Scope of Knowledge About Zika Among Women in US–Mexico Border Communities

Maternal Zika virus infection (ZIKV) has serious health consequences for unborn offspring. Knowledge about prevention is critical to reducing risk, yet what women in the high-risk US–Mexico border region know about protecting themselves and their babies from ZIKV is mostly unknown. This study aimed to assess knowledge of ZIKV among pregnant and inter-conception women and to identify sources of information that might address knowledge gaps. Clients in five federally-funded, border region Healthy Start programs (N?=?326) were interviewed in late 2016 about their knowledge of ZIKV prevention methods and whether they believed themselves or their babies to be at risk. Sources of information about ZIKV and demographic characteristics were also measured. Chi square tests identified important associations between variables; adjusted odds ratios (AOR) and 95% confidence intervals for knowledge and beliefs were calculated. Among the 305 women aware of ZIKV, 69.5% could name two ways to prevent infection. Only 16.1% of women named using condoms or abstaining from sex as a prevention method. While 75.3% heard about ZIKV first from TV/radio, just 9.5% found the information helpful. Women who received helpful information from health care providers had greater odds of knowing two prevention methods (AOR?=?2.0; 1.1–3.7), when to test for ZIKV (AOR?=?5.2; 2.1–13.2), and how long to delay pregnancy after infection in a male partner (AOR?=?1.9; 1.1–3.2). Those who said web-based and social media sources were helpful had greater odds of knowing when to test for ZIKV (AOR?=?2.8; 1.3–6.3). Results can inform messaging for safe pregnancy and ZIKV prevention.     

Prepregnancy Obesity Trends Among Low-Income Women, United States, 1999–2008

There is limited data on prepregnancy obesity trends specifically among low-income women, a population at high risk for obstetric complications. Using the Pregnancy Nutrition Surveillance System, we assessed prepregnancy obesity [body mass index (BMI) ≥ 30 kg/m(2)] trends among women who participated in the Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children in 1999, 2004, and 2008. Prepregnancy BMI was calculated using measured height and self-reported prepregnancy weight. We report unadjusted contributor (state, territory or Indian tribal organization) specific trends, and both unadjusted and adjusted overall trends, to account for changes in maternal age and race-ethnic distributions, using 1999 as the referent. Of the 27 contributors in 1999, 2 had a prepregnancy obesity prevalence <20%, and 1 had a prevalence ≥ 30%. Of the 35 contributors in 2008, none had a prepregnancy obesity prevalence <20%, and 14 had a prevalence ≥ 30%. From 1999 to 2008, the overall prevalence of prepregnancy obesity increased among all racial-ethnic groups, except among American Indian/Alaskan Natives, where it remained high, but stable. Overall prepregnancy obesity increased most rapidly among Hispanics, and remained stable from 2004 to 2008 among non-Hispanic blacks. In 2008, prevalence was highest among American Indian/Alaskan Natives (36.1%) and lowest among Asians/Pacific Islanders (10.8%). The adjusted prepregnancy obesity prevalence increased from 24.8% in 1999 to 28.3% in 2008, a relative increase of 14.1%. Prepregnancy obesity among low-income women increased from 1999 to 2008 and varied by race-ethnicity. These data can be used by obesity prevention programs to better target high-risk women.     

Sexually Transmitted Diseases Among Pregnant Women: 5 States,United States, 2009–2011

Introduction Screening for specific sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) during pregnancy has been a longstanding public health recommendation. Prior studies have described associations between these infections and socioeconomic factors such as race/ethnicity and education. Objectives We evaluated the prevalence of STDs and the correlation socioeconomic factors have with the presence of these infections among pregnant women in the United States. Methods We conducted an analysis using self-reported data from 12,948 recently pregnant women from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) in 5 states during 2009–2011. Responses to questions about curable STDs (chlamydia, gonorrhea, syphilis, trichomoniasis) diagnosed during pregnancy were utilized to calculate weighted STD prevalence estimates and 95% confidence intervals (CI). A logistic regression was also conducted to identify maternal socioeconomic characteristics significantly associated with STDs; results are displayed as adjusted prevalence ratios (aPR). The PRAMS protocol was approved at PRAMS participating sites and by CDC’s Institutional Review Board. Results Overall, 3.3% (CI 2.9–3.7) reported?≥?1 curable STD during her most recent pregnancy. The adjusted STD prevalence was higher among women with younger age (aPR, 2.4; CI 1.8–3.4), non-Hispanic black race/ethnicity (aPR, 3.3; CI 2.4–4.1), unmarried status (aPR, 2.1; CI 1.4–3.0), no college education (aPR, 1.4; CI 1.0–1.9), annual income <?$25,000 (aPR, 2.0; CI 1.3–3.2), and no pre-pregnancy health insurance (aPR, 1.4; CI 1.1–1.8). Conclusions for Practice This is the largest study of prevalence of self-reported curable STDs among U.S. pregnant women. Differences in STD prevalence highlight the association between certain socioeconomic factors and the presence of STDs.     

Acute Viral Hepatitis in the United States–Mexico Border Region: Data from the Border Infectious Disease Surveillance (BIDS) Project, 2000–2009

Little is known about the characteristics of acute viral hepatitis cases in the United States (US)–Mexico border region. We analyzed characteristics of acute viral hepatitis cases collected from the Border Infectious Disease Surveillance Project from January 2000–December 2009. Over the study period, 1,437 acute hepatitis A, 311 acute hepatitis B, and 362 acute hepatitis C cases were reported from 5 Mexico and 2 US sites. Mexican hepatitis A cases most frequently reported close personal contact with a known case, whereas, US cases most often reported cross-border travel. Injection drug use was common among Mexican and US acute hepatitis B and C cases. Cross-border travel during the incubation period was common among acute viral hepatitis cases in both countries. Assiduous adherence to vaccination and prevention guidelines in the US is needed and strategic implementation of hepatitis vaccination and prevention programs south of the border should be considered.     

Cervical Cancer Screening in the US–Mexico Border Region: A Binational Analysis

Cervical cancer mortality is high along the US–Mexico border. We describe the prevalence of a recent Papanicolaou screening test (Pap) among US and Mexican border women. We analyzed 2006 cross-sectional data from Mexico’s National Survey of Health and Nutrition and the US Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. Women aged 20–77 years in 44 US border counties (n = 1,724) and 80 Mexican border municipios (n = 1,454) were studied. We computed weighted proportions for a Pap within the past year by age, education, employment, marital status, health insurance, health status, risk behaviors, and ethnicity and adjusted prevalence ratios (APR) for the US, Mexico, and the region overall. Sixty-five percent (95 %CI 60.3–68.6) of US women and 32 % (95 %CI 28.7–35.2) of Mexican women had a recent Pap. US residence (APR = 2.01, 95 %CI 1.74–2.33), marriage (APR = 1.31, 95 %CI 1.17–1.47) and insurance (APR = 1.38, 95 %CI 1.22–1.56) were positively associated with a Pap test. Among US women, insurance and marriage were associated (APR = 1.21, 95 %CI 1.05–1.38 and 1.33, 95 %CI 1.10–1.61, respectively), and women aged 20–34 years were about 25 % more likely to have received a test than older women. Insurance and marriage were also positively associated with Pap testing among Mexican women (APR = 1.39, 95 %CI 1.17–1.64 and 1.50; 95 %CI 1.23–1.82, respectively), as were lower levels of education (≤8th grade or 9th–12th grade versus some college) (APR = 1.74; 95 %CI 1.21–2.52 and 1.60; 95 %CI 1.03–2.49, respectively). Marriage and insurance were associated with a recent Pap test on both sides of the border. Binational insurance coverage increases and/or cost reductions might bolster testing among unmarried and uninsured women, leading to earlier cervical cancer diagnosis and potentially lower mortality.     

Tuberculosis Among Africans Living in the United States, 2000–2009

The incidence of tuberculosis (TB) has declined steadily in the United States; however, foreign-born persons are disproportionately affected. The aim of our study was to describe characteristics of TB patients diagnosed in the United States who originated from the African continent. Using data from the U.S. National Tuberculosis Surveillance System, we calculated TB case rates and analyzed differences between foreign-born patients from Africa compared with other foreign-born and U.S.-born patients. The 2009 TB case rate among Africans (48.1/100,000) was 3 times as high as among other foreign-born and 27 times as high as among U.S.-born patients. Africans living in the United States have high rates of TB disease; they are more likely to be HIV-positive and to have extrapulmonary TB. Identification and treatment of latent TB infection, HIV testing and treatment, and a high index of suspicion for extrapulmonary TB are needed to better address TB in this population.     

Migrants in Transit: The Importance of Monitoring HIV Risk Among Migrant Flows at the Mexico–US Border

We conducted a probability-based survey of migrant flows traveling across the Mexico–US border, and we estimated HIV infection rates, risk behaviors, and contextual factors for migrants representing 5 distinct migration phases. Our results suggest that the influence of migration is not uniform across genders or risk factors. By considering the predeparture, transit, and interception phases of the migration process, our findings complement previous studies on HIV among Mexican migrants conducted at the destination and return phases. Monitoring HIV risk among this vulnerable transnational population is critical for better understanding patterns of risk at different points of the migration process and for informing the development of protection policies and programs.Previous research indicates that Mexican labor migrants in the United States are at increased risk for HIV infection1–3 and may be a bridge population for increasing rates of HIV/AIDS in rural Mexico.4–6 The behavioral ecological model posits that health behaviors are influenced by a hierarchy of factors, including individual characteristics, features of the proximal context, and broader structural factors.7 The proximal context involves the physical and social conditions in which individuals live, work, learn, and play. The broader environment comprises political, social, and economic structures and cultural factors. Bidirectional influences exist across factors at the individual, contextual, and structural level, with interventions at the structural level having the most far-reaching public health impact.7 Mexican migrants tend to be male and young, have low levels of educational attainment, and report limited HIV prevention knowledge and condom use.8,9 Increased risk for HIV in migrants may result from the interplay between these individual characteristics and the broader contextual and structural factors in migration between Mexico and the United States.10Migration is a complex and multistage process involving 5 phases: predeparture, transit, destination, interception, and return.11 Different constellations of contextual and structural factors may influence risk behaviors for HIV infection among migrants at each of these stages. Research on HIV risk among migrants must cover the different phases involved in the migration process and identify risks as well as prevention and treatment opportunities associated with each of them.12 Much of our knowledge regarding HIV prevalence and behavioral risk factors among Mexican migrants has emanated from surveys conducted among receiving communities in the United States 1^,2^,13–15 and sending communities in Mexico.16^,17 These studies have covered the destination and return phases of migration.Mexican migrants in the United States (i.e., the destination) are exposed to contexts that may heighten their HIV risk. HIV prevalence rates are higher in the United States than in Mexico,18 increasing the probability of coming into contact with the virus. Furthermore, many migrants live in environments characterized by unbalanced gender composition (i.e., male overrepresentation) and limited family- and community-based social behavioral controls.19 They experience loneliness, geographic isolation, social exclusion,20 fear,21 poor living and working conditions, and limited access to health care, including access to HIV testing and other prevention services.2^,16^,19^,21–24 All these factors coalesce to increase the probability of risk behaviors for HIV, such as alcohol and drug use, sex with sex workers, and unprotected sex practices.9,10 Surveys in Mexican sending communities have documented higher rates of behavioral risk factors, such as a higher number of sexual partners and illicit drug use, but also increased rates of condom use, knowledge of HIV transmission, and HIV testing among return migrants, compared to nonmigrants in the same communities.16,25Little research has examined HIV risk among Mexican migrants during the predeparture, transit, and interception phases of the migration process. The same factors that may push migrants away from their sending communities, such as poverty,26 violence,27 and gender power unbalances,28,29 are also structural factors that may increase their HIV risk even before they leave these communities.30 The transit phase is defined as the period when migrants are between their place of origin and their destination.11 For most Mexican migrants, the northern border of Mexico is an intermediate point in their trajectory between the 2 countries. Northbound unauthorized and deported migrants may spend time in this transit location making arrangements to enter or reenter the United States. This region has been described as at heightened risk for infectious diseases such as HIV to occur and is characterized by “an economically disadvantaged population” and “a nexus for drug use, prostitution, and mobility.”^31(p428)Research with injecting drug users and sex workers in Mexican border cities has provided critical evidence of migration as a structural risk factor for HIV infection and substance use as well as the prevention needs of these high-risk groups.14,32 These studies have offered some insights into the potential risks among migrants in this intermediate migration context. Finally, migrants apprehended while trying to enter or after reaching the destination communities (i.e., interception phase) are at a particularly critical stage. Detention in immigration centers or prisons can have detrimental effects on migrants’ health.11 Interception may also be a marker of higher social vulnerability, as migrants who have less economic and social resources are more likely to experience this migration phase. A recent survey found higher rates of HIV infection and behavioral risk factors among deported Mexican migrants in Tijuana, Mexico, than among the US and Mexico populations.33 In general, knowledge concerning HIV risk among migrants at the 5 migration phases is fragmented, and the heterogeneity of sampling and data collection methodologies that previous studies have used creates challenges for comparing data on the different phases.There are an estimated 12 million Mexican migrants in the United States.34 Although not all migrants go through all 5 migration phases (some may never be intercepted, some may settle permanently in the region of destination and never return), many Mexican migrants go through 2 or more of these phases in their lifetime. Data on Mexican migration patterns indicate that circular migration (i.e., traveling back and forth between Mexico and the United States) is relatively common among Mexican migrants.34,35 About 29% of Mexican migrants are estimated to engage in circular migration,36 and 50% of undocumented migrants leave the United States within the first year of immigration.37 Proximity, social and political conditions, transportation costs, and cultural identity make Mexicans more likely to return to their home country than are migrants from other countries. Although the strengthening and stricter enforcement of border policies has lowered this trend in recent years, the incentives to emigrate out of Mexico have also increased.38 These circular migration patterns between Mexico and the United States result in sizable migrant flows traveling across the Mexican border.It is estimated that each year more than 600 000 Mexican migrants arrive in the United States, approximately 400 000 Mexican migrants return from the United States, and approximately 400 000 Mexican migrants are deported to Mexico.39,40 The same individual may arrive, return, or be deported more than once. In 2012, the net rate of Mexicans departing Mexico (mostly to the United States) and entering Mexico (most of whom are return migrants) was 41.9 and 14.3 per 1000, respectively.41 An estimated 300 000 Mexican migrants were admitted to a detention facility and repatriated by US immigration authorities,42 and an additional 266 000 unauthorized Mexican migrants were apprehended at the Mexican border.40 The volume and mix of migrants traveling across the Mexico–US border makes this region an important setting for binational monitoring of the mobile populations’ health. Such monitoring can further our understanding of HIV infection levels and of behavioral and environmental factors that contribute to HIV infection among Mexican migrants representing different phases and contexts of the migration process. Ongoing surveillance of this region can also reveal changes in HIV infection and behavioral risk factors among migrants on the move and inform the need for interventions to reduce HIV risk among Mexican migrants in sending, receiving, and intermediate communities.We estimated and compared the levels of HIV infection, risk behaviors, and contextual factors associated with different migration phases, using data from a survey of migrant flows who traveled across the Mexico–US border region and represented the different phases and geographic contexts of migration between Mexico and the United States.     

Health Care Access and Breast Cancer Screening Among Latinas Along the California–Mexican Border

Latinas are more likely to exhibit late stage breast cancers at the time of diagnosis and have lower survival rates compared to white women. A contributing factor may be that Latinas have lower rates of mammography screening. This study was guided by the Behavioral Model of Health Services Use to examine factors associated with mammography screening utilization among middle-aged Latinas. An academic–community health center partnership collected data from community-based sample of 208 Latinas 40 years and older in the San Diego County who completed measures assessing psychosocial factors, health care access, and recent mammography screening. Results showed that 84.6 % had ever had a mammogram and 76.2 % of women had received a mammogram in the past 2 years. Characteristics associated with mammography screening adherence included a lower acculturation (OR 3.663) a recent physician visit in the past year (OR 6.304), and a greater confidence in filling out medical forms (OR 1.743), adjusting for covariates. Results demonstrate that an annual physical examination was the strongest predictor of recent breast cancer screening. Findings suggest that in this community, improving access to care among English-speaking Latinas and addressing health literacy issues are essential for promoting breast cancer screening utilization.     

State Medicaid Expansion,Community Interventions,and Health Care Disparities in a United States–Mexico Border Community

Objectives. We investigated whether access to and use of health care services increased among residents of a low-income, predominantly Mexican American border community affected by the expansion of Arizona’s Medicaid program in 2001 and multiple community-level programs and policies.Methods. We used data from a probability sample of 1623 adult residents of Douglas, Arizona, who participated in cross-sectional health surveys in 1998 and 2010. Response rates were 83% and 86%, respectively.Results. In 2010, participants were more likely to have a usual source of care, to have visited a provider in the previous year, and to have been screened for diabetes and hypertension and less likely to have delayed needed care or to have seen a regular provider in Mexico (P < .001 for all outcomes). Improvements in access to and use of health care were most pronounced among residents with less than a high school education, which reduced or eliminated educational disparities in health care.Conclusions. Expansion of public insurance programs can effectively reduce health care disparities when paired with other community-level policies and programs that target medically underserved populations.Mexican Americans and other Latinos suffer from a high burden of chronic disease.1,2 For example, 79% of Mexican American adults and 78% of all Latino adults are overweight or obese compared with 67% of non-Hispanic Whites, and half of Latinos born in 2000 will develop diabetes in their lifetimes compared with less than one third of non-Hispanic Whites.1,2 Identifying effective programs and policies to improve the health of Mexican Americans and other Latinos is a top public health priority, both to reduce health disparities and because even small improvements can yield large health and economic benefits at the population level.Poor access, use, and quality of health care services may contribute to high rates of chronic disease among Mexican Americans and other Latinos. Latinos are less likely than are other racial/ethnic groups to have health insurance, attend regular medical checkups, have a usual source of care, or be regularly screened for several forms of cancer and other chronic conditions.3–8 Latinos are also more likely to delay needed care, have chronic conditions that go undiagnosed or are diagnosed at later stages, have negative outcomes related to their chronic conditions, and be unsatisfied with their providers.4,9,10 Health care access and use is even poorer among Mexican Americans than most other Latino subgroups.4Latinos face numerous social, economic, and structural barriers to health care. As a group, Latinos have low income, high poverty rates, and poor educational attainment, factors consistently found to affect health and health care.11–13 One third of Latinos are immigrants and 41% of Latino immigrants speak English less than very well, factors that can lead to linguistic and cultural barriers to health care.13,14 Many immigrants, including 6 million who are undocumented, are ineligible for public health insurance programs that subsidize health care for other low-income populations.15–17One potential way to reduce health care disparities faced by low-income and minority populations, including Latinos, is through public policy. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) includes several provisions expected to curb uninsurance and increase access to and use of health care services among medically underserved populations, including an individual mandate requiring most Americans to have health insurance; public health insurance exchanges that can be used to buy affordable, high-quality, and often subsidized insurance; and expanded eligibility for Medicaid to include individuals with incomes up to 138% of the federal poverty level (FPL) as set by the US Department of Health and Human Services.18 It is important to understand whether the ACA and other policy- and community-level interventions can effectively reduce health care disparities that Latinos and other low-income and minority populations face.