 and because Whites tend to have less excess body fat than do Blacks and Hispanics,^1,3 we examined the relationships between perceived discrimination and excess body fat accumulation among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, and non-Hispanic Blacks.     

Disentangling the Influence of Socioeconomic Status on Differences Between African American and White Women in Unmet Medical Needs

Objectives. We sought to disentangle the relationships between race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status (SES), and unmet medical care needs.Methods. Data from the 2003–2004 Community Tracking Study Household Survey were used to examine associations between unmet medical needs and SES among African American and White women.Results. No significant racial/ethnic differences in unmet medical needs (24.8% of Whites, 25.9% of African Americans; P = .59) were detected in bivariate analyses. However, among women with 12 years of education or less, African Americans were less likely than were Whites to report unmet needs (odds ratio [OR] = 0.57; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.42, 0.79). Relative to African American women with 12 years of education or less, the odds of unmet needs were 1.69 (95% CI = 1.24, 2.31) and 2.18 (95% CI = 1.25, 3.82) among African American women with 13 to 15 years of education and 16 years of education or more, respectively. In contrast, the relationship between educational level and unmet needs was nonsignificant among White women.Conclusions. Among African American women, the failure to recognize unmet medical needs is related to educational attainment and may be an important driver of health disparities, representing a fruitful area for future interventions.African Americans are more likely than Whites to have unmet medical care needs according to objective clinical standards such as burden of disease (e.g., higher rates of heart disease and cancer deaths), clinical symptoms of ill health, and preventable hospitalizations.^1,2 Unmet medical need, considered a critical indicator of lack of access to care, is also commonly assessed through subjective indices such as self-reported ability to obtain needed medical care or postponing of needed medical care.^3,4 Studies based on these subjective measures often reveal that African Americans report less need for medical care than Whites,^5–7 but this finding has not been consistent.^8–10 In any event, such a finding suggests that subjective measures capture personal perceptions of need for care rather than (or in addition to) true clinical need.^3,4,11Complex and poorly studied factors influence the link between true medical needs and perceived medical needs, especially among members of racial/ethnic minority groups. Theoretical and empirical research has underscored the limitations of subjective measures of medical need. Signs and symptoms of disease may be a better proxy for unmet medical needs among vulnerable populations.^1,11–14 For example, Cunningham and Hadley¹¹ recently showed that, among members of racial/ethnic minority groups, symptom-specific measures of unmet need were more accurate than general measures.In the United States, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status (SES), and health have been historically intertwined.¹⁵ SES (e.g., education, occupation, and income) accounts for a large portion of the health disparities observed between members of racial/ethnic minority groups and members of more advantaged groups.^15,16 Also, SES may partly account for differences in how illness severity and risk are perceived. Individuals of low SES, especially members of racial/ethnic minority groups, are more likely than individuals of high SES to underestimate illness severity and the need of medical care for serious conditions such as cancer, stroke, and obesity.^17–21 African Americans and all individuals with low incomes are more likely to underestimate their risk for heart attack, stroke, and cancer than are their counterparts and are less likely to use screening programs and seek appropriate care.^22,23 Thus, perceptions of medical need among members of racial/ethnic minority groups are strongly linked to SES.²⁴Although the literature clearly documents strong links between race/ethnicity, SES, and medical need, the overall picture is not clear. Nationally representative studies with detailed adjustment for SES among specific demographic populations are not available. More specifically, women are more likely than are men to delay or not obtain needed medical care,^25,26 and their unmet needs are more likely to result in mortality.²⁷ The relationship between SES and health may be critically shaped by gender.²⁸ For example, lower SES is associated with poorer health, and, in general, women have lower levels of education than men.^29,30 However, little has been done to disentangle the complex interrelationships among race/ethnicity, SES, and perceptions of unmet or delayed need, especially among women.In an attempt to fill this important gap, we used data from a nationally representative, community-based survey of African American and White women to examine how race/ethnicity and SES are associated with perceived unmet medical care needs. More specifically, we attempted to answer the following question: how does SES influence the relationship between race/ethnicity and perceptions of unmet or delayed need for care among women? Our study was guided by the King and Williams²⁴ conceptual framework for understanding racial differences in health. According to that framework,

race is a proxy variable representing how biological, cultural, socioeconomic, sociopolitical, and discrimination factors … jointly influence health practices, psychosocial and environmental stress, medical care, and ultimately health outcomes.^24(p107)

     

Walking and Cycling to Health: A Comparative Analysis of City, State, and International Data

Objectives. We sought to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of the relationship between active travel and rates of physical activity, obesity, and diabetes.Methods. We examined aggregate cross-sectional health and travel data for 14 countries, all 50 US states, and 47 of the 50 largest US cities through graphical, correlation, and bivariate regression analysis on the country, state, and city levels.Results. At all 3 geographic levels, we found statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and self-reported obesity. At the state and city levels, we found statistically significant positive relationships between active travel and physical activity and statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and diabetes.Conclusions. Together with many other studies, our analysis provides evidence of the population-level health benefits of active travel. Policies on transport, land-use, and urban development should be designed to encourage walking and cycling for daily travel.Many nations throughout the world have experienced large increases in obesity rates over the past 30 years.^1,2 The World Health Organization estimates that more than 300 million adults are obese,³ putting them at increased risk for diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, cardiovascular disease, gout, gallstones, fatty liver, and some cancers.^4,5 Several studies have linked the increase in obesity rates to physical inactivity^6–8 and to widespread availability of inexpensive, calorie-dense foods and beverages.^1,9The importance of physical activity for public health is well established. A US Surgeon General''s report in 1996, Physical Activity and Health,¹⁰ summarized evidence from cross-sectional studies; prospective, longitudinal studies; and clinical investigations. The report concluded that physical inactivity contributes to increased risk of many chronic diseases and health conditions. Furthermore, the research suggested that even 30 minutes per day of moderate-intensity physical activity, if performed regularly, provides significant health benefits. Subsequent reports have supported these conclusions.^11–13The role of physical activity in prevention of weight gain is well documented.¹⁴ Strong evidence from cross-sectional studies has established an inverse relationship between physical activity and body mass index.^15,16 In addition, longitudinal studies have shown that exercisers gain less weight than do their sedentary counterparts.^6,8 Thus, the obesity epidemic may be explained partly by declining levels of physical activity.^1,17,18A growing body of evidence suggests that differences in the built environment for physical activity (e.g., infrastructure for walking and cycling, availability of public transit, street connectivity, housing density, and mixed land use) influence the likelihood that people will use active transport for their daily travel.^19,20 People who live in areas that are more conducive to walking and cycling are more likely to engage in these forms of active transport.^21–25 Walking and cycling can provide valuable daily physical activity.^26–30 Such activities increase rates of caloric expenditure,³¹ and they generally fall into the moderate-intensity range that provides health benefits.^32–35 Thus, travel behavior could have a major influence on health and longevity.^29,30,36,37Over the past decade, researchers have begun to identify linkages between active travel and public health.^38–40 Cross-sectional studies indicate that walking and cycling for transport are linked to better health. The degree of reliance on walking and cycling for daily travel differs greatly among countries.^39,41 European countries with high rates of walking and cycling have less obesity than do Australia and countries in North America that are highly car dependent.²⁶ In addition, walking and cycling for transport are directly related to improved health in older adults.⁴² The Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults Study found that active commuting was positively associated with aerobic fitness among men and women and inversely associated with body mass index, obesity, triglyceride levels, resting blood pressure, and fasting insulin among men.^26,39,41,43Further evidence of the link between active commuting and health comes from prospective, longitudinal studies.⁴⁴ Matthews et al. examined more than 67 000 Chinese women in the Shanghai women''s health study and followed them for an average of 5.7 years.³⁷ Women who walked (P < .07) and cycled (P < .05) for transport had lower rates of all-cause mortality than did those who did not engage in such behaviors. Similarly, Andersen et al. observed that cycling to work decreased mortality rates by 40% among Danish men and women.³⁶ A recent analysis of a multifaceted cycling demonstration project in Odense, Denmark, reported a 20% increase in cycling levels from 1996 to 2002 and a 5-month increase in life expectancy for males.⁴⁵We analyzed recent evidence from a variety of data sources that supports the crucial relationship between active travel, physical activity, obesity, and diabetes. We used city- and state-level data from the United States and national aggregate data for 14 countries to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of each relationship.     

Health Among Caregivers of Children With Health Problems: Findings From a Canadian Population-Based Study

Objectives. We used population-based data to evaluate whether caring for a child with health problems had implications for caregiver health after we controlled for relevant covariates.Methods. We used data on 9401 children and their caregivers from a population-based Canadian study. We performed analyses to compare 3633 healthy children with 2485 children with health problems. Caregiver health outcomes included chronic conditions, activity limitations, self-reported general health, depressive symptoms, social support, family functioning, and marital satisfaction. Covariates included family (single-parent status, number of children, income adequacy), caregiver (gender, age, education, smoking status, biological relationship to child), and child (age, gender) characteristics.Results. Logistic regression showed that caregivers of children with health problems had more than twice the odds of reporting chronic conditions, activity limitations, and elevated depressive symptoms, and had greater odds of reporting poorer general health than did caregivers of healthy children.Conclusions. Caregivers of children with health problems had substantially greater odds of health problems than did caregivers of healthy children. The findings are consistent with the movement toward family-centered services recognizing the link between caregivers'' health and health of the children for whom they care.Caring for a child with health problems can entail greater than average time demands,^1,2 medical costs,^3,4 employment constraints,^5,6 and childcare challenges.^6–8 These demands may affect the health of caregivers, a notion supported by a variety of small-scale observational studies that have shown increased levels of stress, distress, emotional problems, and depression among caregivers of children with health problems.^1,2,5,9–12Whether these problems are caused by the additional demands of caring for children with health problems or by confounding variables is difficult to answer definitively. The literature reports the identification of a variety of factors purported to be associated with caregiver health, including contextual factors such as socioeconomic status^13–17; child factors such as level of disability,^{1,11,13,18–21} presence of behavior problems,^22–25 and overall child adjustment²⁶; and caregiver-related characteristics such as coping strategies^11,22,27 and support from friends and family.^15,17,28,29 In general, this work has been based on small clinic-based samples^9,30 or specific child populations (e.g., cerebral palsy,^5,25 attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder^31,32), and typically has been hampered by limited generalizability and a lack of careful, multivariate analysis. Furthermore, most studies have focused on caregivers'' psychological health,^1,2,5,9–12 although physical health effects may also exist among caregivers.^5,19,25,33One of the few studies to involve large-scale, population-based data compared the health of 468 caregivers of children with cerebral palsy to the health of a population-based sample of Canadian parents.⁵ The study showed that caregivers of children with cerebral palsy had poorer health on a variety of physical and psychological health measures. Furthermore, the data were consistent with a stress process model,^5,25 which proposes that additional stresses associated with caring for a child with cerebral palsy directly contribute to poorer caregiver health. However, these findings were based on a specific subpopulation of caregivers and univariate comparisons that could not control for potentially important confounders such as variation in caregiver education, income, and other demographic factors.We used population-based data to test the hypothesis that the health of caregivers of children with health problems would be significantly poorer than that of caregivers of healthy children, even after we controlled for relevant covariates. Our approach of using large-scale, population-based data representing a broad spectrum of childhood health problems³⁴ makes 4 key contributions to the current literature. First, our use of population-based data rather than small-scale, clinic-based studies yielded results that are potentially generalizable to a wide group of caregivers caring for children with health problems. Second, our examination of children with and without health problems allowed us to examine caregiver health effects across a wide variety of caregiving situations. Third, consideration of physical health outcomes (in addition to more regularly studied psychological outcomes) increased our knowledge of the breadth of caregiver health issues. Finally, controlling for relevant covariates allowed us to rule out a number of alternative explanations for caregiver health effects.     

Neighborhoods and obesity in later life

Objectives. We examined the influence of neighborhood environment on the weight status of adults 55 years and older.Methods. We conducted a 2-level logistic regression analysis of data from the 2002 wave of the Health and Retirement Study. We included 8 neighborhood scales: economic advantage, economic disadvantage, air pollution, crime and segregation, street connectivity, density, immigrant concentration, and residential stability.Results. When we controlled for individual- and family-level confounders, living in a neighborhood with a high level of economic advantage was associated with a lower likelihood of being obese for both men (odds ratio [OR] = 0.86; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.80, 0.94) and women (OR = 0.83; 95% CI = 0.77, 0.89). Men living in areas with a high concentration of immigrants and women living in areas of high residential stability were more likely to be obese. Women living in areas of high street connectivity were less likely to be overweight or obese.Conclusions. The mechanisms by which neighborhood environment and weight status are linked in later life differ by gender, with economic and social environment aspects being important for men and built environment aspects being salient for women.Over the past few decades the prevalence of obesity has been rising for men and women across all age groups, including the elderly.¹ For example, in 2001 to 2002 in the United States, about 1 in 3 adults 60 years or older was obese.² This trend raises concerns because excess weight is associated with a number of chronic health conditions, including diabetes, high blood pressure, asthma, and arthritis.³ Moreover, obesity can have very important implications for publicly financed health care.⁴ Recent research suggests that a number of demographic, socioeconomic, and family factors⁵ influence obesity, but the role of the neighborhood context has not been fully explored.Excess weight results from an energy imbalance in which caloric intake exceeds energy expenditures, the latter closely related to physical activity. The neighborhood environment may influence energy intake (through its influence on food availability⁶) and energy expenditure (by facilitating or impeding physical activity). For example, the presence of supermarkets in the neighborhood is associated with higher fruit and vegetable intake,⁷ whereas eating at fast-food restaurants is associated with a high-fat diet and higher body mass index (BMI; weight in kilograms divided by height in meters squared).⁸ In terms of physical activity, individuals living in neighborhoods with less crime,^9–13 higher land-use mix,¹⁴ higher street connectivity,^11,14,15 higher residential density,^11,14 a greater number of destinations,^9,16 better aesthetics,^9,10,17 and sidewalks^10,12,17,18 tend to walk more often.^19,20Only a handful of studies linking neighborhood features to late-life obesity have focused on older adults.^{11,13,16,21–23} National studies are particularly lacking for the elderly. Yet evidence from national studies of adults of all ages suggests plausible connections between obesity and neighborhood factors. Using the 1990 to 1994 waves of the National Health Interview Survey, for example, Boardman et al.²⁴ found that adults residing in neighborhoods with a high concentration of poverty and in neighborhoods with a high percentage of Blacks were more likely to be obese. In another study, Robert and Reither²⁵ found that higher community socioeconomic disadvantage was related to higher BMI among women but not among men. Because these studies had very limited characterizations of the neighborhoods, the mechanism through which poor neighborhoods result in obesity remains unclear. It could be, for instance, that poor neighborhoods tend to have fewer supermarkets^26–28 and more-limited access to places for physical activity.^29,30Using a large, nationally representative survey, we examined the relationship between the economic, built, and social environments and weight status among men and women 55 years and older. We included 8 previously validated neighborhood scales reflecting neighborhood safety and segregation, concentration of immigrants, air pollution, residential stability, connectivity, density or access, and high and low neighborhood socioeconomic status.³¹ We modeled both obesity and overweight status by using multilevel modeling techniques in which we controlled for detailed individual- and family-level confounders.     

Protective Factors in the Lives of Bisexual Adolescents in North America

Objectives. We compared protective factors among bisexual adolescents with those of heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, and gay or lesbian adolescents.Methods. We analyzed 6 school-based surveys in Minnesota and British Columbia. Sexual orientation was measured by gender of sexual partners, attraction, or self-labeling. Protective factors included family connectedness, school connectedness, and religious involvement. General linear models, conducted separately by gender and adjusted for age, tested differences between orientation groups.Results. Bisexual adolescents reported significantly less family and school connectedness than did heterosexual and mostly heterosexual adolescents and higher or similar levels of religious involvement. In surveys that measured orientation by self-labeling or attraction, levels of protective factors were generally higher among bisexual than among gay and lesbian respondents. Adolescents with sexual partners of both genders reported levels of protective factors lower than or similar to those of adolescents with same-gender partners.Conclusions. Bisexual adolescents had lower levels of most protective factors than did heterosexual adolescents, which may help explain their higher prevalence of risky behavior. Social connectedness should be monitored by including questions about protective factors in youth health surveys.Adolescence is a key developmental period with long-term effects on physical and psychological health, and adolescents negotiate a variety of environmental challenges during these years. Although public health practice often focuses on preventing or decreasing health risks, in the past decade increasing attention has been paid to identifying protective factors that can foster healthy development. Protective factors are events, circumstances, and life experiences that promote confidence and competence among adolescents and help to protect them from negative developmental risks and health outcomes.^1,2 Such protective resources enhance resilience among adolescents who face adversities,³ and they arise from individual characteristics and social environments such as families, schools, and communities.⁴Several individual assets and external resources have been identified as protective factors that reduce the likelihood of risky behaviors such as suicidality, substance use, unprotected sexual behavior, and disordered eating. Individual-level protective factors include higher levels of self-esteem, psychological well-being, and religiosity.^5–8 Relational factors such as strong connectedness to family^5,7–13 and school^{5,7,9,10,12,13} also reduce the likelihood of engaging in behaviors that compromise health. Some community-level factors also appear to be protective against risk taking among adolescents; these include the presence of a caring adult role model outside the family^8,13 and community involvement, including volunteering.⁸Most studies focus on adolescents in general, but some populations, such as lesbian, gay, and bisexual adolescents, face greater environmental challenges in negotiating adolescence and navigating developmental tasks. LGB adolescents are disproportionately subjected to violence and harassment at school^14–16 and to physical and sexual abuse.^17,18 In addition, LGB adolescents are more likely than their heterosexual peers to be involved in health-compromising behaviors, including substance use,^14–17 risky sexual behaviors and injection drug use,^14,19,20 and suicide attempts.^{10,14,15,17,21–24}Researchers have recently started illuminating relationships between lower levels of protective factors and negative health outcomes among LGB adolescents. In an analysis of the 2004 Minnesota Student Survey, Eisenberg and Resnick found that LGB students were less likely than were other students to report high levels of family connectedness, teacher caring, other adult caring, and perceived safety at school.²⁵ However, these protective factors, when present, decreased the likelihood of suicidal ideation and attempts, and protective factors accounted for more of the variation in suicide behaviors than did sexual orientation. Similarly, in his analysis of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, Ueno found that less-positive relationships with parents, school, and friends explained higher levels of psychological distress among sexual-minority students than among heterosexual students.²⁶ Homma and Saewyc found that higher levels of perceived family caring and more-positive perceptions of school climate were linked to lower levels of emotional distress among Asian American LGB high school students in Minnesota.²⁷These studies provide some evidence that protective factors may work in similar ways for LGB adolescents as for other adolescents, but not consistently; for example, high levels of religious involvement in a faith with negative attitudes about nonheterosexual orientations might actually be more harmful than protective. Further, if LGB adolescents as a group experience lower levels of these assets, this might help explain their higher risks. Only a handful of population-based studies have focused on sexual-minority adolescents and protective factors, and they provide limited information about protective factors among bisexual adolescents separately from gay or lesbian adolescents; most research combines these groups because of small samples. Measuring sexual orientation during adolescence can be difficult; sexual identity development is a task of adolescence, and many youths engage in exploration of romantic attraction, sexual behavior, or identity labels during the adolescent years. Behavior and self-labeling may be discordant at various times, and there is evidence that some adolescents’ perception of their orientation and labels will shift during adolescence and young adulthood.In the few studies that have disaggregated the groups, bisexual adolescents were more likely than were heterosexual peers to report risky sexual behaviors,^19,20 suicide attempts,¹⁶ victimization,¹⁶ delinquency,²⁸ and substance use^16,28; in some cases gay and lesbian adolescents did not significantly differ from their heterosexual peers in these risks.^16,19,28 Some studies used romantic attraction as a measure of orientation,^23,24,26 some used self-labels,^18,22 and some used gender of sexual partners.^{16,20,25,27,28} Few studies offer the opportunity to incorporate correlates for orientation measured in different ways in the same data set.No matter how it is measured, it is important to examine levels of protective factors among bisexual adolescents separately, given the greater likelihood of risk-taking behavior and negative experiences at school among bisexual students. Drawing on data from different waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, 2 studies have found lower levels of connectedness to family and school and lower perceived caring by other adults among bisexual than among heterosexual adolescents.^29,30 Bisexual and gay or lesbian adolescents generally did not differ in their levels of protective factors, but this may have been partly attributable to relatively small samples of LGB adolescents in the longitudinal study cohort, which limits statistical power for comparisons between the 2 groups. Furthermore, the study is nationally representative of US adolescents in general but may not reflect the full ethnic diversity of LGB populations across the United States or Canada. Studies analyzing larger regional population-based surveys offer opportunities to confirm those findings for specific regions.Identifying whether protective factors work similarly for bisexual adolescents and their peers is useful, but it is equally important to monitor whether bisexual adolescents have the same levels of those protective factors in their lives. We therefore explored levels of protective factors among bisexual adolescents compared with heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, and gay or lesbian peers in 6 school-based surveys in the midwestern United States and western Canada. We posed 3 questions: (1) Are levels of protective factors different between bisexual adolescents and heterosexual adolescents? (2) Are levels of protective factors different between bisexual adolescents and gay or lesbian adolescents? (3) Are these patterns consistent across varying measures of sexual orientation?     

Changes in Postmenopausal Hormone Replacement Therapy Use Among Women With High Cardiovascular Risk

After randomized trials failed to support the use of hormone replacement therapy (HRT) for preventing cardiovascular disease (CVD), HRT use for postmenopausal women declined. Our analysis of 1999–2000 and 2003–2004 National Health and Nutrition Surveys (NHANES) shows that HRT use decreased 19% (from 27.6 to 8.4%; P < .001) among women with CVD versus 3% (from 19.8 to 16.8%; P = .68) among low-risk women, suggesting that most of the drop in HRT use may be among women prescribed HRT as an unproven treatment to prevent CVD.In the early 1990s, on the basis of findings from observational studies, hormone replacement therapy (HRT) was widely promoted to decrease cardiovascular disease (CVD) in postmenopausal women.^1,2 Subsequently, large randomized trials found that HRT did not prevent CVD and that, instead, HRT was associated with an increased risk for stroke and combined estrogen-progestin HRT was associated with a possible increased risk for heart disease.^3–6 Following broad dissemination of these results,^7,8 HRT use declined markedly.^1,9 We report on HRT use in the years 1999–2000 and 2003–2004 by CVD risk, socioeconomic status, and race/ethnicity. We hypothesized that reductions in HRT would be greatest among women with CVD or CVD risk factors.     

Promoters and Barriers to Fruit, Vegetable, and Fast-Food Consumption Among Urban, Low-Income African Americans��A Qualitative Approach

To identify promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption, we interviewed low-income African Americans in Philadelphia. Salient promoters and barriers were distinct from each other and differed by food type: taste was a promoter and cost a barrier to all foods; convenience, cravings, and preferences promoted consumption of fast foods; health concerns promoted consumption of fruits and vegetables and avoidance of fast foods. Promoters and barriers differed by gender and age. Strategies for dietary change should consider food type, gender, and age.Diet-related chronic diseases—the leading causes of death in the United States^1,2—disproportionately affect African Americans^3–7 and those having low income.^8–10 Low-income African Americans tend to have diets that promote obesity, morbidity, and premature mortality^3,4,11,12; are low in fruits and vegetables^13–18; and are high in processed and fast foods.^19–23Factors that may encourage disease-promoting diets include individual tastes and preferences, cultural values and heritage, social and economic contexts, and systemic influences like media and marketing.^24–30 Because previous research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has largely come from an etic (outsider) perspective, it has potentially overlooked community-relevant insights, missed local understanding, and failed to identify effective sustainable solutions.³¹ Experts have therefore called for greater understanding of an emic (insider) perspective through qualitative methods.³¹ However, past qualitative research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has been limited, focusing mostly or exclusively on ethnic considerations,^28,29 workplace issues,¹⁰ women,^32–38 young people,^38,39 or only those with chronic diseases^34,36,39,40 and neglecting potentially important differences by age and gender.^31,41–43To build on prior research, we conducted interviews in a community-recruited sample using the standard anthropological technique of freelisting.^44–46 Our goals were (1) to identify the promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption most salient to urban, low-income African Americans and (2) to look for variation by gender and age.     

Differential Trends in Weight-Related Health Behaviors Among American Young Adults by Gender, Race/Ethnicity, and Socioeconomic Status: 1984�C2006

Objectives. We investigated temporal patterns from 1984 to 2006 in 6 weight-related health behaviors by using longitudinal data for multiple cohorts of young adults (aged 19–26 years) from the nationally representative Monitoring the Future Study.Methods. We used growth curve models to examine historical trends in 6 health behaviors: frequency of eating breakfast, eating green vegetables, eating fruit, exercising, watching television, and sleeping 7 hours each night. Variations across gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic status were investigated.Results. Frequency of exercising was consistently lower among young adult women than young adult men over this 23-year period. Compared with White women, Hispanic women, and women from other race/ethnic groups, Black women showed declines in the frequency of exercise since 1984. In general, young adult women showed a marked increase in the frequency of eating breakfast over this period, although Black women did not show any net gains.Conclusions. Social disparities in body weight may increase because Black women, Hispanic women, and men with lower socioeconomic status show declining trends in positive weight-related health behaviors compared with White young adults with higher socioeconomic status.As the prevalence of obesity and overweight rises in the United States,^1–5 researchers continue to investigate a range of mechanisms by which people attain excessive body weight.^6–10 Agreement is growing that the source of the obesity epidemic lies in an environment that produces an energy gap,^11–15 where energy intake exceeds energy expenditure even by as little as 100 excess calories per day.^12,13 Yet, it is unclear whether this 100-calorie excess is a function of increased intake or decreased output (or some combination of both) in American activity and consumption behaviors over time.Limited data exist on trends in energy intake and energy expenditure among Americans over the past 3 decades, but the data that are available are nonetheless consistent with the rise in obesity observed over the same period. Between 1977 and 1996, Americans increased their total energy consumption by about 200 kcal/day.¹⁶ This was largely a result of increased consumption of snacks and soft drinks, particularly among young adults,^16,17 while vegetable and fruit consumption remained low.^18–21 These consumption behaviors have all been linked to excess weight gain.^22–25 The increased availability of inexpensive, energy-dense food and beverages^26–30 coupled with a lack of access to fresh fruits and vegetables^31,32 are some of the environmental factors that may contribute to these trends. The US population has also adopted an increasingly sedentary lifestyle^33–36 in an environment that is associated with a reduction in energy expenditure, including car-dependent neighborhoods that discourage walking and biking^37–41 and limited physical activity in schools.^28,42 On average, American youth spend over 30 hours per week watching television,⁴³ which is positively associated with being overweight, either through sedentary activity or through exposure to the marketing of poor-quality foods.^43–46 Modern lifestyles are increasingly characterized by skipping breakfast and sleeping less,^36,47–49 which have also been linked to energy imbalance.^50–56These reported trends in health behaviors, however, are based on data from repeated cross-sectional surveys^18,21,57 that were often conducted up to 5 years or more apart,^16,21,57 the results of which are typically reported in aggregate across a time span of 4 to 7 years.^20,57 Moreover, published articles frequently focus on trends in only 1 health behavior (e.g., fruit and vegetable consumption^18,20) and not the relative practice of energy consumption and expenditure behaviors among individuals over time. As a result, more detailed trends in health behaviors, particularly as they illustrate subtle changes in the balance of energy intake and output occurring annually among American young adults over the last quarter century, are poorly understood.Also, differences in these behaviors and their trends by gender, socioeconomic status (SES), and racial/ethnic background are not well described at a population level, even though well-documented health disparities in obesity by social position exist.^4,58–61 Using data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (1988–2002), one study found that non-Hispanic Blacks, persons in poverty, and those with less than a high school education were less likely to meet US Department of Agriculture fruit and vegetable guidelines than were non-Hispanic Whites and socioeconomically advantaged individuals.⁵⁷ However, these results were based on 2 cross-sectional data sets collected 5 years apart. Delva et al.¹⁰ used repeat cross-sectional data collected annually from secondary school students between 1986 and 2003 to report declining trends in the proportion of adolescents who ate breakfast or exercised regularly, with a lower prevalence among women, racial/ethnic minorities, and those with low SES. Trends in the frequency of these behaviors beyond the secondary school setting, however, remain largely undocumented.The purpose of our study was, first, to investigate long-term patterns in weight-related health behaviors among young adults (aged 19–26 years) over the past 23 years (1984–2006) and, second, to assess how these patterns varied by social position (race/ethnicity, gender, and SES). Analyses were based on longitudinal data for multiple cohorts of individuals with frequent repeat measures to better track historical changes in weight-related health behaviors over time. By focusing on young adults, we aimed to better understand how weight-related health behaviors have changed in this early period of the adult life course, when many adult health behavior patterns show their formative roots. The transition to adulthood (sometimes referred to as emerging or early adulthood) is a period when individuals are on their own typically for the first time, when life plans are put into action, and when distinctive life paths become more manifest.⁶² We hypothesized that the frequency of healthy behaviors would generally decline among young adults over this period, and that the rate of decline would be greater among those in disadvantaged social positions (women, Blacks, Hispanics, and those of lower SES).     

Correlates of incarceration among young methamphetamine users in Chiang Mai, Thailand

Objectives. We examined correlates of incarceration among young methamphetamine users in Chiang Mai, Thailand in 2005 to 2006.Methods. We conducted a cross-sectional study among 1189 young methamphetamine users. Participants were surveyed about their recent drug use, sexual behaviors, and incarceration. Biological samples were obtained to test for sexually transmitted and viral infections.Results. Twenty-two percent of participants reported ever having been incarcerated. In multivariate analysis, risk behaviors including frequent public drunkenness, starting to use illicit drugs at an early age, involvement in the drug economy, tattooing, injecting drugs, and unprotected sex were correlated with a history of incarceration. HIV, HCV, and herpes simplex virus type 2 (HSV-2) infection were also correlated with incarceration.Conclusions. Incarcerated methamphetamine users are engaging in behaviors and being exposed to environments that put them at increased risk of infection and harmful practices. Alternatives to incarceration need to be explored for youths.Over the past decade, methamphetamine use has increased exponentially and reached epidemic proportions, particularly in North America¹ and Southeast Asia.² The methamphetamine epidemic has been concentrated among adolescents and young adults and has significant public health implications² because methamphetamine use has been associated with high-risk behaviors including multiple sexual partners, contractual sex, polydrug use, and aggression.^3,4Thailand has experienced a steadily increasing methamphetamine epidemic since 1996.⁵ By 2003, an estimated 3 500 000 Thais had ever used methamphetamines.⁶ In 1996, Thailand criminalized methamphetamines, treating the trafficking, possession, and use of methamphetamines with the same severity as heroin-related offenses.⁷ In 2003 the government began a “war on drugs” in an attempt to control the epidemic.^8,9 In combination, these events led to a doubling in the number of incarcerated individuals between 1996 and 2004.^7,10 In 2005, 64% of Thai inmates were drug offenders,¹¹ and in 2006, 75% of drug-related arrests and charges were related to methamphetamines.¹² Treatment for methamphetamine use is limited. Institutional management of methamphetamine users includes the use of rehabilitation centers, military-style boot camps, compulsory drug treatment centers, and prisons.¹¹A history of incarceration has been associated with negative health outcomes, including sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and blood-borne viruses, particularly syphilis,¹³ herpes,¹⁴ HIV,^10,15,16 hepatitis b (HBV),^17,18 and HCV.^18–21 The prevalence of these pathogens has been found to be much higher in prisons than in the general population.^22–26 Although these infections may be a result of a high-risk lifestyle leading to incarceration, it is also clear that the prison system exposes individuals to environments and behaviors that increase their risk of acquiring these infections, such as tattooing,^{10,18,21,27–29} unprotected sex as a result of limited condom availability,²⁷ and using shared needles to inject drugs.^27,30,31With so many young methamphetamine users entering the judicial system, it is important to understand the characteristics of this group so that appropriate public health interventions can be designed. Young methamphetamine users need to be diverted away from the judicial system to decrease high-risk behaviors that may impact their own well-being and that of the community.As part of a randomized controlled trial to reduce the risks associated with methamphetamine use among youths in Chiang Mai, Thailand, we investigated behavioral and viral correlates of incarceration among a sample of 1189 young adults aged 18 to 25 years.