Fulfilling the Promise of Artificial Intelligence in the Health Sector: Let’s Get Real

ObjectivesThis study aimed to showcase the potential and key concerns and risks of artificial intelligence (AI) in the health sector, illustrating its application with current examples, and to provide policy guidance for the development, assessment, and adoption of AI technologies to advance policy objectives.MethodsNonsystematic scan and analysis of peer-reviewed and gray literature on AI in the health sector, focusing on key insights for policy and governance.ResultsThe application of AI in the health sector is currently in the early stages. Most applications have not been scaled beyond the research setting. The use in real-world clinical settings is especially nascent, with more evidence in public health, biomedical research, and “back office” administration. Deploying AI in the health sector carries risks and hazards that must be managed proactively by policy makers. For AI to produce positive health and policy outcomes, 5 key areas for policy are proposed, including health data governance, operationalizing AI principles, flexible regulation, skills among health workers and patients, and strategic public investment.ConclusionsAI is not a panacea, but a tool to address specific problems. Its successful development and adoption require data governance that ensures high-quality data are available and secure; relevant actors can access technical infrastructure and resources; regulatory frameworks promote trustworthy AI products; and health workers and patients have the information and skills to use AI products and services safely, effectively, and efficiently. All of this requires considerable investment and international collaboration.     

Students Learning from Patients: Let’s Get Real in Medical Education

Medical students must be prepared for working in inter-professional and multi-disciplinary clinical teams centred on a patient’s care pathway. While there has been a good deal of rhetoric surrounding patient-centred medical education, there has been little attempt to conceptualise such a practice beyond the level of describing education of communication skills and empathy within a broad ‚professionalism’ framework. Paradoxically, while aiming to strengthen patient–student interactions, this approach tends to refocus on the role modelling of the physician, and opportunities for potentially deep collaborative working relationships between students and patients are missed. A radical overhaul of conventional doctor-led medical education may be necessary, that also challenges the orthodoxies of individualistic student-centred approaches, leading to an authentic patient-centred model that shifts the locus of learning from the relationship between doctor as educator and student to the relationship between patient and student, with expert doctor as resource. Drawing on contemporary poststructuralist theory of text and identity construction, and on innovative models of work-based learning, the potential quality of relationship between student and patient is articulated in terms of collaborative knowledge production, involving close reading with the patient as text, through dialogue. Here, a medical ‚education’ displaces traditional forms of medical ‚training’ that typically involve individual information reproduction. Students may, paradoxically, improve clinical acumen through consideration of silences, gaps, and contradictions in patients as texts, rather than treating communication as transparent. Such paradoxical effects have been systematically occluded or denied in traditional medical education. `No trace anywhere of life, you say... imagination not dead yet, yes, dead, good, imagination dead imagine dead imagine.' Samual Beckett, Imagination Dead Imagine.     

Transplant Ethics: Let’s Begin the Conversation Anew

Standardizing consultation processes is increasingly important as clinical ethics consultation (CEC) becomes more utilized in and vital to medical practice. Solid organ transplant represents a relatively nascent field replete with complex ethical issues that, while explored, have not been systematically classified. In this paper, we offer a proposed taxonomy that divides issues of resource allocation from viable solutions to the issue of organ shortage in transplant and then further distinguishes between policy and bedside level issues. We then identify all transplant related ethics consults performed at the Cleveland Clinic (CC) between 2008 and 2013 in order to identify how consultants conceptually framed their consultations by the domains they ascribe to the case. We code the CC domains to those in the Core Competencies for Healthcare Consultation Ethics in order to initiate a broader conversation regarding best practices in these highly complex cases. A discussion of the ethical issues underlying living donor and recipient related consults ensues. Finally, we suggest that the ethical domains prescribed in the Core Competencies provide a strong starting ground for a common intra-disciplinary language in the realm of formal CEC.     

African-American women’s Upward Economic Mobility and Small for Gestational Age Births: A Population-Based Study

Background The relationship between African-American women’s upward economic mobility and small for gestational age (weight for gestational?<?10th percentile, SGA) rates is incompletely understood. Objective To ascertain the extent to which African-American women’s upward economic mobility from early-life impoverishment is coupled with reduced SGA rates. Methods Stratified and multilevel logistic regression analyses were completed on the Illinois transgenerational dataset of African-American infants (1989–1991) and their Chicago-born mothers (1956–1976) with linked U.S. census income information. Results Impoverished-born (defined as lowest quartile of neighborhood income distribution) African-American women (n?=?4891) who remained impoverished by the time of delivery had a SGA rate of 19.7%. Individuals who achieved low (n?=?5827), modest (n?=?2254), or high (n?=?732) upward economic mobility by adulthood had lower SGA rates of 17.2, 14.8, and 13.7%, respectively; RR?=?0.9 (0.8–0.9), 0.8 (0.7–0.8), and 0.7 (0.6–0.8), respectively. In adjusted (controlling for traditional individual-level risk factors) multilevel regression models, there was a decreasing linear trend in SGA rates with increasing levels of upward economic mobility; the adjusted RR of SGA birth for impoverished-born African-American women who experienced low, modest, of high (compared to no) upward mobility equaled 0.95 (0.91, 0.99), 0.90 (0.83, 0.98), and 0.86 (0.75, 0.98), respectively, p?<?0.05. Conclusions African-American women’s upward economic mobility from early-life residence in poor urban communities is associated with lower SGA rates independent of adulthood risk status.     

Women’s Self-Care in the Reproductive Age: An Essential Agenda

Archives of Sexual Behavior -     

Non-Hispanic White Women’s Exposure to Decreased Neighborhood Income and Small for Gestational Age Births: A Population-Based Study

Maternal and Child Health Journal - The relationship between non-Hispanic White (NHW) women’s decreased neighborhood income between early-life and adulthood, individual risk-status at...     

Mediating Factors Between Parental Socioeconomic Status and Small for Gestational Age in Infants: Results from the Hokkaido Study on Environment and Children’s Health

Maternal and Child Health Journal - Previous studies indicated a significant association between small for gestational age (SGA) in infants and their parents' socioeconomic status (SES). Thus,...     

Inventing the Right to Know: Herbert Abrams’s Efforts to Democratize Access to Workplace Health Hazard Information in the 1950s

In the 1980s, the right-to-know movement won American workers unprecedented access to information about the health hazards they faced on the job. The precursors and origins of these initiatives to extend workplace democracy remain quite obscure. This study brings to light the efforts of one of the early proponents of wider dissemination of information related to hazard recognition and control. Through his work as a state public health official and as an advisor to organized labor in the 1950s, Herbert Abrams was a pioneer in advocating not only broader sharing of knowledge but also more expansive rights of workers and their organizations to act on that knowledge.The late 1970s witnessed the emergence of a movement to force American employers to disclose various forms of information regarding the occupational health risks faced by their employees. Right-to-know activists, operating primarily through a network of newly formed local and regional committees on occupational safety and health, the so-called COSH groups, demanded and in the 1980s won rights for individual workers, and in some circumstances for their unions and other designated parties, to see records previously concealed from them. These included the findings of employee medical examinations, the identities and known health effects of the toxic chemicals to which workers were exposed, and the results of management’s monitoring of chemicals and other types of hazards in the working environment. Thus far, historians and others have captured salient aspects of these liberating developments, which included the promulgation of the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration Hazard Communication Standard in 1983 and similar reforms at the state and local levels.1Yet the existing literature does little to illuminate the precursors and origins of the right-to-know movement. The period before the 1970s is described as a dark age of abject victimization amid manufactured ignorance. A number of studies have brought to light the ways in which industry gathered evidence of occupational disease, either through its own collection of clinical data or through sponsorship of biomedical research, but suppressed publication or other distribution of information regarding adverse outcomes. The aim here is not to overturn that interpretation but rather only to qualify it by calling attention to one of a small number of voices that challenged the autocratic regime and its secretive nature. Along with Anthony Mazzocchi of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Union and Lorin Kerr and some of his colleagues at the United Mine Workers Welfare and Retirement Fund (and probably others yet to be found by historians), Herbert Abrams precociously raised and persistently asserted in the 1950s a number of the main concerns articulated in the right-to-know campaigns of the decade from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s.2     

Gestational Women’s Perceptions About the Harms of Cigarette and E-Cigarette Use During Pregnancy

Objectives

The purpose of this study was to examine differences between perceived harm of cigarette and electronic cigarette (e-cigarette) use while pregnant and differences between healthcare providers’ communication about these products during pregnancy.

Methods

A convenience sample of gestational women (n?=?218; ages 18–45) living in the US completed an online survey between May and December 2017. Participants reported perceived likelihood of adverse health outcomes (e.g., low birth weight, sudden infant death syndrome) among infants/children born to mothers who used cigarettes/e-cigarettes. T-tests and two-way ANOVAs examined differences between risk perceptions of using cigarettes/e-cigarettes while pregnant based on pregnancy status (previously pregnant, currently pregnant, future pregnant). Chi-square analyses examined differences between healthcare provider communication about cigarette/e-cigarette use during pregnancy.

Results

Overall, participants believed adverse health outcomes were significantly more likely to be caused by maternal use of cigarettes than e-cigarettes. Participants who planned to be pregnant reported higher endorsement that smoking combustible cigarettes would cause a miscarriage (p?<?.05) or increased blood pressure (p?<?.05) for a child than currently pregnant participants. Participants reported healthcare providers asked about (p?<?.05), advised them not to use (p?<?.001), and talked to them about health effects of smoking combustible cigarettes while pregnant (p?<?.001) significantly more than e-cigarettes.

Conclusions for Practice

Healthcare providers working with pregnant women should perform the 5As behavioral intervention method to provide pregnant women with tobacco cessation care. They should also discuss the absolute harm nicotine exposure (via cigarettes or e-cigarettes) can have on fetal health and development.

     

Let’s Get Physical: Sexual Orientation Disparities in Physical Activity,Sports Involvement,and Obesity Among a Population-Based Sample of Adolescents

Objectives. We examined sexual orientation disparities in physical activity, sports involvement, and obesity among a population-based adolescent sample.Methods. We analyzed data from the 2012 Dane County Youth Assessment for 13 933 students in grades 9 through 12 in 22 Wisconsin high schools. We conducted logistic regressions to examine sexual orientation disparities in physical activity, sports involvement, and body mass index among male and female adolescents.Results. When we accounted for several covariates, compared with heterosexual females, sexual minority females were less likely to participate in team sports (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.44; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.37, 0.53) and more likely to be overweight (AOR = 1.28; 95% CI = 1.02, 1.62) or obese (AOR = 1.88; 95% CI = 1.43, 2.48). Sexual minority males were less likely than heterosexual males to be physically active (AOR = 0.62; 95% CI = 0.46, 0.83) or to participate in team sports (AOR = 0.26; 95% CI = 0.20, 0.32), but the 2 groups did not differ in their risk of obesity.Conclusions. Sexual orientation health disparities in physical activity and obesity are evident during adolescence. Culturally affirming research, interventions, and policies are needed for sexual minority youths.Obesity is an increasing and serious health problem among adolescents.1,2 This is of major concern because obesity has many health and social consequences and it affects adolescents’ overall well-being.3,4 Obesity among adolescents also has a high likelihood of continuing into adulthood.5 Recent population-based and longitudinal research has demonstrated that there are disparities in obesity between sexual minority and heterosexual adolescents.6–8 Research has also documented sexual orientation disparities in physical activity and sports involvement in adolescence.9,10 Despite this increased attention, the overall empirical base remains limited, and findings also suggest some gender nuances that need further exploration. More population-based research is needed to investigate these disparities, consistent with federal health priorities.7,11There are sexual orientation–based disparities in physical activity and sports involvement among adolescents; however, there are mixed findings for females. One study reported that sexual minority females are less likely than heterosexual females to participate in moderate to vigorous physical activity and team sports,9 whereas another study found no such differences in physical activity.10 Findings are more consistent for sexual minority male adolescents, who are less likely than heterosexual males to engage in moderate to vigorous physical activity, to engage in recommended levels of physical activity, and to participate in team sports.9,10 More research is needed because of the paucity of studies and mixed results. This is especially important given that adolescents’ physical activity has been shown to relieve stress and protect against many mental and physical health conditions, including obesity,12,13 for which sexual minority adolescents are at greater risk.Research on sexual orientation disparities in obesity suggests that there are some gender nuances. Many studies have found that sexual minority female adolescents have higher risk of obesity than heterosexual females (e.g., higher body mass index [BMI], defined as weight in kilograms divided by the square of height in meters).6,8,10,14 These sexual orientation disparities in obesity among adolescent females parallel those among sexual minority adult women.15,16Findings of elevated obesity risk among sexual minority male adolescents are mixed. Some studies show that sexual minority males, specifically bisexual males, have higher odds of obesity than heterosexuals,14 whereas other studies have documented no differences.10 By contrast, some studies have found that heterosexual males have increases in BMI during adolescence compared with sexual minority males.6,8 These mixed findings for sexual minority males might be attributed to physical maturation and developmental changes in adolescence that some of the cross-sectional studies could not examine.10,14 Specifically, one study found that sexual minority males had higher obesity risk than heterosexual males in early adolescence, but their risk of obesity became lower than for heterosexual males later in adolescence.6 The authors postulated that, compared with heterosexual males, sexual minority males reach puberty maturation earlier in adolescence but make less substantial weight gains later in adolescence.6Sexual orientation health disparities have been explained through the minority stress model: sexual minority youths experience unique stressors and stigma related to their sexual identity (e.g., homophobic bullying), which lead to poorer health.17 Sexual minority adolescents might therefore be less likely to be physically active or involved in team sports because of potential minority stressors that they often experience at school, especially bias and heightened discrimination experienced in the context of sports or in their communities.18–20 More recently, the negative effects of minority stress and stigma on physical health disparities have been documented,21,22 including their effects on obesity for sexual minority women.23 However, the minority stress model is not sufficient in explaining how sexual minority adolescent females, but not males, are at greater risk for obesity compared with their heterosexual peers.Another potential explanation of these obesity disparities is related to cultural norms and sexual minority females’ experiences of internalizing ideals for femininity and appearance8 and sexual minority males’ ideals for muscularity and body image.24 For instance, compared with heterosexual women, sexual minority women are more likely to be satisfied with their bodies and attracted to women with greater body mass,25,26 whereas sexual minority men are less likely to be satisfied with their bodies compared with heterosexual men and are more likely to be attracted to muscular men.25,27 Therefore, these 2 groups might engage (or not engage) in differing body weight management and dieting behaviors compared with their heterosexual peers; concomitantly, these behaviors might render differing risks for obesity.Sexual minority adolescents’ lack of physical activity and sports involvement might be influenced by traditional gender norms associated with athleticism and sports, which has implications for their athletic self-esteem and involvement. For adolescent males, team sports are a means to define masculinity28; however, adolescent males often engage in homophobic banter to prove their masculinity and heterosexuality and to enforce traditional gender norms.29,30 Sexual prejudice is pervasive in athletic settings,19,20 making sports contexts unwelcoming and unsafe for many sexual minority males. Traditional feminine gender norms and homophobia also affect sexual minority females’ involvement in sports.31 However, sexual minority adolescent females have unique gendered experiences in relation to sports. Because women’s athleticism can be a stereotype for being a lesbian,32 sexual minority females might avoid sports involvement. Expecting or experiencing exclusion in sports settings might also affect sexual minority adolescents’ athletic self-esteem, consequently preventing them from engaging in future sports or physical activity.9 In fact, athletic self-esteem has been found to contribute to sexual orientation disparities in sports involvement and physical activity.9Emerging evidence of sexual orientation disparities in physical activity, sports involvement, and obesity among adolescents, in addition to potential gender nuances in these disparities, points to the need for more population-based research in this area. We therefore examined sexual orientation disparities among a large adolescent population-based sample and tested for gender differences. While accounting for variables commonly associated with physical activity and obesity among adolescents,4,33 we hypothesized that sexual minority adolescents would be less likely to report physical activity and sports involvement than would their heterosexual peers. We also hypothesized that sexual minority females would be at higher risk for being overweight and obese than their heterosexual peers. Because of mixed findings in existing sexual orientation disparities research among adolescent males, we hypothesized that sexual minority males would be at equal risk for being overweight and obese than their heterosexual male peers.     

Children’s Behavioral Health System Transformation: One State’s Context and Strategies for Sustained Change

The purpose of this paper was to examine the State of Maryland as a case study of sustained change efforts in the service delivery system for children with significant behavioral health needs and their families. A punctuated equilibrium paradigm is introduced to describe Maryland’s behavioral health system transformation over the course of three decades. The context and specific strategies that characterized Maryland’s execution of its recent Mental Health Transformation State Incentive Grant are highlighted. There is a discussion of one of the pinnacle achievements of Maryland’s transformation efforts, the recent statewide establishment of care management entities for children with behavioral health challenges, and its implications for behavioral health in the context of health care reform changes. This case study illustrates how a state can systematically and incrementally develop systems of care for children and families that are values-based, sustainable, and flexible.