The effects of the sequencing of marriage and first birth during adolescence

Whether or not they marry, black adolescent mothers are more likely than whites to attend school following the birth of their first child. Marrying to legitimate a birth reduces the likelihood that a teenager will return to school after childbearing; this impact of marriage is much stronger among black than among white teenagers. The timing of marriage appears to affect school enrollment among white teenagers through its impact on living arrangements. However, the negative impact of marriage on educational achievement does not seem to be a consequence of earlier differences in educational expectations among the teenagers. Teenage mothers appear less likely to separate from their husbands in later years if they marry before the birth than if they marry afterward. Delaying marriage until after the birth has a long-term effect on the probability of separation among white teenage mothers, but has only a short-term impact among blacks. Among teenagers who marry before giving birth, there is little difference in the likelihood of separation between those who marry before becoming pregnant and those who do so afterward. In addition, the effect of the sequence of marriage and first birth among white teenage mothers may have declined in recent years. Adolescent mothers who do not marry before their first birth experience a longer interval between that birth and their second than do those who marry either before or during the pregnancy. These differences are primarily the result of short-term variations in the amount of time they spend married; that is, women who are unmarried when they give birth are less likely to have a second birth soon afterward.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Early childbearing and completion of high school

This article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience of Youth (NLSY) for 4696 US women who were aged 20-26 in 1983, and thus were past the normal age of high school completion, to examine patterns of high school termination and completion associated with teenage childbearing. The role of the General Educational Development (GED) program is examined as the means by which teenage mothers obtain high school credentials once they have dropped out of school. Most employers, training programs and colleges accept the GED certificates in the same manner as they do regular high school diplomas. Tabulated data indicate that high school completion rates for women aged 20-26 in 1983 range from only 53% among women who gave birth within 7 months after leaving school, to 79% among those who became pregnant after leaving school. Among Hispanic mothers who gave birth shortly after leaving school, the proportion completing their 2ndary education is 20 points lower than it is among whites or blacks (33% vs. 55%). Among Hispanic mothers who became pregnant after leaving school, the proportion is nearly 30 points lower (55% vs. 81-85%). Overall, only 5% of young women obtain their high school credentials through the GED equivalency program. However, young mothers are about 2-3 times as likely to go this route as are childless women. The GED program emerges as the predominant means of high school completion among white mothers (51% of those with accreditation), whereas it is considerably less important among black mothers (28%). The data also indicate how age at childbearing is closely associated with the probability of school completion and the type of credential received. The analyses highlight the importance of the GED program for women who bear children at an early age. Among women who complete high school but bear a child prior to the date of high school accreditation, about 40% obtain their credential through the GED program. Most of the women who 1st give birth at ages 15-16 do not finish high school by their early 20s, but those who do finish are almost as likely to obtain a GED credential as they are to receive a standard diploma. Although it is possible that availability of the GED option may encourage some young mothers to prematurely terminate their formal schooling, in all likelihood it permits a greater number to receive high school accreditation.     

Unintended births: patterns by race and ethnicity and relationship type

CONTEXT: Childbearing intentions vary by race and ethnicity and by relationship type. However, few studies have examined whether they differ by race and ethnicity within relationship type. METHODS: Data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study were used to examine the childbearing intentions of 9,100 mothers of a cohort of children born in 2001. Multivariate and multinomial regression analyses were conducted to examine whether relationship type (married, cohabiting or neither) helps explain racial and ethnic differences in childbearing intentions and whether associations between race and ethnicity and childbearing intentions vary by relationship type. RESULTS: Blacks were more likely than whites to have had an unintended birth (odds ratio, 2.5); the relationship held among married (2.6), but not unmarried, mothers. For most relationship types, black mothers had higher relative risks than whites of having had an unwanted birth, rather than an intended or a mistimed one. Asian married mothers were more likely than their white counterparts to have had an unwanted, rather than intended, birth (1.9). The odds of an unintended birth were lower among foreign‐born Hispanic cohabiting women than among white cohabiting women (0.6), a finding driven by the lower risk of unwanted than of other births among foreign‐born Hispanics (0.3–0.5). Few differences were apparent between native‐born Hispanics and white mothers. CONCLUSIONS: Racial and ethnic differences in childbearing intentions are frequently contingent on relationship context. Differences between whites and blacks are largely attributable to married women. Assessment of childbearing intendedness among Hispanics should take nativity into account.     

Contraceptive use at first premarital intercourse: United States, 1965-1988

The proportion of U.S. women who used a contraceptive method at their first premarital intercourse rose from 47 percent in 1975-1979 to 65 percent in 1983-1988. Overall, and among non-Hispanic white women, this change resulted entirely from an increase in the use of condoms by their partners. The proportion of whites who used a condom at first premarital intercourse, for example, increased from 24 percent to 45 percent. Among blacks, condom use at first intercourse increased from 24 percent to 32 percent during that period, and pill use rose from 15 percent to 23 percent. Among all women, the method most often used at first intercourse during every period in the study was the condom, followed by the pill and withdrawal. The proportion of women using a method at first premarital intercourse varies strikingly according to individual characteristics. Among the various demographic subgroups, the proportion who use a method varies from 32 percent of Hispanic women to 68 percent of Jewish women. Whites are more likely to use a method than are blacks, and fundamentalist Prostestants are less likely to use a method than are other Protestants or Catholics. The proportion using a method is higher among women whose mothers completed high school than among those whose mothers did not. In addition, the proportion rises with age at first intercourse. Multiple logistic regression showed that the independent effects of Hispanic origin, Jewish or fundamentalist Protestant religious affiliation and the education of a woman's mother are large and significant.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Trends in use of oral contraceptives--data from the 1987 National Health Interview Survey

Despite fluctuations in current use rates for oral contraceptives, ever-use of the pill has remained remarkably stable for all cohorts of U.S. women born since 1945. Approximately 80 percent of these women report having used the pill at some time. Average duration of use is about five years among cohorts who had access to the pill from their earliest reproductive years. Among women born before 1940, whites are more likely than blacks to have ever used the pill, but no racial difference is evident among women in later cohorts. Age at first use of the pill has declined with each succeeding five-year birth cohort. Black women are more likely than white women to have used oral contraceptives before age 18, but by age 25, about three-fourths of blacks and whites have used the pill. Among ever-users born before 1945, the majority began taking the pill after their first full-term pregnancy; this pattern is reversed among more recent cohorts.     

Adolescent fathers in the United States: their initial living arrangements, marital experience and educational outcomes

Data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey show that seven percent of young males aged 20-27 in 1984 had fathered a child while they were teenagers, more than three-quarters of them nonmaritally. One-third of those who were responsible for a nonmarital conception married within 12 months of conception, and half of all of the young men lived with their child shortly after the child's birth. Overall, young black men were more likely to have been responsible for a nonmarital first birth than were males of other racial backgrounds, and only 15 percent of black teenagers lived with their first child, compared with 48 percent of Hispanics, 58 percent of disadvantaged whites and 77 percent of nondisadvantaged whites. Multivariate analyses indicated that only black or Hispanic youths and those who fathered a child at age 16 or younger were significantly less likely to have lived with their first child; those who were raised Catholic were more likely to have done so. Further analyses revealed that living in a rural area, being relatively older at the child's birth, having been raised Catholic and having lived with both parents at age 14 were associated with an above average probability that white teenage fathers would live with their child, at least initially. However, none of the variables in the model were significant for blacks. Teenage fathers, regardless of their marital status at conception or age at first birth, were much more likely to have been high school dropouts than were other male teenagers. Those with a maritally conceived child had a particularly high drop-out rate--almost 62 percent. Among teenage fathers responsible for a nonmaritally conceived first birth that occurred before they received their diploma or GED certificate or received their diploma or GED certificate or they left school for the last time, those living with their partner shortly after the child's birth were less likely to have completed high school by 1984 than were those not living with their child. However, a multivariate analysis revealed that a teenage father's living with his child shortly after birth was not significantly related to his completion of high school, while being black was positively associated.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)     

Variations in fertility by marital status and marriage order

Analysis of data from the June 1985 Current Population Survey reveals that although marriage continues to be an important setting for childbearing, the strength of this relationship varies considerably by the mother's race, education and age at first birth. The largest proportion of white births occurs during first marriages, with the next largest group made up of premarital births; that pattern is reversed for black births. The proportion of births occurring during second marriages is twice as high among whites as among blacks; however, intermarital childbearing is more common among blacks than among whites. For both races, the number and proportion of all births that occurred in second marriages increased between 1973-1974 and 1983-1984; in the latter period, women who were in their second marriage had about 300,000 births a year. About half of all nonmarital births in 1983-1984--370,000 births a year--were of birth order two or higher.     

Childbearing in cohabiting unions: racial and ethnic differences

CONTEXT: Cohabitation provides a two-parent family union in which to have and raise children outside of marriage. Little is known, however, about the conditions under which cohabiting couples conceive and decide to have children. METHODS: The National Survey of Family Growth provides detailed data on the cohabitation and fertility histories of American women. Life-table techniques, event-history analyses and logistic regression were employed to understand the racial and ethnic differences in the timing of childbearing within cohabiting unions and whether childbearing within cohabiting unions is more acceptable to members of minorities than to whites. RESULTS: In multivariate models, Hispanic women were found to be 77% more likely than white women to conceive a child in cohabitation and black women were 69% more likely than white women to do so. Among women who became pregnant while cohabiting, Hispanic women were almost twice as likely and black women were three times as likely as white women to remain cohabiting with their partner when their child was born. In addition, children born to Hispanic women in cohabiting unions were found to be 70% more likely to be intended than were those born to cohabiting white women. CONCLUSIONS: In terms of fertility, cohabitation does not maintain the same place in the American family system for all racial and ethnic groups. These racial and ethnic differences in fertility-related behavior are not explained by socioeconomic differences. Based on levels of childbearing during cohabitation, relationship status at time of birth and intention status of children, it appears that cohabitation is a more acceptable arena for family building among Hispanic women than among whites or blacks.     

Sex, contraception and pregnancy among adolescents in foster care

Young women aged 13-18 who were surveyed in a 1986 study of child welfare clients were over 50 percent more likely to have had sexual intercourse than those in a comparison group drawn from a national sample of young women; they were also more than twice as likely to ever have been pregnant. The child welfare teenagers also scored significantly lower than their counterparts on a test of sexuality and birth control knowledge. Among the child welfare clients (half of whom were at home and half of whom were in foster care), the young women living in foster homes were less likely than those living with their own families to have ever had sex voluntarily (33 percent vs. 47 percent). However, the foster children were less likely to have used birth control at their most recent intercourse or to have obtained contraceptives from a family planning clinic. Nearly half of the foster care teenagers and 40 percent of the teenagers living at home reported having been sexually abused. Victims of sexual abuse were especially likely to be sexually active. Among blacks, the teenagers in foster care and their national counterparts were similar in the proportions who had had sexual intercourse, who had had voluntary intercourse and who had ever been pregnant. Among whites, however, the foster care teenagers were about four times as likely as their matched peers to have had intercourse and to have had voluntary sex, and they were almost eight times as likely to have been pregnant.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Teenagers willing to consider single parenthood: who is at greatest risk?

Data from the High School and Beyond panel study indicate that of 13,061 female high school sophomores who responded to both the baseline questionnaire in 1980 and a 1982 follow-up, 41 percent of blacks, 29 percent of Hispanics and 23 percent of non-Hispanic whites said they either would or might consider having a child outside of marriage. Such willingness was higher among young women who, according to their background characteristics, were at greater risk of teenage parenthood. In addition, young black women were more willing to consider having a child while single than were white or Hispanic respondents, at every level of risk. The data also show that, with the possible exception of Hispanics, willing respondents generally registered much higher rates of nonmarital childbearing over the two years following the baseline survey than the young women unwilling to consider nonmarital childbearing. Respondents' reports on their own disciplinary problems in school and on their class-cutting and absenteeism showed that such problem behavior was related to the teenagers' willingness to consider nonmarital childbearing: Proportionally more of the respondents who ranked high on a scale of problem behavior were willing to do so, even when background differences were controlled for. In addition, when the respondents' educational expectations were used as proxy measures of the potential opportunity costs of single parenthood, the results revealed that the higher their educational expectations, the lower their willingness to have an out-of-wedlock birth.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Recurrence of gestational age in sibships: implications for perinatal mortality.

The authors studied the extent to which preterm birth and perinatal mortality are dependent on the gestational ages of previous births within sibships. The study was based on data collected by the Medical Birth Registry of Norway from 1967 to 1995. Newborns were linked to their mothers through Norway's unique personal identification number, yielding 429,554 pairs of mothers and first and second singleton newborns with gestational ages of 22-46 weeks, based on menstrual dates. Siblings' gestational ages were significantly correlated (r = 0.26). The risk of having a preterm second birth was nearly 10 times higher among mothers whose firstborn child had been delivered before 32 weeks' gestation than among mothers whose first child had been born at 40 weeks. However, perinatal mortality in preterm second births was significantly higher among mothers whose first infant had been born at term, compared with mothers whose firstborn child was delivered at 32-37 weeks. Since perinatal mortality among preterm infants is dependent on the gestational age in the mother's previous birth, a common threshold of 37 weeks' gestation for defining preterm birth as a risk factor for perinatal death may not be appropriate for all births to all mothers.     

Fathers of children born to young urban mothers

Fathers of babies born to a sample of urban mothers younger than 18 at delivery ranged in age from 14-50 and were, on average, 2-4 years older than the mothers. Among the adolescent women who had given birth to their first child, 28 percent of the partners of black women and 45 percent of the partners of white women were 20 years of age or older. The educational attainment of the fathers was very low, particularly among older whites. At approximately 15 months after the child's birth, 36 percent of the fathers were neither in school nor working. Three-quarters of the pregnancies among the young white mothers and 95 percent of those among the black mothers were unplanned, but only six percent of the white mothers and 16 percent of the black mothers were using a contraceptive at the time of conception. Only 16 percent of the fathers were living with or married to the mother of their child at 15 months after birth. About 90 percent of the fathers had spent time with their child during that period, but frequency of contact declined markedly with time. Overall, 20 percent of the fathers had children by other women.     

Infant health consequences of childbearing by teenagers and older mothers

The association of childbearing at early and late ages with various adverse outcomes of pregnancy was explored in data collected in the 1980 National Natality and Fetal Mortality Surveys. The characteristics of interest for teenage mothers were marital status at conception and the trimester of pregnancy in which prenatal care was begun. For married mothers aged 30 years and older, the variables considered were employment status and occupation during the year preceding childbirth and smoking status before and during pregnancy. The pregnancy outcome variables analyzed were the same for both groups of mothers: fetal loss, low birth weight, and low 1-minute Apgar scores. Although more than half of all births to teenage mothers were to unmarried women, an additional one-quarter of these births were to women who married between the time of conception and the birth of the child. Generally there was little difference in outcomes for teenage mothers who were married at the time of delivery, regardless of their marital status at the time of conception. Pregnancy outcomes for teenagers who did not marry prior to delivery were considerably less favorable. Nearly 90 percent of women aged 30-34 years who had a first birth in 1980 were employed during the year before delivery, an extraordinarily high labor force participation rate. More than half of these employed mothers were in professional occupations, consistent with their very high levels of educational attainment. Although the analysis is limited by the small numbers of births involved, it appears that professionally employed women generally have the best pregnancy outcomes. When mother's smoking status is taken into account,nonsmokers had more favorable outcomes, with births to professionally employed mothers generally most favored.     

Adolescent childbearing and high school completion in the 1980s: have things changed?

More adolescent mothers are now graduating from high school than ever before. Since the 1950s, the high school completion rate of women who became mothers at age 17 or younger has nearly tripled--from 19 percent in 1958 to 56 percent in 1986. However, graduation rates did not increase equally for all racial and socioeconomic groups, and the increases did not occur in the same periods for all groups. Black mothers who were school-age when they had their first child made their greatest gains in graduation rates between 1958 and 1975, while their white counterparts made their greatest gains between 1975 and 1986. By 1986, black women who were 17 or younger when their first child was born were more likely to have graduated than similar white women--61 percent and 54 percent, respectively. Nevertheless, when overall levels of high school graduation are considered, white women were more likely than black women to have graduated. Regardless of race, women from more advantaged backgrounds were more likely to be graduates than were those from less advantaged backgrounds, and the younger the women were when their first child was born, the less likely they were to be graduates.     

The impact of sex education on sexual activity, contraceptive use and premarital pregnancy among American teenagers

Sixty percent of women and 52 percent of men now in their 20s took a sex education course by age 19, according to the 1984 National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience of Youth. Whites are more likely than either blacks or Hispanics to have had a course by that age--57 percent compared with 53 percent and 48 percent, respectively. The survey also shows that large proportions of teenagers initiate coitus before they have taken a sex education course. Among young women who first have sex at age 15, for example, only 48 percent have already taken a course (i.e., have taken it at a younger age or at the same age); and among young women who first have intercourse at age 18, the proportion is 61 percent. Young men are even less likely than young women to take a course before they begin coitus--at age 15, the figure is 26 percent, and at age 18, 52 percent. Adolescent women who have previously taken a sex education course are somewhat more likely than those who have not to initiate sexual activity at ages 15 and 16 (though they are no more likely to do so at ages 17 and 18). However, the effect of prior sex education is small, and is weaker than that of virtually every other variable found to have a significant relationship with first intercourse at ages 15-16. Among the strongest determinants of first coitus at those ages are infrequent church attendance, parental education of fewer than 12 years and black race. Older sexually active girls who have previously had a course are significantly more likely to use an effective contraceptive method (73 percent) than are those who have never taken a course (64 percent). This relationship may offset any effect that a sex education course may have in raising the likelihood of early first coitus, since no significant association can be found between taking a sex education course and subsequently becoming premaritally pregnant before age 20.     

The need for prenatal care in the United States: evidence from the 1980 National Natality Survey

Seventy-eight percent of U.S. mothers begin prenatal care during the first three months of pregnancy; 18 percent wait until the second three months; and five percent wait until the third trimester or receive no care at all. Patterns of prenatal care vary widely among population subgroups: Mothers younger than 18 and unmarried mothers are the least likely to obtain first-trimester care (49 percent and 56 percent, respectively), and the most likely to obtain care only in the third trimester or none at all (about 12 percent of each group). Women aged 18-19, blacks, Hispanics, poor women and women with little education also have disproportionately high levels of very late or no care (7-9 percent). Married, white, nonpoor women, in contrast, obtain the most timely prenatal care: In 1980, only two percent initiated care in the third trimester or received no care. Compared with this subgroup of women, the population as a whole has two times the risk of obtaining inadequate care. Unmarried women run the highest relative risk (five times the risk for married, white, nonpoor women), followed by teenagers, Hispanic women, women with little education, poor women and blacks (who have from three to more than four times the risk of the comparison group).     

Teenage childbearing and long-term socioeconomic consequences: a case study in Sweden

CONTEXT: Whether long-term socioeconomic problems experienced by many teenage mothers are a reflection of preexisting disadvantage or are consequences of teenage motherhood per se remains unclear. METHODS: National data on all women born in Sweden from 1941 to 1970 who were younger than age 30 when they first gave birth (N=888,044) were analyzed. The outcome measures, assessed during adulthood, were employment status, socioeconomic status, educational attainment, single motherhood, family size, receipt of disability pension and dependence on welfare. Multiple logistic regression techniques were used to adjust for maternal birth cohort and for socioeconomic background of the woman's family. RESULTS: Compared with Swedish women who first gave birth at ages 20-24, those who were teenage mothers had significantly increased odds of each unfavorable socioeconomic outcome in later life, even after the data were adjusted for family socioeconomic situation and maternal birth cohort. For example, teenage motherhood was positively associated with low educational attainment (odds ratios of 1.7-1.9, depending on the specific age during adolescence when the woman gave birth), with single living arrangements (odds ratios, 1.5-2.3), with high parity (odds ratios, 2.6-6.0), with collecting a disability pension (odds ratios, 1.6-1.9) and with welfare dependency (odds ratios, 1.9-2.6). These trends were usually linear, with the highest odds ratios corresponding to women who had had their first child at the youngest ages. CONCLUSIONS: A longitudinal analysis of record-linkage data from Sweden supports the view that childbearing during adolescence poses a risk for socioeconomic disadvantage in later life--even for adolescents from relatively comfortable backgrounds and for those who studied beyond elementary school.     

First family planning visits by young women

Data from the 1982 National Survey of Family Growth indicate that among sexually active women aged 15-24, friends and parents are the main sources of referral for first family planning visits. Friends are the leading referral source for women who attend clinics, and parents are the leading referral source for those who go to private doctors. Despite the importance of confidentiality to many teenagers, women who make their first family planning visit before the age of 17 are more likely to be referred by their parents than are those whose first visit occurs when they are 17 or older. Race, age at first visit and income influence women's choice of a provider (clinic or private doctor). Black women, low-income women and younger women are considerably more likely than their counterparts to use a clinic at first family planning visit. At their first visit, sixty-seven percent of women receive birth control counseling, and only 50 percent begin using a contraceptive method. Among clinic users, white women are more likely than black women to begin a birth control method (50 percent vs. 40 percent). Women whose first visit takes place before their first conception (including those who have never been pregnant) are much more likely than women whose first visit occurs after their first pregnancy ends to begin a method. Women who make their first visit during their first pregnancy are more likely than those who are not pregnant to receive a pregnancy test or counseling on matters other than birth control.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

The resolution of teenage first pregnancies

First conceptions occuring in tennage women in the U.S., the outcomes of the pregnancies, the marital status of the teenage women at conception and at the outcome, whether the pregnancy was intended or not, and whether contraception was used to prevent the pregnancy are discussed. It was determined that 30% of a cross section of teenage women have had premarital intercourse and 58% of those married had premarital intercourse. Of those experiencing premarital intercourse, 30% were pregnant before marriage, i.e., fewer than 10% of all females 15-19. Twice as many blacks have premarital intercourse than whites, and twice as many of these become pregnant. 35% of those who have a premarital first pregnancy marry before the baby is born. 64% of premarital first pregnancies are unintended. Of those who did not want to become pregnant, 13-16% used contraception to prevent the premarital pregnancy. 86% of births to blacks from first pregnancies are illegitimate compared with 23% for whites. More than 1/5 of the women who do not marry end the pregnancy by induced abortion. White teenagers who do not marry prior to the outcome of the pregnancy are 7 times more likely to have an induced abortion than blacks. 18% of the whites who have illegitimate births from first pregnancies give up their children for adoption compared with 2% blacks. Fewer than 30% of postmarital first pregnancies of teenage women are unintended. Blacks appear to display less anxiety than whites over illegitimate births. It may be that escape via abortion and marriage is less accessible to blacks than to whites both economically and psychologically.