Progressive peripheral agraphia

We describe RW, a patient who presented with writing difficulty that deteriorated over time. While her graphemes were typically legible, her writing was extremely slow, and her letters were written in an inconsistent and heterogeneous manner (e.g. each "a" in the word "banana" was produced in a different way). Her mental imagery of letters was impoverished, and she also produced allographic errors in her writing. She had some spelling errors as well, but many of these were due to omissions, perseverations, and motor operations. A positron emission tomography scan demonstrated superior parietal occipital and superior frontal defects that were more evident on the left than the right. Our observations are consistent with the hypothesis that RW has a deficit retrieving physical letter forms as manifested by her heterogeneous and slow production of letter forms. This disruption of grapheme retrieval is associated with interruption of a superior frontal-parietal system in the left hemisphere.     

Pure agraphia after infarction in the superior and middle portions of the left precentral gyrus: Dissociation between Kanji and Kana

The present study describes a Japanese patient with pure agraphia displaying differential disturbances in processing Kanji (morphogram) and Kana (syllabogram) letters after an infarction in the middle and superior portions of the left precentral gyrus. Kana errors reflected the patient’s difficulty with retrieving both motor and visual letter images, whereas Kanji errors included partial letter stroke omissions or additions. This present case suggests that differences in writing disturbances between Kana and Kanji letters are caused by a differential dependency on letter motor images.     

Letter position dysgraphia

The article describes AE, a Hebrew-speaking individual with acquired dysgraphia, who makes mainly letter position errors in writing. His dysgraphia resulted from impairment in the graphemic buffer, but unlike previously studied patients, most of his errors related to the position of letters rather than to letter identity: 80% of his errors were letter position errors in writing, and only 7% of his errors were letter omissions, substitutions, and additions. Letter position errors were the main error type across tasks (writing to dictation and written naming), across output modalities (writing and typing), and across stimuli, e.g., migratable words (words in which letter migration forms another word), irregular words, and nonwords. Letter position errors occurred mainly in the middle letters of a word. AE's writing showed a significant length effect, and no lexicality, migratability, or frequency effects. His letter position deficit was manifested selectively in writing; he made no letter position errors in reading, demonstrating the dissociability of letter position encoding in reading and writing. These data support the existence of a letter order function in the graphemic buffer that is separate from the function responsible for activating letter identities.     

Developmental mirror-writing is paralleled by orientation recognition errors

The writing attempts of children often feature mirror-reversals of individual letters. These reversals are thought to arise from an adaptive tendency to mirror-generalize. However, it is unclear whether mirror-writing is driven by mirror-generalisation of the visual letter forms, or of the actions for writing them. We report two studies of the relationship between mirror-writing and the ability to recognize whether a visually presented letter is in the correct orientation, amongst primary and preschool children learning to read and write in English. Children who produced more mirror-writing also made more orientation recognition errors, for uppercase (Study 1, n?=?44) and lowercase letters (Study 2, n?=?98), and these relationships remained significant when controlling for age. In both studies, the letters more often reversed in writing were also more prone to orientation recognition errors. Moreover, the rates of mirror-writing of different uppercase letters were closely similar between the dominant and non-dominant hands (Study 1). We also note that, in the recognition tasks, children were more likely to accept reversed letters as correct, than to reject correctly oriented letters, consistent with a tendency to mirror-generalize the visual letter forms. In every aspect, these results support a major role for visual representations in developmental mirror-writing.     

A case of pure agraphia due to left parietal lobe infarction]

We reported a case of an 86-year old woman with pure agraphia due to the left parietal lobe infarction. The characteristics of agraphia were as follows. Most errors in Kana and Kanji writing to dictation and copying were no response. She was able to write only numerals from 1 to 12 precisely. Most errors in numerals were substitution. One unrecognizable numeral was found. She succeeded in pointing to nine among ten single Kana letter named by the examiner with the systematic table of the Japanese syllabary, but missed in pointing to Kana words. It took more time for the patient to point to single Kana letter than the control. Magnetic resonance imaging showed a cerebral infarction in the left parietal lobe which included a part of superior parietal lobule and supramarginal gyrus. We classified pure agraphia with parietal lobe infarction into two types in our previous report. In one type (type 1), letters in writing are poorly formed, but the ability to make words with the methods other than writing are reserved. The only deficit of graphic motor pattern could cause Type 1 agraphia. In another type (type 2), letters in writing were well-formed, but spelling with anagram or typing was disturbed. The deficits of writing process other than graphic motor pattern could cause Type 2 agraphia. This typing seems to be effective not only in Kana but also in Kanji. In this report, we investigated the differences of lesion between two types out of some references. Type1 agraphia seems related to lesion of left superior parietal lobule, while Type 2 agraphia seems related to lesion of left supramarginal gyrus. This case had the features of type 2 agraphia at least, and the compatible lesions.     

When ‘slime’ becomes ‘smile’: Developmental letter position dyslexia in English

We report the first three cases of selective developmental letter position dyslexia in English. Although the parents and teachers of the children were concerned about these children's reading, standard tests did not reveal their deficit. It was only when the appropriate target words were presented, in this case, migratable words, that their letter position dyslexia was detected. Whereas previous research has described cases with acquired and developmental forms of letter position dyslexia in Hebrew and Arabic readers, this is the first report of this type of reading disorder in English. The cardinal symptom of letter position dyslexia is the migration of letters within the word (reading slime as ‘smile’; pirates as ‘parties’). These migration errors occur in reading aloud as well as in tasks of silent reading. This study provides further evidence that migration errors emerge at the level of early visual-orthographic analysis, in the letter position encoding function. Alternative explanations for the occurrence of migration errors such as poor phonological processing or a deficit in the orthographic input lexicon are ruled out.     

Where do perseverations come from?

RB, a patient with probable Alzheimer's disease, makes continuous perseverations of single letters when writing (e.g. fruit-->fruuit), particularly on high frequency letters. An analysis of her errors reveals that her perseverations do not reflect letter substitutions or transpositions, nor do they suggest difficulty with geminates. No continuous perseverations were found in oral production, in graphic and simple motor tasks, and in oral spelling. RB's data do not support an attention deficit as the basis of her continuous perseverations. It is proposed that a deficit at the level of abstract letter representations is the source of RB's perseverations. The implications of this conclusion for accounts of perseveration and of spelling models are discussed.     

A cognitive-neuropsychological analysis of allograph errors from a patient with acquired dysgraphia

Abstract

This paper reports an investigation of the impaired writing of an acquired dysgraphic patient J.E.C. who made several case, substitution, omission, and addition errors when writing lower-case letters cursively, but whose upper-case writing was intact. The main finding was that damage to the lower-case letter production system results in errors that can be predicted from the spatial similarity of the lower-case form of the error to the lower-case form of the target. This was found with both within-case and cross-case letter substitutions. An additional observation was consistent cross-case errors occurred only with targets forming a single cluster of spatially similar lower-case letters (b, d, p, and q). It is concluded access to lower-case letters is constrained by spatial similarity of a target to other letters in allograph store, and this effect may explain letter errors made by dysgraphic patients.     

Letter processing automatically recruits a sensory-motor brain network

Behavioral, neuropsychological and neuroimaging research suggest a distributed network that is recruited when we interact with letters. For the first time, we combine several letter processing tasks in a single experiment to study why letters seem to engage such disparate processing areas. Using fMRI, we investigate how the brain responds to letters using tasks that should recruit systems for letter perception, letter writing, letter copying and letter imagery. We describe a network of five cortical regions including the left fusiform gyrus, two left pre-central areas, left cuneus and the left inferior frontal gyrus that are all selectively engaged during a 1-back matching paradigm with letters. Our results suggest involvement of these regions to different extents in different tasks. However, the regions also form an integrated network such that letter perception also engages motor regions while writing recruits letter-specific visual regions as well. We suggest that this distributed network is a direct result of our sensory–motor interactions with letters.     

Progressive aphasia presenting with deep dyslexia and dysgraphia

Primary progressive aphasia is clinically heterogeneous. We report a patient, alias Don, with a novel form of progressive aphasia, characterised by deep dyslexia and dysgraphia and dissociated access to phonological and orthographic word forms. The hallmarks of deep dyslexia and dysgraphia were present early in the course and persisted over time. Writing was initially poorer than reading, but this reversed over time. There was a lack of concordance between reading and writing errors. Don benefited from a semantic mediation strategy to learn letter sounds, involving associating letters with a country name (e.g., A = Afghanistan). Remarkably, he continued to be able to generate those phonologically complex country names when no longer able to name or sound letters. Don’s performance is compatible with a traditional dual-route account of deep dyslexia and dysgraphia. The findings have potential practical implications for speech and language therapy in progressive aphasia. Moreover, they illustrate both the remarkable specificity yet clinical diversity in presentation of progressive aphasia.     

Pure agraphia. Apropos of 2 cases

Pure agraphia is a disorder of written language without aphasia, alexia or apraxia. Its existence has long been disputed. We report 2 cases due to a left parietal hematoma. In the first patient, with a deep precuneate lesion, agraphia included disorders in handwriting and orthographic problems in copying or writing from dictation with the two hands. The second patient, with a lesion of the postero-inferior part of the left angular gyrus, made errors in choice and combination of letters during dictation, whereas these same letters were well-written and copying was normal. The first cases of pure agraphia were ascribed to frontal lesions and then confusional states. Current opinion tends to implicate parietal lesions of various types: superior or inferior, internal or external. Findings in the present 2 cases and those reported indicate that pure parietal agraphia is heterogeneous.     

Selective Kana agraphia: a case report

We present a Japanese man with selective Kana (phonogram) agraphia as a sequela of two cerebral infarctions in a part of the left angular gyrus and its adjoining posterior superior temporal gyrus and the left corona radiata. The agraphia of this patient showed the following features: (1) His writing difficulty was greater for Kana than for Kanji (ideogram) when a word was polysyllabic. (2) Kana errors consisted of perseveration and substitution with another letter, resulting in jargon agraphia. (3) This jargon agraphia often contained a correct number of letters for a target word. Based on these findings, we speculate that the basic defect of this agraphia lies in the process of converting an acoustic word image into a Kana motor grapheme sequence.     

Lateral asymmetry: Hard or simple-minded?

A letter or a three-dimensional shape was presented in the center of the visual field. Following the off-set of this stimulus either a comparison letter or a three-dimensional shape was flashed briefly in either the right or left visual field. The subject's task was to respond SAME, or DIFFERENT. The stimuli could be in the same plane, rotated in two dimensions (letters) or in three dimensions (three-dimensional shapes). The left visual field presentations (right hemisphere) of same-pair matches for letters only produced faster reaction times and fewer errors. In all other conditions reaction time measures showed no hemisphere effects. By contrast, error score data indicated that the left hemisphere was overwhelmingly more accurate.     

Executive functions processed in the frontal and lateral temporal cortices: Intracerebral study

OBJECTIVE: The study was designed to investigate the neurocognitive network in the frontal and lateral temporal cortices that is activated by the complex cognitive visuomotor tasks of letter writing. METHODS: Eight epilepsy surgery candidates with implanted intracerebral depth electrodes performed two tasks involving the writing of single letters. The first task consisted of copying letters. In the second task, the patients were requested to write any other letter. The cognitive load of the second task was increased mainly by larger involvement of the executive functions. The task-related ERD/ERS of the alpha, beta and gamma rhythms was studied. RESULTS: The alpha and beta ERD as the activational correlate of writing of single letters was found in the sensorimotor cortex, anterior cingulate, premotor, parietal cortices, SMA and the temporal pole. The alpha and beta ERD linked to the increased cognitive load was present moreover in the dorsolateral and ventrolateral prefrontal cortex, orbitofrontal cortex and surprisingly also the temporal neocortex. Gamma ERS was detected mostly in the left motor cortex. CONCLUSIONS: Particularly the temporal neocortex was activated by the increased cognitive load. SIGNIFICANCE: The lateral temporal cortex together with frontal areas forms a cognitive network processing executive functions.     

A case of alexia with agraphia following left occipital lobe

Since Dejerine reported cases of alexia with agraphia in 1891 and of pure alexia in 1892, it is generally said that the former may occur due to the lesion of the left angular gyrus and the latter due to that of the medial inferior area of the left occipital lobe. In this article, we reported a case of alexia with agraphia who had the main lesion in the medial inferior area of the occipital lobe of the left hemisphere. A 62-year-old right-handed male showed alexia with agraphia. CT scan and single photon emission CT revealed the main lesion in the medial occipital area on the left side. Alexia with agraphia of the patient was characterized as follows: with regard to reading, though his recognition of forms as letter was nearly spared, he could neither read letters or words nor differentiate Kana- from Kanji-letters. Paralexic errors included confusion of Kana and Kanji. He manifested no kinesthetic facilitation in reading. Regarding writing, his disturbances were more severe in Kanji-writing, but there were paragraphia and difficulty of letter-form evocation even in Kana-writing. He could not write spontaneously or to dictation. His copying of letters was also disturbed. Since it is said that there is no difference between Kana- and Kanji-disturbance in Japanese pure alexics, an aspect of alexia of the patient may be common to pure alexia.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Mirror writing and reversing single letters in stroke patients and normal elderly

Abstract Mirror writing (MW) refers to the production of individual letters or whole word strings in reversed direction. When held to a mirror, these letters or words can be read normally. We observed MW in a considerable number of stroke patients. Of the 86 patients screened 15 (17.5%) showed at least one instance of mirror writing in any of the tasks. Both right (14% of 36 patients) and left (20% of 50 patients) hemisphere damaged patients produced reversed letters only when writing with their left hand, respectively the contralesional and ipsilesional hand. The dissociated performance between the two hands in brain damaged patients is relevant to the interpretation of MW because, unlike all other peripheral dysgraphias, MW affects the non-dominant hand only. Importantly, healthy elderly also showed MW solely when writing with their left hand (6.9% of 86 participants). MW in controls was less frequent but qualitatively similar to that observed in brain damaged patients. This finding is consistent with the motor interpretation of MW that assumes an inability to transform the stored letter forming programmes for left hand writing. However, several cases have been reported in the literature of a more pervasive form of MW whereby patients mirror reverse entire words or sentences. This pattern has been observed in children learning to write but it has never been observed in healthy adult volunteers. We propose that the diagnosis of MW should be limited to the reversal of whole words, multi-digit numbers and full sentences, which reveal a disorder in coding the correct direction of writing rather than an inability to accomplish the correct spatial orientation of single letters.     

Case of Moyamoya disease with agraphia caused by a frontal lesion

A 45-year-old woman showed agraphia and decreasing spontaneity. She was diagnosed as Moyamoya disease by cerebral angiography. CT scans revealed the abnormal low density area in the left frontal lobe, and the regional cerebral blood flow study showed low perfusion in the bilateral frontal lobe and the left high convexity area. She could copy specimens of the author's writing, but her spontaneous writing and dictation were impaired with either hand. The form of each letter she wrote was not so distorted, but wrong letters were substituted for the correct ones. Errors in Kana-writing were more common than in Kanji. Although her spontaneous speech was diminished, auditory comprehension, reading and constructional abilities were unaffected. She exhibited no agnosia and apraxia. Agraphia in this case was caused by a disconnection between the visual image and auditory image and/or between the visual image and kinesthetic image. Inner speech (Luria, AR et al, 1968) in this case might be disturbed, and decreasing spontaneity and delay of response resulted from the frontal lesion. The writing process may be constituted of many factors; images of visual, auditory and kinesthetic as well as primary functions of sensory and motor. Furthermore, it may be necessary for normal writing that one's inner speech, activities and intention of writing behavior are intact.     

Mechanisms of Pure Alexia: Spatially Based Impairment,Letter Identification Deficit,or Both?

We studied reading performance for words and for isolated letters in a pure alexic patient. She performed reasonably well when naming isolated letters but was slower in reading letters than a control subject when reaction times (RTs) were recorded. When the patient read isolated letters, RTs were slower for a subset of letters that cannot be recognized from their left part alone (e.g. “b”, an ambiguous letter, could be read “b” “h” “l” or “k” whereas “a” has no predictable confounders). We observed a significant positive correlation between the RTs for reading a word and the mean RTs for reading each of its composing letters before its uniqueness point (i.e. the point, when reading from the left to the right, where a word cannot be a word other than the one it is). This result suggests that, in our patient, the letter identification deficit can account for the slow, letter-by-letter reading behaviour, insofar as each letter represents a perceptual problem. Our findings can be accounted for by a deficit in the parallel processing of the left and right parts of each letter, compounded with a bias to process first the left part of the letter, and may thus reconcile the hypotheses of spatiallybased deficit (Rapp and Caramazza, 1991) and of a perceptual deficit occurring at the letter identification level (Behrmann and Shallice, 1995; Perri et al., 1996).