Adolescent fathers in the United States: their initial living arrangements, marital experience and educational outcomes

Data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey show that seven percent of young males aged 20-27 in 1984 had fathered a child while they were teenagers, more than three-quarters of them nonmaritally. One-third of those who were responsible for a nonmarital conception married within 12 months of conception, and half of all of the young men lived with their child shortly after the child's birth. Overall, young black men were more likely to have been responsible for a nonmarital first birth than were males of other racial backgrounds, and only 15 percent of black teenagers lived with their first child, compared with 48 percent of Hispanics, 58 percent of disadvantaged whites and 77 percent of nondisadvantaged whites. Multivariate analyses indicated that only black or Hispanic youths and those who fathered a child at age 16 or younger were significantly less likely to have lived with their first child; those who were raised Catholic were more likely to have done so. Further analyses revealed that living in a rural area, being relatively older at the child's birth, having been raised Catholic and having lived with both parents at age 14 were associated with an above average probability that white teenage fathers would live with their child, at least initially. However, none of the variables in the model were significant for blacks. Teenage fathers, regardless of their marital status at conception or age at first birth, were much more likely to have been high school dropouts than were other male teenagers. Those with a maritally conceived child had a particularly high drop-out rate--almost 62 percent. Among teenage fathers responsible for a nonmaritally conceived first birth that occurred before they received their diploma or GED certificate or received their diploma or GED certificate or they left school for the last time, those living with their partner shortly after the child's birth were less likely to have completed high school by 1984 than were those not living with their child. However, a multivariate analysis revealed that a teenage father's living with his child shortly after birth was not significantly related to his completion of high school, while being black was positively associated.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)     

The pace of repeated childbearing among young American mothers

Women who first give birth at ages 16 and younger are more likely to bear a second child within the next two years (26 percent) than are women who have their first child at ages 17-18 (20 percent) or at ages 19-22 (22 percent). However, there are important racial and ethnic differences in the likelihood of rapid repeated childbearing: Among whites, age at first birth has little effect on the proportions who have a second birth quickly; but among blacks, it has a significant inverse effect, with younger women more likely than older women to have a second child quickly. At nearly all ages at first birth, Hispanic mothers are more likely than either whites or blacks to have a second birth soon after the first. While the youngest black mothers (those 16 and under) are more likely than the youngest whites to have a rapid second birth, the oldest white mothers (those 19-22) are more likely than the oldest blacks. Socioeconomic background (represented by level of parental education), marital status at first birth and wantedness of the first birth also affect the pace of repeated childbearing. Compared with young mothers whose own mothers are high school graduates, those whose mothers are dropouts are more likely to have a second child within two years. Teenage mothers who are married at their first birth appear somewhat more likely than their unmarried counterparts to bear another child quickly; and mothers who wanted their first child at the time of conception are generally more likely to do so than are mothers whose first births were unwanted.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Patterns of adult male coresidence among young children of adolescent mothers

This article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth to examine the coresidence patterns of children and adult males during the first three years of a child's life, with special attention to the children of adolescent mothers. Overall, the most common experience was for the children to have an adult male present over the full period. However, there were differences by race and the mother's age when she gave birth. For example, 83 percent of white children and 47 percent of black children born to mothers aged 20 or older lived with an adult male during their entire early childhood, while three quarters of white children and fewer than one-third of black children born to mothers younger than 18 had a male present in their household over their first three years. Among both races, children of older mothers were significantly more likely than others to be born into a household where an adult male was present. The stability of male coresidence varied significantly by the mother's age among white children, but not among blacks. Overall, black children experienced more changes in male coresidence than whites. Finally, the likelihood that the adult male would be married to the mother was positively associated with white race and the age of the mother when she gave birth.     

Contraceptive use, pregnancy and fertility patterns among single American women in their 20s

Eighty-two percent of never-married American women aged 20-29 have had sexual intercourse; black women are somewhat more likely than white women to have had intercourse. In all, 53 percent of never-married women in this age-group had intercourse at least once in the four weeks preceding the 1983 National Survey of Unmarried Women. Black women are more likely than white women to have done so (62 percent compared with 51 percent). Nearly all of the women who ever had intercourse have used a contraceptive method at some time; 78 percent practiced contraception at the time of their most recent intercourse. A high proportion did not start using birth control until some time after first intercourse, however: On average, the delay between first coitus and first contraceptive use was eight months, and one-fifth of the respondents said that they began using a method only after their first pregnancy. Most of the women who did use a method at the time of first intercourse relied on the condom or withdrawal; in contrast, about two-thirds of white women and three-quarters of black women now rely on the pill, IUD or sterilization. Eighty-six percent of the women who had intercourse in the four weeks before the interview were current users--88 percent of the white women and 77 percent of the black women. Catholic women are no less likely than others to have ever had intercourse, to be currently sexually active or to be using contraceptives. However, Catholic women who receive communion at least once a week are less likely to be sexually active and substantially less likely to use medical contraceptive methods. Women who consider themselves very religious are less likely to be sexually active, but the sexually active among them are about as likely as others to use contraceptives. Better-educated women are much more likely than less-educated women to practice contraception, and women who work outside of the home are more likely than those who do not to use contraceptives. Thirty-three percent of unmarried 20-29-year-olds have had at least one pregnancy (about 40 percent of those who have ever had intercourse). Thirty-two percent of sexually active white women have been pregnant, compared with 70 percent of comparable black women. Furthermore, whereas 14 percent of white 20-29-year-olds have had an out-of-wedlock birth, 62 percent of black women have done so.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)     

Adolescent childbearing and high school completion in the 1980s: have things changed?

More adolescent mothers are now graduating from high school than ever before. Since the 1950s, the high school completion rate of women who became mothers at age 17 or younger has nearly tripled--from 19 percent in 1958 to 56 percent in 1986. However, graduation rates did not increase equally for all racial and socioeconomic groups, and the increases did not occur in the same periods for all groups. Black mothers who were school-age when they had their first child made their greatest gains in graduation rates between 1958 and 1975, while their white counterparts made their greatest gains between 1975 and 1986. By 1986, black women who were 17 or younger when their first child was born were more likely to have graduated than similar white women--61 percent and 54 percent, respectively. Nevertheless, when overall levels of high school graduation are considered, white women were more likely than black women to have graduated. Regardless of race, women from more advantaged backgrounds were more likely to be graduates than were those from less advantaged backgrounds, and the younger the women were when their first child was born, the less likely they were to be graduates.     

Early childbearing and completion of high school

This article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience of Youth (NLSY) for 4696 US women who were aged 20-26 in 1983, and thus were past the normal age of high school completion, to examine patterns of high school termination and completion associated with teenage childbearing. The role of the General Educational Development (GED) program is examined as the means by which teenage mothers obtain high school credentials once they have dropped out of school. Most employers, training programs and colleges accept the GED certificates in the same manner as they do regular high school diplomas. Tabulated data indicate that high school completion rates for women aged 20-26 in 1983 range from only 53% among women who gave birth within 7 months after leaving school, to 79% among those who became pregnant after leaving school. Among Hispanic mothers who gave birth shortly after leaving school, the proportion completing their 2ndary education is 20 points lower than it is among whites or blacks (33% vs. 55%). Among Hispanic mothers who became pregnant after leaving school, the proportion is nearly 30 points lower (55% vs. 81-85%). Overall, only 5% of young women obtain their high school credentials through the GED equivalency program. However, young mothers are about 2-3 times as likely to go this route as are childless women. The GED program emerges as the predominant means of high school completion among white mothers (51% of those with accreditation), whereas it is considerably less important among black mothers (28%). The data also indicate how age at childbearing is closely associated with the probability of school completion and the type of credential received. The analyses highlight the importance of the GED program for women who bear children at an early age. Among women who complete high school but bear a child prior to the date of high school accreditation, about 40% obtain their credential through the GED program. Most of the women who 1st give birth at ages 15-16 do not finish high school by their early 20s, but those who do finish are almost as likely to obtain a GED credential as they are to receive a standard diploma. Although it is possible that availability of the GED option may encourage some young mothers to prematurely terminate their formal schooling, in all likelihood it permits a greater number to receive high school accreditation.     

Parental age difference and adverse perinatal outcomes in the United States

This study was undertaken to examine the relationship between paternal and maternal age differences and adverse perinatal outcomes in the United States. Data were obtained on singleton pregnancies delivering at >or=20 weeks gestation in the United States in 1995-97 from the National Center for Health Statistics data sets. Adverse perinatal outcomes that were evaluated included fetal death rate (>or=20 weeks), preterm delivery <37 weeks and small-for-gestational-age (SGA) births (birthweight <10th centile for gestational age and corrected for sex). Age difference was defined as paternal minus maternal age. The analysis included 8995274 pregnancies (11.3% blacks, 88.7% whites). An increase in fetal death rate, preterm delivery and SGA births was noted among white women who were older than their male partners. For black mothers older than their partners, there was an increase in fetal death rate when the women were <20 years old, but a decrease in fetal death rate when >35 years old. Neither rates of preterm delivery nor SGA births were increased much for black women with varying parental age differences. This demonstrates that race and maternal age both contribute to the effects of parental age difference on adverse perinatal outcomes.     

Racial disparities in elevated prenatal depressive symptoms among black and white women in eastern north Carolina

PURPOSE: Black women have an increased risk for preterm birth compared with white women, and prior research indicated that maternal prenatal depressive symptoms are associated with increased risk for preterm outcomes among black women. Race-related differences in prenatal depression could be of etiologic significance in understanding racial disparities in preterm birth. Our study focused on Center for Epidemiologic Studies' Depression Scale (CES-D) scores of pregnant black and white women. METHODS: Women were administered the CES-D at the time of their first visit to hospital-based prenatal clinics. Two cutoff scores for the CES-D were used: 16 or higher, which indicates "significant" depressive symptoms, and 23 or higher, which indicates major depressive disorder. RESULTS: For the sample of 1163 women, mean CES-D scores were significantly higher among black (17.4) than white (13.7) women. Of black women, 49% had CES-D scores higher than 15 compared with 33.5% of white women. Also, 27.5% of black women had scores higher than 22 compared with 16% of white women. After adjustment for maternal age, marital status, and education, odds ratios for race for both CES-D cutoff scores were approximately 1.5. CONCLUSIONS: Results of this study indicate that black women have greater rates of prenatal depression than white women.     

The intergenerational relationship between mother's birthweight, infant birthweight and infant mortality in black and white mothers

Summary. The relationship between the birthweight of white and black mothers and the outcomes of their infants were examined using the 1988 National Maternal and Infant Health Survey. White and black women who were low birthweight themselves were at increased risk of delivering very low birthweight (VLBW), moderately low birthweight (MLBW), extremely preterm and small size for gestational age (SGA) infants. Adjustment for the confounding effects of prepregnant weight and height reduced the risks of all these outcomes slightly, and more substantially reduced the maternal birthweight associated risk of moderately low birthweight among white mothers. There was little effect of maternal birthweight on infant birthweight-specific infant mortality in white mothers; however, black mothers who weighed less than 4 lbs at birth were at significantly increased risk of delivering a normal birthweight infant who subsequently died. Although the risks for the various outcomes associated with low maternal birthweight were not consistently higher in black mothers compared with white mothers, adjustment for prepregnant weight and height had a greater effect in white mothers than in black mothers. We suggest that interventions to reduce the risks for adverse pregnancy outcomes associated with low maternal birthweight should attempt to optimise prepregnant weight and foster child health and growth.     

Young teenagers and older sexual partners: correlates and consequences for males and females

CONTEXT: Limited nationally representative information exists on the characteristics of teenagers who had first sex at an early age with an older partner. METHODS: Gender-specific analyses were conducted of 2002 National Survey of Family Growth data from 1,838 females and 1,426 males aged 18-24. Multivariate analyses examined the associations between family and individual characteristics and having a first sexual experience before age 16 with an older partner, and between age and partners' age difference at first sex and contraceptive use and having or fathering a child as a teenager. RESULTS: Sex at a young age with an older partner was associated with not living with a biological parent at age 14 and Hispanic ethnicity for females and males, early menarche and religious attendance for females, and black race for males. Among females and males, first sex by age 16 was negatively associated with contraceptive use at first sex (odds ratios, 0.7 for each) and positively associated with a teenage birth (1.6 and 2.9, respectively); having an older first partner was associated with poor reproductive health outcomes among females. Among females, the combination of young age and an older partner at first sex was positively associated with having a teenage birth. Among males, sex before age 16 with an older partner was associated with more than twice the odds of fathering a child as a teenager compared with the odds among those who had first sex at age 16-17. CONCLUSIONS: Interventions should target specific teenage populations, including males, to dissuade them from having sex at a young age and with older partners. Also, prevention efforts should target potential older teenage partners and adult partners of young teenagers.     

Racial variation in spontaneous fetal deaths at 20 weeks or older in upstate New York, 1980-86.

The distribution of spontaneous fetal deaths (at age 20 weeks or more) by maternal race has received considerably less study than other adverse pregnancy outcomes. The purpose of this study was twofold--(a) to describe spontaneous fetal deaths among white, black, and American Indian women and (b) to determine if there was any variation by International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision (ICD-9) cause of death, gestational age at death, or maternal age at loss among these groups of mothers. Using the fetal death certificate registry maintained by the New York State Department of Health, 8,592 spontaneous fetal deaths at age 20 weeks or more were identified among upstate (exclusive of New York City) mothers between 1980 and 1986. By race it was 7,300 for white women, 1,257 for black women, and 27 for American Indian women. Spontaneous fetal death rates varied by maternal race as listed on vital records--black, 13.5 per 1,000 total births, white, 8.3, and American Indian, 8.1. The three leading causes of death (ICD-9,779, 762, and 761) did not vary by maternal race. Gestational age at death, imputed from last menstrual period, did vary by maternal race. Fetal deaths to white and black mothers were observed to occur most often between 24 weeks of pregnancy (39 percent) and 32 weeks (43 percent), while American Indian fetal deaths generally occurred later (more than 33 weeks) in pregnancy (41 percent). Most spontaneous fetal deaths occurred to mothers ages 20-29 regardless of race.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Changes in the age distribution of parents, 1940-1980

There have been substantial changes in the fertility patterns of women in the past half century. Using data drawn from the 1940 through 1980 Public Use Samples of the U.S. Census Population, the authors examine how these changes have affected the age distribution of parents for successive cohorts of children. They find that the average age of mothers and fathers has declined across cohorts of children. Part of the reason for this decline in mean ages is the precipitous decline in the proportion of black and white children who have mothers and fathers more than 35 years older than themselves. The proportion of white children born to teenage mothers changed very little during this time period. However, the likelihood of black children being born to very young mothers increased rapidly after 1960.     

Trends in twin and triplet births: 1980-97.

This report presents data from U.S. birth certificates on the numbers and rates of twin and triplet and other higher order multiple births for 1980-97. Over the study period, the number of twin births rose 52 percent (from 68,339 to 104,137) and triplet and other higher order multiple births (heretofore referred to as "triplet/+") climbed 404 percent (from 1,337 to 6,737 births). Comparable but less pronounced rises were observed in twin and triplet/+ birth rates. Growth in twin and triplet/+ birth rates was most marked among women aged 30 years and over. Between 1980-82 and 1995-97, the twin rate rose 63 percent for women aged 40-44 years, and soared nearly 1,000 percent for women 45-49 years. (As one result, there were more twins born to women 45-49 years of age in 1997, than during the entire decade of the 1980's.) The triplet/+ birth rate rose nearly 400 percent for women in their thirties and exploded by more than 1,000 percent for women in their forties. The extraordinary rise in multiple births resulted in a shift in age-specific patterns, and the highest twin and triplet/+ birth rates now are for women 45-49 years of age. Historical differences in twinning rates between non-Hispanic white and black mothers have been largely eliminated (28.8 per 1,000 non-Hispanic white compared with 30.0 for black women). Non-Hispanic white women were more than twice as likely as non-Hispanic black or Hispanic women to have a triplet/+ birth. Rates of low birthweight, very low birthweight, and infant mortality were 4 to 33 times higher for twins and triplet/+ compared with singleton births. The risk for these adverse outcomes was lowest for twins and triplet/+ born to women 35-44 years of age. Twin birth rates for Massachusetts and Connecticut were at least 25 percent higher than the U.S. rate; triplet/+ rates for Nebraska and New Jersey were twice the national level.     

Weight Gain among Men and Women Who Have a Child Enter Their Home

Parenthood is associated with decreased physical activity and dietary changes. Previously, mothers have been the focus of studies examining the influence of children on parents’ body mass index (BMI), largely ignoring whether parenting affects fathers. This study assessed weight gain in mothers and fathers (by birth or other), using longitudinal repeated-measures models to assess BMI changes over time; parents were compared with nonparents. Data were from the Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults cohort study and included 2,881 black and white adults, ages 18 to 30 years, without children at baseline (1985-1986), and from four urban locations. At each time point (years 2, 5, and 7), changes in BMI from baseline were analyzed, comparing those who had their children in their household at that time point (parents) and those without children (nonparents). The “child effect” is the mean difference in BMI change in parents compared with nonparents. In fathers, overall, the child effect was not significant (black males: 0.30; P=0.09; white males: 0.03; P=0.77). Among black men, however, interactions between age and parental status were significant (P=0.02). Black men who were aged 18 to 24 years at baseline and became fathers during the next 7 years demonstrated a significant child effect, gaining an average of 0.68 more in BMI than nonfathers (P=0.003). Mothers of both races demonstrated the child effect; for blacks it was 0.65 (P=0.003) and for whites it was 1.12 (P≤0.001). These data reveal that becoming a parent can affect the BMI of some adults and suggest that obesity-prevention interventions for children and adult-focused healthy-lifestyle interventions could have additional impact through a family focus targeting both parent and child outcomes.     

Early motherhood: Ignorance or bliss?

In order to understand why women are relatively poor contraceptors before their first pregnancy, and to answer some other related questions, a survey of 408 black and white native American women (aged 15-29), who lived in 3 boroughs of New York City (Brooklyn, the Bronx, and Queens) and had their first child in July of 1970, 1971, or 1972, was conducted by the National Opinion Research Center during January 15-March 14, 1973. 56% of the respondents stated not having planned their first births; only 6% were consistently using contraception during the month that they became pregnant. 81% of the births to teenagers were unplanned. One third of the mothers never used contraception prior to pregnancy. After the first birth, younger mothers were more likely to attend a clinic for contraception than older mothers. Nonuse of contraception was related to knowledge, accessibility and motivation, as well as interpersonal barriers such as the husband not wanting it, etc. Policy aimed at the period preceding motherhood should be given priority.     

Postpartum Contraception and Interpregnancy Intervals Among Adolescent Mothers Accessing Public Services in California

Objective To determine the association of age at index birth with postpartum contraceptive use and optimal interpregnancy interval (IPI, defined as delivery to next pregnancy >18 months), controlling for provider type and client demographics among adolescent mothers who have repeat pregnancies. Methods California’s 2008 birth records were linked to California’s Medi-Cal and Family PACT claims data to identify 26,393 women with repeat births between 2002 and 2008, whose index birth occurred as an adolescent, and who received publicly-funded services within 18 months after the index birth. Multivariable regression analyses were conducted to examine the relationship between timing of contraception provision and interpregnancy intervals, adjusting for socio-demographic factors. Results Seventy-eight percent of adolescent women did not receive contraception at their first postpartum visit, and twenty-eight percent of adolescent women never received contraception from a Family PACT or Medi-Cal provider. Adolescents who were older at their index birth had lower rates of optimal IPIs. Native American, Asian-Pacific Islander and Latina women had lower rates of optimal IPIs compared to white women. Compared to those using only barrier methods, adolescent women receiving highly effective contraceptive methods had a 4.25 times higher odds of having an optimal IPI than those receiving hormonal methods (OR 2.10), or using no method (OR 0.70). Conclusion Effective postpartum contraceptive use and being a Family PACT provider were associated with optimal birth spacing among adolescent mothers, yet racial and ethnic disparities persisted. A missed opportunity was the provision of contraception at the first postpartum visit. Providers should aim to remove barriers to initiation of contraception at this visit.     

Birth weight trends among interracial black and white infants

I examined time trends in low birth weight (LBW) and very low birth weight (VLBW) among interracial compared with single-race infants. Using natality data from 1978 through 1997 for singleton births to black and white parents, I calculated relative risks (RRs) of LBW and VLBW for interracial compared with single-race births, stratified by maternal race and adjusted for maternal characteristics. Among black mothers, interracial births had lower risks of LBW and VLBW than single-race births, and RRs were similar throughout the time period [for example, adjusted RR = 0.76 and 95% confidence interval (CI) = 0.73-0.80 for LBW in 1994-1997]. Among white mothers, interracial infants had higher risks of LBW than single-race infants; however, the adjusted RRs declined over the time period, from 1.22 (95% CI = 1.19-1.27) in 1978-1981 to 1.05 (95% CI = 1.03-1.08) in 1994-1997. Since 1978, there has been some relative improvement in birth outcomes for infants of white mothers and black fathers compared with single-race white births. There was, however, no relative improvement for black mother/black father infants relative to black mother/white father births.     

A comparison of pregnancy and child health outcomes between teenage and adult mothers in the slums of Nairobi, Kenya

The study assessed and compared pregnancy and child health outcomes of teenage (aged less than 20 years) and adult (20-34 years of age) mothers. A total of 226 teenage and 205 adult mothers met the study criteria out of the 3,256 women in the reproductive age group (15-49 years) and 318 adolescent girls (12-14 years of age) covered by the Nairobi Cross-sectional Slums Survey (NCSS). The main comparison involved socio-demographic variables, events during pregnancy, obstetric outcome, child morbidity and mortality and care provided during an illness episode. Results showed that a significantly higher percentage of teenage mothers and their partners had lower educational achievement compared with adult mothers and their partners. They were more likely to be economically disadvantaged than the adult mothers. Teenage mothers and their parents were also less likely to have ever been married. The two groups of mothers were comparable in terms of the rate and timing of antenatal care visits, place of delivery, rate of operative deliveries, reported size of the baby at birth, child vaccination status and reported morbidity and health care practice during an illness episode. The index child was alive during the survey period for 89.4% of the teenage and 96.6% of the adult mothers (OR = 3.36; 95% CI = 1.34, 8.79; P = 0.004). Child survival rates in the two groups of mothers were found to be quite similar after controlled analysis for the influence of socio-economic factors. The study concluded that bad obstetric outcomes were not associated with maternal age. Although teenage and adult mothers were not significantly different on child health practices, children born to the former group died most frequently probably due to their poor socioeconomic achievements.     

Sexually transmitted diseases among young heterosexual urban adults.

A self-administered, confidential survey of respondents'' history of selected sexually transmitted disease (STD) was conducted in 1987-88 among adults enrolled in a multicenter study of cardiovascular disease. Respondents (and response rates) included 535 white men (78 percent), 694 white women (89 percent), 262 black men (48 percent), and 472 black women (64 percent), ages 21 to 40 years at the time of the survey. Among those who were heterosexually active, 43 percent of black women, 37 percent of black men, 33 percent of white women, and 21 percent of white men reported ever having had at least one STD in the survey. A history of syphilis or gonorrhea was more commonly reported by blacks than whites; a history of genital herpes, chlamydia, or genital warts was more commonly reported by women than men. Independent risk factors for having had at least one STD in the survey included female sex; use of cocaine, amphetamines, or opiates; and lifetime number of sex partners. The number of sex partners was the most predictive risk factor. Black race was a significant marker for other, unidentified STD risk factors. The data show a high prevalence of a lifetime history of STD among young heterosexual urban U.S. adults with possible implications for the future spread of human immunodeficiency virus infection.