共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 453 毫秒
1.
Montoya ID 《Journal of healthcare management / American College of Healthcare Executives》1998,43(5):416-24; discussion 425-6
Nonprofit hospitals have begun to focus once again on serving the health needs of their communities. Governmental needs for additional revenue and for-profit hospitals' contention that tax exemptions give nonprofit hospitals an unfair competitive advantage have resulted in changes in laws and regulations and have caused a change in the role of nonprofit hospitals. As local governments become more responsive to the health needs of their communities, they are requiring nonprofit hospitals to become more responsive as well. Laws, regulations, and court decisions have begun to require nonprofit hospitals to provide charity care and services at levels equal to the amount of their exempt taxes. In response, nonprofit hospitals are developing community benefit programs and public health services. 相似文献
2.
Health care for the poor: some policy alternatives 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
D Mechanic 《The Journal of family practice》1986,22(3):283-289
Changes in the financing and organization of medical care are most likely to affect adversely the poor who have significant needs for care, but face increasingly stringent eligibility criteria in Medicaid and other public programs. Americans estimated to have neither private nor public health insurance coverage number 33 million persons, and with increased cost pressures, voluntary and proprietary hospitals are less willing to treat such patients. One quarter of hospitals provide 60 percent of all care to the poor, and many of these nonprofit and public hospitals face economic difficulties and an erosion of public commitment. Alternative solutions include publicly subsidized premiums for the poor and near poor and assistance to financially stressed hospitals caring for large numbers of such persons. Mechanisms include all-payer systems, taxes on net hospital revenue or insurance premiums, or contributions from general tax revenues. Financing poses special problems, but it is also necessary to address the special needs of children and the elderly, the appropriate balance between technical and cognitive services, and new ways to maintain health and promote effective functioning. These issues pose challenges and opportunities for family practice. 相似文献
3.
Hallam K 《Modern healthcare》2000,30(7):16-7, 20
The nation's two largest for-profit hospital chains have adopted another cost-cutting strategy: They've hired a small army of consultants and lawyers to persuade local tax assessors that many of their hospitals are overvalued, so they should pay less in real estate taxes. But the strategy carries some risk for the for-profits, which usually cite tax payments as one of their "community benefits." 相似文献
4.
Fat, sugar or sweetened beverage taxes are part of an overall public health nutrition approach to healthy eating. They are not approaches that on their own are likely to bring about change. Policy evidence from existing food tax implementation suggest that taxes need to be paralleled by subsidies and other interventions to encourage healthy eating. Such dual methods help not only contribute to nutrition outcomes but also ensure political support for food taxes. Politicians and policy makers are suspicious of taxes, using subsidies and revenue monies from taxes to support healthy eating is more likely to encourage both political and public support. Building support for policies is never just a matter of academic evidence. Public health advocates need to show more ambition by developing skills in implementing pricing policies to support healthy eating. Key opponents to taxes are the food industry who use a range of arguments to prevent taxation being implemented. Public health advocates are weak in tackling the issues of corporate power and providing evidence to maintain policy and political support.The public health movement needs to continue to develop the political will among politicians and the public for taxes on food. A new way of looking at policy formation is required and this includes addressing the power of corporate interests and the role of professionals in shaping or combating these influences. 相似文献
5.
Potter MA 《Hospital & health services administration》1992,37(1):89-102
At a time when taxing authorities at all levels of government are reexamining present exemptions, nonprofit charitable hospitals may become concerned about potential new tax liabilities. The Tax Impact Model described here can predict the dollar amount of new taxes, the probable amount of shortfall in major payers' reimbursement for these expenses, and the resulting net financial impact. This model incorporates a set of issues that should be considered and factors for which data or assumptions are needed. It can be applied to hospitals singly or in groups. Here, the model's application to a single hospital shows that payer mix and pretax financial strength are important determinants of the impact of taxation. These findings also suggest that hospitals with a large disproportion of Medicare and Medicaid patients, and those with small revenue margins, are least able to absorb new tax expenses. 相似文献
6.
Jennifer L. Pomeranz 《American journal of public health》2015,105(11):2191-2193
US state and local governments are debating sugar-sweetened beverage excise taxes to support public health. A related issue is whether such taxes would apply to beverage purchases made by Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) participants. Federal law proscribes states from collecting excise taxes on SNAP purchases, but the law is confined to taxes at the point of sale. I provide legal analysis and recommendations for policymakers to enact taxes that are not subject to the SNAP tax exemption to potentially deter consumption by all consumers.Many US state and local governments are engaged in activity to pass sugar-sweetened beverage taxes to support public health and raise revenue. Berkeley, California, passed the nation’s first sugar-sweetened beverage tax for this purpose in November 2014. Legislative bills and literature on the subject focus on excise taxes because they have administrative advantages, they result in an increase in the price of the product, and the revenue can be earmarked for other public health programs. Excise taxes are levied on the businesses engaged in the manufacture, distribution, use, or sale of products; these entities are expected to recover the cost by increasing the base price of the product, unlike sales taxes, which are administered at the point of purchase. See Type of Tax Collection Method Relation to SNAP and Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Taxes Sales taxes Paid by consumers and collected by retailers at the point of sale to remit to the taxing authority. Produces revenue for the taxing government entity that goes into the general treasury. SNAP recipients do not pay sales taxes on eligible food purchased with SNAP benefits. 23 states have sales taxes specifically dedicated to sugar-sweetened beverage purchases. Excise taxes Levied on businesses engaged in the manufacture, distribution, use, or sale of commodities; taxed entities determine the extent they will pass on the cost of the tax to consumers by increasing the base price of the product. Produces revenue for the taxing government entity that can be earmarked for specific purposes. Because excise taxes may result in an increase in the base price of the product, SNAP recipients, like all consumers, indirectly pay for any increase resulting from the tax. 7 states have excise taxes that apply to sugar-sweetened beverage businesses to raise revenue. The city of Berkeley, CA, was the first government to pass an excise tax for the additional purpose of deterring consumption to support public health. Fees Charges imposed on business activities primarily to recoup costs associated with government regulatory activity or the provision of services to the payer. Fees are not revenue producing.1 Fees have not yet been used in the sugar-sweetened beverage context. Food-related examples include retailer licensing fees to recoup the costs of government’s administration and inspection of retailers; the Food Safety Modernization Act imposes a fee for a food facility’s noncompliance with a recall order to pay for the hours spent by the US Food and Drug Administration to redress the failure to comply.