Let’s Get Physical: Sexual Orientation Disparities in Physical Activity,Sports Involvement,and Obesity Among a Population-Based Sample of Adolescents

Objectives. We examined sexual orientation disparities in physical activity, sports involvement, and obesity among a population-based adolescent sample.Methods. We analyzed data from the 2012 Dane County Youth Assessment for 13 933 students in grades 9 through 12 in 22 Wisconsin high schools. We conducted logistic regressions to examine sexual orientation disparities in physical activity, sports involvement, and body mass index among male and female adolescents.Results. When we accounted for several covariates, compared with heterosexual females, sexual minority females were less likely to participate in team sports (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.44; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.37, 0.53) and more likely to be overweight (AOR = 1.28; 95% CI = 1.02, 1.62) or obese (AOR = 1.88; 95% CI = 1.43, 2.48). Sexual minority males were less likely than heterosexual males to be physically active (AOR = 0.62; 95% CI = 0.46, 0.83) or to participate in team sports (AOR = 0.26; 95% CI = 0.20, 0.32), but the 2 groups did not differ in their risk of obesity.Conclusions. Sexual orientation health disparities in physical activity and obesity are evident during adolescence. Culturally affirming research, interventions, and policies are needed for sexual minority youths.Obesity is an increasing and serious health problem among adolescents.1,2 This is of major concern because obesity has many health and social consequences and it affects adolescents’ overall well-being.3,4 Obesity among adolescents also has a high likelihood of continuing into adulthood.5 Recent population-based and longitudinal research has demonstrated that there are disparities in obesity between sexual minority and heterosexual adolescents.6–8 Research has also documented sexual orientation disparities in physical activity and sports involvement in adolescence.9,10 Despite this increased attention, the overall empirical base remains limited, and findings also suggest some gender nuances that need further exploration. More population-based research is needed to investigate these disparities, consistent with federal health priorities.7,11There are sexual orientation–based disparities in physical activity and sports involvement among adolescents; however, there are mixed findings for females. One study reported that sexual minority females are less likely than heterosexual females to participate in moderate to vigorous physical activity and team sports,9 whereas another study found no such differences in physical activity.10 Findings are more consistent for sexual minority male adolescents, who are less likely than heterosexual males to engage in moderate to vigorous physical activity, to engage in recommended levels of physical activity, and to participate in team sports.9,10 More research is needed because of the paucity of studies and mixed results. This is especially important given that adolescents’ physical activity has been shown to relieve stress and protect against many mental and physical health conditions, including obesity,12,13 for which sexual minority adolescents are at greater risk.Research on sexual orientation disparities in obesity suggests that there are some gender nuances. Many studies have found that sexual minority female adolescents have higher risk of obesity than heterosexual females (e.g., higher body mass index [BMI], defined as weight in kilograms divided by the square of height in meters).6,8,10,14 These sexual orientation disparities in obesity among adolescent females parallel those among sexual minority adult women.15,16Findings of elevated obesity risk among sexual minority male adolescents are mixed. Some studies show that sexual minority males, specifically bisexual males, have higher odds of obesity than heterosexuals,14 whereas other studies have documented no differences.10 By contrast, some studies have found that heterosexual males have increases in BMI during adolescence compared with sexual minority males.6,8 These mixed findings for sexual minority males might be attributed to physical maturation and developmental changes in adolescence that some of the cross-sectional studies could not examine.10,14 Specifically, one study found that sexual minority males had higher obesity risk than heterosexual males in early adolescence, but their risk of obesity became lower than for heterosexual males later in adolescence.6 The authors postulated that, compared with heterosexual males, sexual minority males reach puberty maturation earlier in adolescence but make less substantial weight gains later in adolescence.6Sexual orientation health disparities have been explained through the minority stress model: sexual minority youths experience unique stressors and stigma related to their sexual identity (e.g., homophobic bullying), which lead to poorer health.17 Sexual minority adolescents might therefore be less likely to be physically active or involved in team sports because of potential minority stressors that they often experience at school, especially bias and heightened discrimination experienced in the context of sports or in their communities.18–20 More recently, the negative effects of minority stress and stigma on physical health disparities have been documented,21,22 including their effects on obesity for sexual minority women.23 However, the minority stress model is not sufficient in explaining how sexual minority adolescent females, but not males, are at greater risk for obesity compared with their heterosexual peers.Another potential explanation of these obesity disparities is related to cultural norms and sexual minority females’ experiences of internalizing ideals for femininity and appearance8 and sexual minority males’ ideals for muscularity and body image.24 For instance, compared with heterosexual women, sexual minority women are more likely to be satisfied with their bodies and attracted to women with greater body mass,25,26 whereas sexual minority men are less likely to be satisfied with their bodies compared with heterosexual men and are more likely to be attracted to muscular men.25,27 Therefore, these 2 groups might engage (or not engage) in differing body weight management and dieting behaviors compared with their heterosexual peers; concomitantly, these behaviors might render differing risks for obesity.Sexual minority adolescents’ lack of physical activity and sports involvement might be influenced by traditional gender norms associated with athleticism and sports, which has implications for their athletic self-esteem and involvement. For adolescent males, team sports are a means to define masculinity28; however, adolescent males often engage in homophobic banter to prove their masculinity and heterosexuality and to enforce traditional gender norms.29,30 Sexual prejudice is pervasive in athletic settings,19,20 making sports contexts unwelcoming and unsafe for many sexual minority males. Traditional feminine gender norms and homophobia also affect sexual minority females’ involvement in sports.31 However, sexual minority adolescent females have unique gendered experiences in relation to sports. Because women’s athleticism can be a stereotype for being a lesbian,32 sexual minority females might avoid sports involvement. Expecting or experiencing exclusion in sports settings might also affect sexual minority adolescents’ athletic self-esteem, consequently preventing them from engaging in future sports or physical activity.9 In fact, athletic self-esteem has been found to contribute to sexual orientation disparities in sports involvement and physical activity.9Emerging evidence of sexual orientation disparities in physical activity, sports involvement, and obesity among adolescents, in addition to potential gender nuances in these disparities, points to the need for more population-based research in this area. We therefore examined sexual orientation disparities among a large adolescent population-based sample and tested for gender differences. While accounting for variables commonly associated with physical activity and obesity among adolescents,4,33 we hypothesized that sexual minority adolescents would be less likely to report physical activity and sports involvement than would their heterosexual peers. We also hypothesized that sexual minority females would be at higher risk for being overweight and obese than their heterosexual peers. Because of mixed findings in existing sexual orientation disparities research among adolescent males, we hypothesized that sexual minority males would be at equal risk for being overweight and obese than their heterosexual male peers.     

Racial/Ethnic and Socioeconomic Differences in Short-Term Breast Cancer Survival Among Women in an Integrated Health System

Objectives. We examined the combined influence of race/ethnicity and neighborhood socioeconomic status (SES) on short-term survival among women with uniform access to health care and treatment.Methods. Using electronic medical records data from Kaiser Permanente Northern California linked to data from the California Cancer Registry, we included 6262 women newly diagnosed with invasive breast cancer. We analyzed survival using multivariable Cox proportional hazards regression with follow-up through 2010.Results. After consideration of tumor stage, subtype, comorbidity, and type of treatment received, non-Hispanic White women living in low-SES neighborhoods (hazard ratio [HR] = 1.28; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.07, 1.52) and African Americans regardless of neighborhood SES (high SES: HR = 1.44; 95% CI = 1.01, 2.07; low SES: HR = 1.88; 95% CI = 1.42, 2.50) had worse overall survival than did non-Hispanic White women living in high-SES neighborhoods. Results were similar for breast cancer–specific survival, except that African Americans and non-Hispanic Whites living in high-SES neighborhoods had similar survival.Conclusions. Strategies to address the underlying factors that may influence treatment intensity and adherence, such as comorbidities and logistical barriers, should be targeted at low-SES non-Hispanic White and all African American patients.Breast cancer is the most common cancer among women in the United States, and it is the second leading cause of cancer death.1 Despite significant improvements in breast cancer survival from 1992 to 2009,1,2 racial/ethnic and socioeconomic survival disparities have persisted.3,4 African American women have consistently been found to have worse survival after breast cancer,3,5–11 Hispanic women have worse or similar survival,3,9,11,12 and Asian women as an aggregated group have better or similar survival3,9,11,12 than do non-Hispanic White women. Underlying factors thought to contribute to these racial/ethnic disparities include differences in stage at diagnosis,8,12,13 distributions of breast cancer subtypes,14–16 comorbidities,12,13,17 access to and utilization of quality care,13,18 and treatment.12,13Numerous studies also have found poorer survival after breast cancer diagnosis among women residing in neighborhoods of lower socioeconomic status (SES).6,9,19,20 Research has shown that inadequate use of cancer screening services, and consequent late stage diagnosis and decreased survival, contribute to the SES disparities.21,22 Similar to racial/ethnic disparities, SES disparities have been attributed to inadequate treatment and follow-up care and comorbidities.18 Previous population-based studies have continued to observe racial/ethnic survival disparities after adjusting for neighborhood SES, but these studies have not considered the combined influence of neighborhood SES and race/ethnicity.3,9,11,12,23 These disparities may remain because information on individual-level SES, health insurance coverage, comorbidities, quality of care, and detailed treatment regimens have typically not been available.3,8,9,11,13 Even among studies using national Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results–Medicare linked data, in which more detailed information on treatment and comorbidities are available among some patients aged 65 years and older, survival disparities have remained.12,23,24 However, not all data on medical conditions and health care services are captured in Medicare claims, including data on Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in HMOs (health maintenance organizations).25,26Using electronic medical records data from Kaiser Permanente Northern California (KPNC) linked to data from the population-based California Cancer Registry (CCR), we recently reported that chemotherapy use followed practice guidelines but varied by race/ethnicity and neighborhood SES in this integrated health system.27 Therefore, to overcome the limitations of previous studies and address simultaneously the multiple social28 and clinical factors affecting survival after breast cancer diagnosis, we used the linked KPNC–CCR database to determine whether racial/ethnic and socioeconomic differences in short-term overall and breast cancer–specific survival persist in women in a membership-based health system. Our study is the first, to our knowledge, to consider the combined influence of neighborhood SES and race/ethnicity and numerous prognostic factors, including breast cancer subtypes and comorbidities, thought to underlie these long-standing survival disparities among women with uniform access to health care and treatment.     

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Incident Heart Failure Among a Community-Based Sample of US Veterans

Objectives. We investigated the association between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and incident heart failure in a community-based sample of veterans.Methods. We examined Veterans Affairs Pacific Islands Health Care System outpatient medical records for 8248 veterans between 2005 and 2012. We used multivariable Cox regression to estimate hazard ratios and 95% confidence intervals for the development of heart failure by PTSD status.Results. Over a mean follow-up of 7.2 years, veterans with PTSD were at increased risk for developing heart failure (hazard ratio [HR] = 1.47; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.13, 1.92) compared with veterans without PTSD after adjustment for age, gender, diabetes, hyperlipidemia, hypertension, body mass index, combat service, and military service period. Additional predictors for heart failure included age (HR = 1.05; 95% CI = 1.03, 1.07), diabetes (HR = 2.54; 95% CI = 2.02, 3.20), hypertension (HR = 1.87; 95% CI = 1.42, 2.46), overweight (HR = 1.72; 95% CI = 1.25, 2.36), obesity (HR = 3.43; 95% CI = 2.50, 4.70), and combat service (HR = 4.99; 95% CI = 1.29, 19.38).Conclusions. Ours is the first large-scale longitudinal study to report an association between PTSD and incident heart failure in an outpatient sample of US veterans. Prevention and treatment efforts for heart failure and its associated risk factors should be expanded among US veterans with PTSD.Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a psychiatric illness that affects approximately 7.7 million Americans aged older than 18 years.1 PTSD typically results after the experience of severe trauma, and veterans are at elevated risk for the disorder. The National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study reported the prevalence of PTSD among veterans who served in Vietnam as 15.2% among men and 8.1% among women.2 In fiscal year 2009, nearly 446 045 Veterans Administration (VA) patients had a primary diagnosis of PTSD, a threefold increase since 1999.3 PTSD is of growing clinical concern as evidence continues to link psychiatric illnesses to conditions such as arthritis,4 liver disease,5 digestive disease,6 and cancer.6 When the postwar health status of Vietnam veterans was examined, those with PTSD had higher rates of diseases of the circulatory, nervous, digestive, musculoskeletal, and respiratory systems.7The evidence linking PTSD to coronary heart disease (CHD) is substantial.8–10 Veterans with PTSD are significantly more likely to have abnormal electrocardiograph results, myocardial infarctions, and atrioventricular conduction deficits than are veterans without PTSD.11 In a study of 605 male veterans of World War II and the Korean War, CHD was more common among veterans with PTSD than among those without PTSD.12 Worldwide, adults exposed to the disaster at Chernobyl experienced increased rates of CHD up to 10 years after the event,13 and studies of stressors resulting from the civil war in Lebanon found elevated CHD mortality.14,15Although the exact biological mechanism by which PTSD contributes to CHD remains unclear, several hypotheses have been suggested, including autonomic nervous system dysfunction,16 inflammation,17 hypercoagulability,18 cardiac hyperreactivity,19 altered neurochemistry,20 and co-occurring metabolic syndrome.16 One of the hallmark symptoms of PTSD is hyperarousal,21 and the neurobiological changes brought on from sustained sympathetic nervous system activation affect the release of neurotransmitters and endocrine function.22 These changes have negative effects on the cardiovascular system, including increased blood pressure, heart rate, and cardiac output.22,23Most extant literature to date examining cardiovascular sequelae has shown a positive association between PTSD and coronary artery disease.8–10 Coronary artery disease is well documented as one of the most significant risk factors for future development of heart failure.24 Despite burgeoning evidence for the role of PTSD in the development of coronary artery disease, there are few studies specifically exploring the relationship between PTSD and heart failure. Limited data suggest that PTSD imparts roughly a threefold increase in the odds of developing heart failure in both the general population5 and in a sample of the elderly.25 These investigations, however, have been limited by cross-sectional study design, a small proportion of participants with PTSD, and reliance on self-reported measures for both PTSD and heart failure.5,25 Heart failure is a uniquely large public health issue, as nearly 5 million patients in the United States are affected and there are approximately 500 000 new cases each year.26 Identifying predictors of heart failure can aid in early detection efforts while simultaneously increasing understanding of the mechanism behind development of heart failure.To mitigate the limitations of previous investigations, we undertook a large-scale prospective study to further elucidate the role of prevalent PTSD and development of incident heart failure among veterans, while controlling for service-related and clinical covariates. Many studies investigating heart failure have relied on inpatient records; we leveraged outpatient records to more accurately reflect the community burden of disease.     

Mediation by Peer Violence Victimization of Sexual Orientation Disparities in Cancer-Related Tobacco,Alcohol, and Sexual Risk Behaviors: Pooled Youth Risk Behavior Surveys

Objectives. We examined the role of adolescent peer violence victimization (PVV) in sexual orientation disparities in cancer-related tobacco, alcohol, and sexual risk behaviors.Methods. We pooled data from the 2005 and 2007 Youth Risk Behavior Surveys. We classified youths with any same-sex sexual attraction, partners, or identity as sexual minority and the remainder as heterosexual. We had 4 indicators of tobacco and alcohol use and 4 of sexual risk and 2 PVV factors: victimization at school and carrying weapons. We stratified associations by gender and race/ethnicity.Results. PVV was related to disparities in cancer-related risk behaviors of substance use and sexual risk, with odds ratios (ORs) of 1.3 (95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.03, 1.6) to 11.3 (95% CI = 6.2, 20.8), and to being a sexual minority, with ORs of 1.4 (95% CI = 1.1, 1.9) to 5.6 (95% CI = 3.5, 8.9). PVV mediated sexual orientation disparities in substance use and sexual risk behaviors. Findings were pronounced for adolescent girls and Asian/Pacific Islanders.Conclusions. Interventions are needed to reduce PVV in schools as a way to reduce sexual orientation disparities in cancer risk across the life span.The Institute of Medicine recently reviewed the research literature on health disparities between lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals and heterosexuals across the life span.1 It identified the significant role of stigma in the health of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals and areas in need of research, including disparities in cancer between sexual minorities (lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons) and heterosexuals. Behaviors that increase cancer risk (e.g., tobacco and alcohol use, unprotected sexual intercourse) may be initiated during adolescence. For sexual minorities, peer violence victimization (PVV) may partly explain disparities in cancer-related risk behaviors because such disparities between sexual minorities and heterosexuals have been attributed to the differential burden of stigma experienced by sexual minorities.1Certain behaviors place one at risk for cancer, and sexual orientation disparities exist in those cancer-related risk behaviors. Tobacco and alcohol use are risk factors for various types of cancers, such as lung, esophageal, oropharyngeal, and colon.2–8 More sexual minority adults and youths than their heterosexual peers report tobacco and alcohol use.9–18Several sexual risk behaviors (number of partners, early age of first intercourse, concurrent sexual partners, lack of condom use, and substance use during intercourse) are known to increase vulnerability to infection with, for example, human papillomavirus (HPV)19–29 and hepatitis B.30,31 Women who have sex with women have elevated rates of such sexual risk behaviors relative to women who only have sex with men.32–34 Women who only have sex with women are less likely to be screened for sexually transmitted infections,33,35,36 despite the risk of HPV transmission during female-to-female sexual intercourse.37 HPV in men is important because it is linked to anal, oral, and penile cancers.24,38 The risk of cancer-related sexual behaviors may be elevated among sexual minority men, because of the links between anal intercourse, HPV, and anal cancer,39 especially among men who are HIV positive.40 Hepatitis B has been linked to liver cancer41 and increased risk of anal HPV among men.31     

Latent Tuberculosis Infection Screening in Foreign-Born Populations: A Successful Mobile Clinic Outreach Model

Objectives. We evaluated the efficacy of a mobile medical clinic (MMC) screening program for detecting latent tuberculosis infection (LTBI) and active tuberculosis.Methods. A LTBI screening program in a MMC in New Haven, Connecticut, used medical surveys to examine risk factors and tuberculin skin test (TST) screening eligibility. We assessed clinically relevant correlates of total (prevalent; n = 4650) and newly diagnosed (incident; n = 4159) LTBI from 2003 to 2011.Results. Among 8322 individuals, 4159 (55.6%) met TST screening eligibility criteria, of which 1325 (31.9%) had TST assessed. Similar to LTBI prevalence (16.8%; 779 of 4650), newly diagnosed LTBI (25.6%; 339 of 1325) was independently correlated with being foreign-born (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 8.49; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 5.54, 13.02), Hispanic (AOR = 3.12; 95% CI = 1.88, 5.20), Black (AOR = 2.16; 95% CI = 1.31, 3.55), employed (AOR = 1.61; 95% CI = 1.14, 2.28), and of increased age (AOR = 1.04; 95% CI = 1.02, 1.05). Unstable housing (AOR = 4.95; 95% CI = 3.43, 7.14) and marijuana use (AOR = 1.57; 95% CI = 1.05, 2.37) were significantly correlated with incident LTBI, and being male, heroin use, interpersonal violence, employment, not having health insurance, and not completing high school were significantly correlated with prevalent LTBI.Conclusions. Screening for TST in MMCs successfully identifies high-risk foreign-born, Hispanic, working, and uninsured populations and innovatively identifies LTBI in urban settings.Foreign-born populations are at greatest risk for having both latent tuberculosis infection (LTBI) and developing tuberculosis (TB) disease within high-income countries and, in 2012, accounted for 63.0% of the 9951 TB cases in the United States.1 Newly diagnosed and reactivated TB infection among foreign-born individuals in the United States is currently 12 times greater (15.8 vs 1.4 cases per 100 000 population) than among US-born persons.1 Among foreign-born individuals, LTBI often reactivates within 5 to 10 years after arrival to the United States.2,3 Undocumented migrants and visitors from high-TB-prevalence countries, however, do not undergo routine LTBI screening and thus remain outside traditional health care screening and treatment programs in primary or specialty care settings except when they are acutely ill.3,4 Thus, identifying and treating LTBI cases among these high-risk populations before transforming to TB disease and resultant transmission to others is crucial to ending the cycle of ongoing TB infection within the United States.Workplace screening,4,5 mandatory criminal justice system screening,6–8 screening for entry into medication-assisted therapy and drug treatment programs,9 and refugee and naturalization programs10,11 have been successful for reaching legal and domestic populations, but innovative options are needed to target foreign-born populations that are not yet integrated into mainstream care.Culturally and geographically isolated foreign-born groups may be overlooked especially if there is low self-perception of tuberculosis risk.12 Tuberculin skin testing (TST), though imperfect, is internationally recognized and has been shown to be a reasonably accurate assessment of LTBI status in immunocompetent adults, despite receiving previous Bacillus Calmette-Guérin vaccine.13 Whereas other studies have focused on traditional clinics or statewide programs,14 we present an innovative mobile medical clinic (MMC) as a model to target “hidden” foreign-born populations for LTBI screening.New Haven, Connecticut, the country’s fourth poorest city for its size, with a census of 130 000, is a medium-sized urban setting in New England that has experienced extraordinary social and medical disparities including a high prevalence of poverty, drug addiction, HIV/AIDS, and unemployment and is disproportionately comprised of people of color, including 35.4% and 27.4% being Black or Hispanic, respectively.15 As New Haven is an industrial city with low-paying jobs, there has been an influx of foreign-born people, now officially comprising 11.6% of the population, with many having an undocumented residency status. Health care access for this group is absent unless individuals pay directly for fee-for-service, and concern for deportation and arrest further hinders willingness to seek care.16The Community Health Care Van (CHCV) is an MMC that provides free health care 5 days per week in 4 impoverished neighborhoods in New Haven. Though at inception the program was linked to the needle and syringe exchange program,17 it has since expanded over 20 years to become a vital bridge to a diverse array of health and addiction treatment services that includes services for medically underserved populations, including directly administered antiretroviral therapy to treat HIV,18–21 buprenorphine maintenance therapy,22–25 community transitional programs from the criminal justice system,26–33 hepatitis B vaccination,34 rapid hepatitis C screening,35 and other ongoing primary health care programs such as screening and monitoring of sexually transmitted infections,36 diabetes, and hypertension. In addition, the CHCV provides outreach and intensive case management services.37 Screening for LTBI and TB disease began in 2003 to target high-risk undocumented and foreign-born clients, as well as clients entering drug treatment programs or homeless shelters, who were concerned about TB infection yet were reluctant to seek care in traditional health care settings for fear of deportation, prohibitive cost, or language barriers. The LTBI screening program shortly thereafter became successfully incorporated into the country’s first mobile buprenorphine maintenance therapy program.9     

Clustering of Midlife Lifestyle Behaviors and Subsequent Cognitive Function: A Longitudinal Study

Objectives. We examined the association between individual and clustered lifestyle behaviors in middle age and later in cognitive functioning.Methods. Middle-aged participants (n = 2430) in the Supplémentation en Vitamines et Minéraux Antioxydant study self-reported their low physical activity, sedentary behavior, alcohol use, smoking, low fruit and vegetable consumption, and low fish consumption. We assessed cognition 13 years later via 6 neuropsychological tests. After standardization, we summed the scores for a composite cognitive measure. We estimated executive functioning and verbal memory scores using principal component analysis. We estimated the mean differences (95% confidence intervals [CIs]) in cognitive performance by the number of unhealthy behaviors using analysis of covariance. We identified latent unhealthy behavior factor via structural equation modeling.Results. Global cognitive function and verbal memory were linearly, negatively associated with the number of unhealthy behaviors: adjusted mean differences = −0.36 (95% CI = −0.69, −0.03) and −0.46 (95% CI = −0.80, −0.11), respectively, per unit increase in the number of unhealthy behaviors. The latent unhealthy behavior factor with low fruit and vegetable consumption and low physical activity as main contributors was associated with reduced verbal memory (RMSEA = 0.02; CFI = 0.96; P = .004). No association was found with executive functioning.Conclusions. Comprehensive public health strategies promoting healthy lifestyles might help deter cognitive aging.Noncommunicable diseases with notable lifestyle components are the leading causes of death worldwide.1,2 There is also growing evidence of the critical role of different midlife health and risk behaviors in cognitive aging.3–7 Because lifestyles are inherently modifiable and no treatment of cognitive decline is available, such findings argue for the paramount importance of prevention.8,9Current data support a deleterious effect of alcohol abstinence or abuse (compared with moderate alcohol consumption),10 smoking,7 low fruit and vegetable intake,11 low fish intake,12 and low physical activity (PA) levels13 on cognitive aging. However, it has been widely documented that lifestyle factors are strongly correlated with each other, forming a cluster of healthy or unhealthy behaviors.14 Traditionally, such interrelations have been accounted for by statistical adjustment; however, it is of major public health interest to consider the cumulative and combined effect of the various lifestyle behaviors on health by using multidimensional strategies.14Research that examines the combined effect of lifestyle factors on mortality is plentiful, and data have been colligated in a recent meta-analysis.15 These authors reported a 66% reduction in mortality risk by comparing adherence to 4 or more healthy lifestyle behaviors versus engagement in any number of unhealthy behaviors.The combined effect of lifestyle factors has also been explored in relation to cardiovascular diseases,16–18 cancer,18–22 diabetes,18,23 memory complaints,24 and dementia25–27; however, very few studies have reported findings regarding cognition.28,29 Despite heterogeneity in the definition of a healthy lifestyle, study design, and residual confounding, available, but scarce, data support a critical, protective role of healthy lifestyles in cognitive health through their beneficial properties via oxidative, inflammatory, vascular, and other neuroprotective pathways.30–33Our objectives in this study were to examine the association between individual and clustered lifestyle behaviors and later cognitive functioning. We employed traditional and innovative techniques (structural equation modeling) in our epidemiological pursuit.     

Correlates of Sexual Risk Among Sexual Minority and Heterosexual South African Youths

We explored psychosocial correlates of sexual risk among heterosexual and sexual minority youths (SMYs) in Johannesburg, South Africa. Young people 16 to 18 years old (n = 822) were administered surveys assessing demographic characteristics, sexual behaviors, mental health, and parent–child communication. Adjusted multivariate regressions examining correlates of sexual risk revealed that SMYs had more sexual partners than heterosexual youths (B = 3.90; SE = 0.95; P < .001) and were more likely to engage in sex trading (OR = 3.11; CI = 1.12-8.62; P < .05). South African SMYs are at increased risk relative to their heterosexual peers.South Africa has the highest burden of HIV in the world; 9.2% of young persons aged 15 to 19 years living in the country are infected with HIV.1,2 Few studies have examined multilevel sexual risk factors (e.g., individual, partner, family) among sexual minority youths (SMYs)3 in South Africa, despite their increased vulnerability.4–8 Research has shown that rates of sexual risk behavior are high among adult men who have sex with men (MSM) in sub-Saharan Africa,5,9 and South African SMYs may be especially vulnerable given the transitional nature of adolescence, fear of discrimination, and lack of cultural acceptance of homosexuality.4,7,10Our analyses were guided by theories of syndemics (i.e., collective risk or co-occurring epidemics)11–13 and minority group stress.14 These theories posit that young MSM experience psychosocial disparities in numerous areas (substance use, abuse and victimization, mental health problems, risk taking)15–18 and that SMYs are at increased risk for poor mental health, sexual vulnerability, substance use, and violence.19,20 Moreover, stigma creates stressful environments, another cause of mental health problems among SMYs.14 This situation is especially salient in South Africa, where same-sex behavior is so highly stigmatized that even normative adolescent sexual exploration would likely be denounced.7We hypothesized that South African SMYs would be at increased sexual risk relative to heterosexual youths. To our knowledge, this is one of the first investigations to examine risk and protective factors associated with sexual risk in this population.     

Trust,Medication Adherence,and Hypertension Control in Southern African American Men

We examined the relationship between trust in the medical system, medication adherence, and hypertension control in Southern African American men. The sample included 235 African American men aged 18 years and older with hypertension. African American men with higher general trust in the medical system were more likely to report better medication adherence (odds ratio [OR] = 1.06), and those with higher self-efficacy were more likely to report better medication adherence and hypertension control (OR = 1.08 and OR = 1.06, respectively).Trust remains an important issue with African Americans (AAs), particularly in the South where its history of mistreatment and racial discrimination at times were highly prevalent.1 Racial and ethnic minorities are more prone than are Whites to distrust the health care establishment, and historically, minority men have had less access to culturally competent providers.2–4 Southern AAs are more likely than are Whites to report perceived racial barriers to care,5 and AA men are more likely than are AA women to report perceived discrimination.6–10 Perceived discrimination and mistreatment are associated with poorer medical adherence and delays in seeking health care.11–14 In addition, higher levels of trust in the health care system are associated with better adherence to recommended care, greater patient satisfaction, and better outcomes.15–18 This has significant implications considering that AA men develop hypertension (HTN) at an earlier age, have higher rates of advanced (stage 3) HTN, are more likely to experience HTN complications, and are less likely to achieve HTN-control compared with White men.19–21 The rates of HTN are even higher in the South for AA men, accounting, in part, for higher stroke (80% higher) and cardiovascular mortality (50% higher) in this subpopulation compared with other groups in other regions.21–23The goal of this brief study was to assess the relationship between trust in the medical, medication adherence,24 and HTN control25 among Southern AA men. Other covariates were perceived discrimination, perceived racism, self-efficacy, and participation in medical decision-making. This study is based on the Race and Health Outcomes Model developed by Williams et al.26     

Initiation of Human Papillomavirus Vaccination Among Predominantly Minority Female and Male Adolescents at Inner-City Community Health Centers

Objectives. We examined the prevalence and correlates of human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine initiation among adolescents in low-income, urban areas.Methods. The study consisted of electronic health record data on HPV vaccination for 3180 adolescents (aged 10–20 years) at a multisite community health center in 2011.Results. Only 27% initiated the HPV vaccine. The adjusted odds ratio (AOR) of HPV vaccination was lower among older adolescents (AOR = 0.552; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.424, 0.718) and those seen by nonpediatric health care providers (HCPs; AOR = 0.311; 95% CI = 0.222, 0.435), and higher among non-English speakers (AOR = 1.409; 95% CI = 1.134, 1.751) and those seen at 2 site locations (AOR = 1.890; 95% CI = 1.547, 2.311). Insurance status was significant only among female and Hispanic adolescents. Language was not a predictor among Hispanic adolescents. Across all analyses, the interaction of age and HCP specialty was associated with HPV vaccination. Dramatically lower HPV vaccination rates were found among older adolescents seen by nonpediatric HCPs (3%–5%) than among other adolescents (23%–45%).Conclusions. Improving HPV vaccination initiation in low-income urban areas is critical to reducing disparities in cervical and other HPV-related cancer, especially among Black, Hispanic, and low-income populations.Human papillomavirus (HPV) infection is a known risk factor for the development of several cancers. Between 2004 and 2008, there was a national average of 33 369 HPV-associated cancers annually, including cervical, vulvar, vaginal, penile, anal, and oropharyngeal cancers.1 The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates 26 000 new HPV-associated cancers each year, 18 000 for women and 8000 for men,1 which could be prevented through the HPV vaccine.According to the US Cancer Statistics Working Group,2 there are pervasive disparities in national morbidity and mortality rates of HPV-related cancers for Black and Hispanic individuals. Cervical cancer is more common among Black and Hispanic women and results in disproportionately higher mortality for Black women. In 2009, the national age-adjusted cervical cancer incidence rates (per 100 000) for Hispanic and Black women (10.9 and 10.0, respectively) were higher than the rate for White women (7.6).2 The national age-adjusted cervical cancer mortality rate (per 100 000) for Black women (4.2) is considerably higher than the rates for White and Hispanic women (2.1 and 2.9, respectively).2 Also, Black women have higher morbidity and mortality rates of vaginal cancer. Morbidity and mortality rates of penile cancers are significantly higher among Black and Hispanic men. Black men have higher morbidity and mortality rates of anal cancer.2 In addition to race/ethnicity, incidence rates of penile, cervical, and vaginal cancers increase with higher poverty rates.3 Factors that contribute to cancer disparities among Black, Hispanic, and low-income populations include higher exposure to risk factors such as smoking, physical inactivity, and HPV infection as well as lack of access to early detection and treatment services.4New Jersey had the 10th highest morbidity rate for cervical cancer nationally for 2006 through 2010.5 According to the New Jersey State Cancer Registry, cervical cancer morbidity from 2005 to 2009 was significantly higher in the Greater Newark area (relative risk = 1.86; the study target area) than other areas in the state, as well as among women who are Black, Hispanic, foreign-born, non–English-speaking, uninsured, with lower income and education, unmarried, unemployed, and living in a rented residence.6 According to a community health needs assessment for the City of Newark in 2013,7 52.4% of the residents are Black, 33.8% are Hispanic, and 30% are foreign-born, compared with 13%, 18%, and 20%, respectively, in the state. Also, 28.4% of the residents are below the federal poverty level compared with 9.4% statewide, and 28% are uninsured compared with 8.4% statewide. A significant proportion of the residents has less than a high-school education (30%) and a low level of English proficiency (25%).7Transmission of HPV can be reduced through limiting the number of sexual partners, delaying the initiation of sexual activity, practicing safe sex, and getting vaccinated.8 Two vaccines have been approved by the Food and Drug Administration for protection against HPV: the quadrivalent vaccine (Gardasil, Merck, Kenilworth, NJ) for female and male individuals aged 9 to 26 years,9 and the bivalent vaccine (Cervarix, GlaxoSmithKline, Middlesex, England) for female individuals aged 10 to 25 years.10 The HPV vaccine requires a series of 3 injections within 6 months. Markowitz et al.11 examined the rates of HPV infection among female individuals before and after the vaccine was introduced in 2006, by using data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys for 2003 through 2010. They found that for female adolescents aged 14 to 19 years, there was a 55.7% reduction in vaccine-type HPV infection rate (HPV types 6, 11, 16, and 18) and a 50% reduction in high-risk vaccine-type HPV infection rate (HPV types 16 and 18). There was also an 88% decrease among the sexually active women in their rate of vaccine-type HPV infection when they compared those who were vaccinated to those who were not vaccinated.11 Niccolai et al.12 also found significant decline in the rates of high-grade cervical lesions from 2008 to 2011 among women aged 21 to 24 years in Connecticut. Unfortunately, this trend was attenuated in urban areas as well as areas with higher concentrations of Black, Hispanic, and low-income populations.12According to the National Immunization Survey—Teen (NIS-Teen),13 HPV vaccine initiation rates for female adolescents were 44.3% in 2009, 48.7% in 2010, 53.0% in 2011, and 53.8% in 2012. This reflects minimal improvement in 2011, no improvement in 2012, and reaching a plateau for female vaccination at a level dramatically lower than the goal of 80% completion rate for girls aged 13 to 15 years set by Healthy People 2020. In site-based studies, HPV vaccine initiation among female adolescents ranged between 9.4% and 62.9%.14–21 Also, initiation for female adolescents was lower for Spanish speakers,22 those who were uninsured,23–25 those with shorter duration of enrollment in health insurance,26 in nonpediatric settings,21,24 among those who have not had a preventive visit in the past 12 months,21,24,27–30 and with mothers’ lack of knowledge about HPV infection or vaccine.18,27,28,31,32 Some studies reported lower initiation among younger female adolescents,15,18,21,24,29,30 whereas others reported the opposite.21,26 Several studies have shown the importance of health care providers’ (HCPs’) recommendations for HPV vaccine initiation among female adolescents.16,28,30,31,33According to NIS-Teen,13 HPV vaccine initiation rates for male adolescents were 1.4% in 2010, 8.3% in 2011, and 20.8% in 2012. This reflects low but steady improvement in HPV vaccination rates among male adolescents. In site-based studies, HPV vaccine initiation among male adolescents ranged between 1.1% and 30%.14,34–37 Literature is lacking on factors associated with HPV vaccine initiation among male adolescents. One study reported lower levels of knowledge among Black and Hispanic parents about the use of HPV vaccine for male adolescents.35 A few studies indicated the importance of HCPs’ recommendation for HPV vaccine initiation among male adolescents.14,35,36,38Pervasive disparities exist in HPV vaccination among Black, Hispanic, and low-income groups, and more specifically in the study target area. Even though the NIS-Teen data for 2011 and 2012 show slightly higher HPV vaccination among Black and low-income groups,39,40 several studies have demonstrated a significant and continuing trend of lower HPV vaccination among Black and Hispanic adolescents,14,15,17,24,26,41,42 as well as in low-income and urban areas.22,33,41,43 Vaccination disparities in urban areas (compared with suburban or rural areas) may be attributed to residential segregation, differential distribution of health clinics and health professionals, and unequal access to a broad range of services.44–46 As urban areas, particularly the Greater Newark area, have high proportions of immigrants who may be hesitant to seek health care services because of cultural or language barriers or concerns about immigration status,7 a study of adolescents’ adherence to public health recommendations in underserved, inner-city areas is warranted and important.Literature is lacking information on correlates of HPV vaccination among Black and Hispanic adolescents in low-income urban areas, who represent populations with the greatest disparities in cervical cancer and other HPV-related cancers compared with White and higher-income groups. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the correlates of HPV vaccine initiation in a sample of predominantly Black and Hispanic adolescents at inner-city community health centers. The study addresses gaps in knowledge about the correlates of HPV vaccination among both male and female adolescents as well as a low-income predominantly minority population with pervasive disparities in cervical cancer morbidity and mortality.1–3,5,6     

Social Branding to Decrease Smoking Among Young Adults in Bars

Objectives. We evaluated a Social Branding antitobacco intervention for “hipster” young adults that was implemented between 2008 and 2011 in San Diego, California.Methods. We conducted repeated cross-sectional surveys of random samples of young adults going to bars at baseline and over a 3-year follow-up. We used multinomial logistic regression to evaluate changes in daily smoking, nondaily smoking, and binge drinking, controlling for demographic characteristics, alcohol use, advertising receptivity, trend sensitivity, and tobacco-related attitudes.Results. During the intervention, current (past 30 day) smoking decreased from 57% (baseline) to 48% (at follow-up 3; P = .002), and daily smoking decreased from 22% to 15% (P < .001). There were significant interactions between hipster affiliation and alcohol use on smoking. Among hipster binge drinkers, the odds of daily smoking (odds ratio [OR] = 0.44; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.30, 0.63) and nondaily smoking (OR = 0.57; 95% CI = 0.42, 0.77) decreased significantly at follow-up 3. Binge drinking also decreased significantly at follow-up 3 (OR = 0.64; 95% CI = 0.53, 0.78).Conclusions. Social Branding campaigns are a promising strategy to decrease smoking in young adult bar patrons.Tobacco companies1 and public health authorities2–5 recognize young adulthood as a critical time when experimenters either quit or transition to regular tobacco use. Young adults are also aspirational role models for youths.1,6,7 Tobacco companies devote considerable resources to reaching young adults to encourage tobacco use,1,8–11 and young adults have a high prevalence of smoking.12 In California in 2011, young adults had the highest smoking prevalence of any age group, and the Department of Health estimated that 32% of California smokers started smoking between the ages of 18 and 26 years.13 Although they are more likely to intend to quit and successfully quit than older adults,14–17 young adults are less likely to receive assistance with smoking cessation.18,19 Although there are few proven interventions to discourage young adult smoking,20 cessation before age 30 years avoids virtually all of the long-term adverse health effects of smoking.21Tobacco companies have a long history of using bars and nightclubs to reach young adults and to encourage smoking.1,6,9–11,22–24 Bar attendance and exposure to tobacco bar marketing is strongly associated with smoking.25 The 1998 Master Settlement Agreement and Food and Drug Administration regulations that limit tobacco advertising to youths, explicitly permit tobacco marketing in “adult only” venues, including bars and nightclubs.26,27Aggressive tobacco marketing may actually be more intensive in smoke-free bars: a 2010 study of college students attending bars found that students in the community with a smoke-free bar law were more likely to be approached by tobacco marketers, offered free gifts, and to take free gifts for themselves than in communities without a smoke-free bar law.28 Bars and nightclubs also attract young adults who are more likely to exhibit personality traits such as sensation seeking,29 increasing their risk30 independently of receptivity to tobacco advertising; tobacco promotional messages resonate with these personality traits.8,31 Tobacco marketing campaigns are tailored to specific segments of the population defined by psychographics (e.g., values, attitudes, shared interests, such as tastes in music and fashion, and friend groups) and demographic criteria, and they aim to create positive smoker images, identities, and social norms for smoking.1,8 Tobacco marketing campaigns also focus on young adult trendsetters to leverage peer influence to promote smoking.6,10In contrast to the tobacco companies’ efforts, most young adult health interventions take place in colleges or health centers rather than social environments.32–39 Bars and nightclub venues represent an opportunity to reach those at highest risk for long-term smoking morbidity and mortality.40 We evaluated the effectiveness of an intervention to decrease cigarette smoking by countering tobacco industry marketing strategies targeting young adults attending bars and nightclubs in the San Diego, California, “hipster” scene. Because tobacco and alcohol use are strongly linked,41,42 we also examined the effects of the intervention on alcohol use and among binge drinkers. We found a significant decrease in smoking in the community where the intervention took place, including significant decreases among nondaily smokers and binge drinkers, as well as a significant decrease in binge drinking.     

Socioeconomic Status,Food Security,and Dental Caries in US Children: Mediation Analyses of Data From the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, 2007–2008

Objectives. We examined associations of household socioeconomic status (SES) and food security with children’s oral health outcomes.Methods. We analyzed 2007 and 2008 US National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey data for children aged 5 to 17 years (n = 2206) to examine the relationship between food security and untreated dental caries and to assess whether food security mediates the SES–caries relationship.Results. About 20.1% of children had untreated caries. Most households had full food security (62%); 13% had marginal, 17% had low, and 8% had very low food security. Higher SES was associated with significantly lower caries prevalence (prevalence ratio [PR] = 0.77; 95% confidence interval = 0.63, 0.94; P = .01). Children from households with low or very low food security had significantly higher caries prevalence (PR = 2.00 and PR = 1.70, respectively) than did children living in fully food-secure households. Caries prevalence did not differ among children from fully and marginally food-secure households (P = .17). Food insecurity did not appear to mediate the SES–caries relationship.Conclusions. Interventions and policies to ensure food security may help address the US pediatric caries epidemic.Tooth decay (dental caries) is the most prevalent disease worldwide and the most common pediatric disease in the United States.1,2 From 1999 to 2004, the prevalence of untreated tooth decay was 24.5% for children aged 6 to 11 years and 19.6% for adolescents aged 12 to 19 years.3 Untreated tooth decay can lead to difficulties eating and sleeping, pain, the need for invasive restorative treatment, emergency department visits and inpatient hospitalizations, poor quality of life, systemic health problems, and, in rare cases, death.4–7 To date, most public health efforts aimed at addressing the pediatric caries epidemic have focused on tooth-level interventions (e.g., topical fluorides, dental sealants). Although disparities in oral health are considered a measure of social injustice,8 comparatively less research has been conducted on the social determinants of pediatric oral health.9Low socioeconomic status (SES), one of the strongest determinants of caries in children,10–12 is associated with food insecurity,10–17 defined as inadequate access to food resulting in food shortages, disrupted eating patterns, and hunger.18 Food insecurity, in turn, is associated with oral health–related behaviors, including increased fermentable carbohydrate intake,19,20 a risk factor for dental caries.21,22 The American Dietetic Association recognizes the link between nutrition and oral health,23 and numerous studies have drawn associations between dietary factors and disparities in dental caries.24 Collectively, these studies suggest that food insecurity is related to caries and is a potential mechanism linking SES and caries, but these relationships have not yet been evaluated empirically. We used nationally representative data from the United States to test 3 hypotheses: (1) food insecurity is positively associated with untreated dental caries, (2) food insecurity mediates the SES–caries relationship, and (3) food insecurity mediates the SES–caries relationship differentially for children from higher- versus lower-SES households.     

Impact of Rurality,Broiler Operations,and Community Socioeconomic Factors on the Risk of Campylobacteriosis in Maryland

Objectives. We evaluated the combined impact of community-level environmental and socioeconomic factors on the risk of campylobacteriosis.Methods. We obtained Campylobacter case data (2002–2010; n = 3694) from the Maryland Foodborne Diseases Active Surveillance Network. We obtained community-level socioeconomic and environmental data from the 2000 US Census and the 2007 US Census of Agriculture. We linked data by zip code. We derived incidence rate ratios by Poisson regressions. We mapped a subset of zip code–level characteristics.Results. In zip codes that were 100% rural, incidence rate ratios (IRRs) of campylobacteriosis were 6 times (IRR = 6.18; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 3.19, 11.97) greater than those in urban zip codes. In zip codes with broiler chicken operations, incidence rates were 1.45 times greater than those in zip codes without broilers (IRR = 1.45; 95% CI = 1.34, 1.58). We also observed higher rates in zip codes whose populations were predominantly White and had high median incomes.Conclusions. The community and environment in which one lives may significantly influence the risk of campylobacteriosis.Campylobacter is a leading cause of bacterial gastroenteritis in much of the developed and developing world.1,2 In addition to the diarrhea and vomiting associated with gastroenteritis, infection with Campylobacter can lead to more serious sequelae, such as Guillain-Barré syndrome, a demyelinating autoimmune disorder that can sometimes lead to death.3 Scallan et al.4 estimated that Campylobacter causes approximately 845 000 domestically acquired illnesses in the United States each year, along with 8463 hospitalizations and 76 deaths. Although the majority of these illnesses are estimated to be foodborne,4 attributing specific infections to specific sources has been challenging.Commonly reported risk factors for Campylobacter outbreaks include exposure to undercooked poultry,5 unpasteurized milk,6,7 and contaminated water.8 Eating in restaurants,9 not observing proper food preparation practices,10 and traveling abroad9,11 have also been associated with both outbreaks and sporadic (nonoutbreak) cases of campylobacteriosis. Additional risk factors for sporadic infections include contact with pets,5,12 contact with farm animals and livestock,13,14 and contact with animal feces.15 Significant associations of living in rural areas with risk of campylobacteriosis also have been identified in Europe and Canada.16–18 Moreover, a specific feature of rural environments—animal density—has been identified as a significant predictor of Campylobacter incidence in Canada and New Zealand.16,17Several sociodemographic risk factors for campylobacteriosis have also been identified, the 2 most consistent being gender (males) and age (< 5 years).8,16–19 Previous studies have also evaluated socioeconomic factors associated with the incidence of Campylobacter infection, and the findings suggest that these infections may occur more frequently among individuals characterized by higher socioeconomic status.16,20 Moreover, Samuel et al.21 reported that the incidence of campylobacteriosis among African Americans was lower than that among other ethnic groups across multiple sites in the United States, although hospitalization rates for this group were higher. These findings, however, may be influenced by differentials in illness reporting among varying races and ethnic groups.Nonetheless, these previous reports have largely resulted from population-based case–control studies focused on individual-level data. To our knowledge, no US study has examined the combined effect of community-level environmental and socioeconomic risk factors on the risk of campylobacteriosis. Such an analysis can be useful in (1) identifying (and possibly predicting) “hot spot” communities that bear high burdens of this illness, and (2) addressing significant research gaps concerning potential health disparities in the risk of infectious diseases.22 We linked Maryland Foodborne Diseases Active Surveillance (FoodNet) data to US Census data and US Department of Agriculture Census of Agriculture data at the zip code level to evaluate associations between community-level environmental and socioeconomic risk factors and the incidence of Campylobacter infections in Maryland.     

Health status, neighborhood socioeconomic context, and premature mortality in the United States: The National Institutes of Health-AARP Diet and Health Study

Objectives. We examined whether the risk of premature mortality associated with living in socioeconomically deprived neighborhoods varies according to the health status of individuals.Methods. Community-dwelling adults (n = 566 402; age = 50–71 years) in 6 US states and 2 metropolitan areas participated in the ongoing prospective National Institutes of Health–AARP Diet and Health Study, which began in 1995. We used baseline data for 565 679 participants on health behaviors, self-rated health status, and medical history, collected by mailed questionnaires. Participants were linked to 2000 census data for an index of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. The main outcome was all-cause mortality ascertained through 2006.Results. In adjusted survival analyses of persons in good-to-excellent health at baseline, risk of mortality increased with increasing levels of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. Neighborhood socioeconomic mortality disparities among persons in fair-to-poor health were not statistically significant after adjustment for demographic characteristics, educational achievement, lifestyle, and medical conditions.Conclusions. Neighborhood socioeconomic inequalities lead to large disparities in risk of premature mortality among healthy US adults but not among those in poor health.Research dating back to at least the 1920s has shown that the United States has experienced persistent and widening socioeconomic disparities in premature mortality over time.^1–5 However, it has been unclear whether socioeconomic inequalities affect the longevity of persons in good and poor health equally. Socioeconomic status (SES) and health status are interrelated,^6–8 and both are strong independent predictors of mortality.⁹ Low SES is associated with greater risk of ill health and premature death,^{1–5,8,10–13} partly attributable to disproportionately high prevalence of unhealthful lifestyle practices^10,14,15 and physical and mental health conditions.^13,16 Correspondingly, risk of premature mortality is higher in poor than in more affluent areas.^16,17 Although the association between neighborhood poverty and mortality is independent of individual-level SES,^17,18 aggregation of low-SES populations in poor areas may contribute to variations in health outcomes across neighborhoods. Conversely, economic hardships resulting from ill health may lead persons in poor physical or mental health to move to poor neighborhoods.¹⁹ This interrelatedness may create spurious associations between neighborhood poverty and mortality.Although previous studies have found that the risk of premature death associated with poor health status varies according to individuals'' SES,^20,21 no published studies have examined whether the relative risks for premature mortality associated with living in neighborhoods with higher levels of socioeconomic deprivation vary by health status of individuals. Clarifying these relationships will inform social and public health policies and programs that aim to mitigate the health consequences of neighborhood poverty.^22,23We used data from a large prospective study to examine whether the risk of premature mortality associated with neighborhood socioeconomic context differs according to health status at baseline and remains after adjustment for person-level risk factors for mortality, such as SES, lifestyle practices, and chronic medical illnesses.     

Elevated Risk of Posttraumatic Stress in Sexual Minority Youths: Mediation by Childhood Abuse and Gender Nonconformity

Objectives. We examined whether lifetime risk of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was elevated in sexual minority versus heterosexual youths, whether childhood abuse accounted for disparities in PTSD, and whether childhood gender nonconformity explained sexual-orientation disparities in abuse and subsequent PTSD.Methods. We used data from a population-based study (n = 9369, mean age = 22.7 years) to estimate risk ratios for PTSD. We calculated the percentage of PTSD disparities by sexual orientation accounted for by childhood abuse and gender nonconformity, and the percentage of abuse disparities by sexual orientation accounted for by gender nonconformity.Results. Sexual minorities had between 1.6 and 3.9 times greater risk of probable PTSD than heterosexuals. Child abuse victimization disparities accounted for one third to one half of PTSD disparities by sexual orientation. Higher prevalence of gender nonconformity before age 11 years partly accounted for higher prevalence of abuse exposure before age 11 years and PTSD by early adulthood in sexual minorities (range = 5.2%–33.2%).Conclusions. Clinicians, teachers, and others who work with youths should consider abuse prevention and treatment measures for gender-nonconforming children and sexual minority youths.Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) has severe sequelae that can particularly affect youths by disrupting the achievement of adulthood milestones. PTSD negatively affects career prospects through elevated risk of substance abuse1 and unemployment,2 reduces educational attainment by increasing the risk of school dropout,2 and affects family formation by increasing the risk of relationship instability and adolescent pregnancy.2 Studies have also indicated that the course of PTSD is chronic in one third of cases2; identifying risk factors in children and early adulthood is therefore particularly important for public health because PTSD in adolescence or early adulthood may affect health and well-being throughout adulthood. Research indicates that lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths have higher prevalence of mental health problems than heterosexuals, including anxiety, depression, and suicidality3–6; to our knowledge, however, no studies of youths have examined the association between sexual orientation and probable PTSD in samples including both sexual minorities and heterosexuals.Childhood abuse greatly increases risk of developing PTSD.7–9 Child abuse can directly trigger PTSD,10 increase the risk of exposure to subsequent stressful events,8 and increase the conditional risk of developing PTSD following exposure to subsequent stressful events.11,12 Sexual minorities—lesbians, gay men, bisexuals, and “mostly heterosexuals”—experience higher rates of childhood abuse than do heterosexuals.13–18 Thus, disparities in childhood abuse may be a cause of higher prevalence of PTSD among sexual minority youths compared with heterosexuals.Additionally, gender-nonconforming appearance and behavior in childhood is more common among persons who will later have a minority sexual orientation.19–21 Differences in gender nonconformity may contribute to sexual-orientation disparities in maltreatment in early and middle childhood, before sexual identity has developed, as childhood gender nonconformity has been associated with parental rejection, harassment, and physical and verbal victimization related to sexual orientation.22–26We examine whether there are disparities in lifetime probable PTSD in youths by sexual orientation and whether greater exposure to child abuse may account for differences in PTSD. Additionally, we examine whether gender nonconformity accounts for higher prevalence of abuse before age 11 years and possible increased risk of PTSD among sexual minorities compared with heterosexuals. Because gender nonconformity has been associated with psychosocial stressors other than childhood abuse—namely, harassment and bullying—nonconformity may increase the risk of PTSD above and beyond its possible effects on childhood abuse. Given the high population prevalence of PTSD, its chronicity, and its associated impairment,2 identifying factors that put children and youths at risk for PTSD is vital.Although several studies have separately noted elevated prevalence of both child maltreatment and adulthood PTSD in sexual minorities,17,22 to date, only 1 study in adults has shown that higher rates of childhood abuse may partially account for higher prevalence of PTSD in sexual minorities.15 Very few studies have examined whether childhood gender nonconformity might explain elevated exposure to child abuse before adolescence24,27 or probable PTSD among sexual minorities. We examine possible sexual-orientation disparities in childhood abuse and PTSD separately by gender because studies have found gender differences in PTSD and childhood abuse.28,29 We further examine possible gender-by-sexual-orientation interactions in risk of PTSD and abuse.     

Longitudinal Predictors of Human Papillomavirus Vaccination Among a National Sample of Adolescent Males

Objectives. We conducted a longitudinal study to examine human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine uptake among male adolescents and to identify vaccination predictors.Methods. In fall 2010 and 2011, a national sample of parents with sons aged 11 to 17 years (n = 327) and their sons (n = 228) completed online surveys. We used logistic regression to identify predictors of HPV vaccination that occurred between baseline and follow-up.Results. Only 2% of sons had received any doses of HPV vaccine at baseline, with an increase to 8% by follow-up. About 55% of parents who had ever received a doctor’s recommendation to get their sons HPV vaccine did vaccinate between baseline and follow-up, compared with only 1% of parents without a recommendation. Fathers (odds ratio = 0.29; 95% confidence interval = 0.09, 0.80) and non-Hispanic White parents (odds ratio = 0.29; 95% confidence interval = 0.11, 0.76) were less likely to have vaccinated sons. Willingness to get sons HPV vaccine decreased from baseline to follow-up among parents (P < .001) and sons (P = .003).Conclusions. Vaccination against HPV remained low in our study and willingness to vaccinate may be decreasing. Physician recommendation and education about HPV vaccine for males may be key strategies for improving vaccination.Quadrivalent human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine against types 6, 11, 16, and 18 is approved to protect against genital warts (caused mostly by HPV types 6 and 111) and anal cancer (caused mostly by HPV types 16 and 182) in males.3 About 4% of men in the United States report a previous diagnosis of genital warts,4 and about 2250 new cases of anal cancer occur annually among males in the United States.5 Given the high levels of HPV concordance among sexual partners,6 vaccinating males may also have indirect health benefits for their partners.7 United States guidelines began including HPV vaccine for males in October 2009.8 The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices first provided a permissive recommendation, recommending the 3-dose quadrivalent vaccine series for males aged 9 to 26 years but not making it part of their routine vaccination schedule.8 In October 2011, the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices updated its stance on HPV vaccine for males and recommended routine vaccination of boys aged 11 to 12 years with catch-up vaccination for males aged 13 to 21 years.9 The updated recommendation continues to allow HPV vaccine to be given to males aged as young as 9 years and up to 26 years.9Although numerous studies have examined HPV vaccine uptake among females,10 data on HPV vaccine uptake among males are sparse. Despite mostly encouraging early levels of parental acceptability of the vaccine for males,11–13 initial estimates found that only about 2% of male adolescents in the United States had received any doses of HPV vaccine by the end of 2010.14,15 Recent data suggest that this increased to about 8% by the end of 2011.16 We are not aware of any studies that have examined predictors of vaccine uptake among males.Our study addresses several important gaps in the existing literature. We provide the first longitudinal examination of HPV vaccination among males and identify predictors of vaccine uptake. In doing so, we used data from both parents and their adolescent sons because many adolescents are involved in vaccination decisions.17 We also examined longitudinal changes in vaccine acceptability among parents and sons and parents’ reasons for not getting their sons HPV vaccine, because these data may provide valuable insight about future HPV vaccine uptake among males.     

The Effect of a “Maintain,Don’t Gain” Approach to Weight Management on Depression Among Black Women: Results From a Randomized Controlled Trial

Objectives. We evaluated the effect of a weight gain prevention intervention (Shape Program) on depression among socioeconomically disadvantaged overweight and obese Black women.Methods. Between 2009 and 2012, we conducted a randomized trial comparing a 12-month electronic health–based weight gain prevention intervention to usual primary care at 5 central North Carolina community health centers. We assessed depression with the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-8). We analyzed change in depression score from baseline to 12- and 18-month follow-up across groups with mixed models. We used generalized estimating equation models to analyze group differences in the proportion above the clinical threshold for depression (PHQ-8 score ≥ 10).Results. At baseline, 20% of participants reported depression. Twelve-month change in depression scores was larger for intervention participants (mean difference = −1.85; 95% confidence interval = −3.08, −0.61; P = .004). There was a significant reduction in the proportion of intervention participants with depression at 12 months with no change in the usual-care group (11% vs 19%; P = .035). All effects persisted after we controlled for weight change and medication use. We saw similar findings at 18 months.Conclusions. The Shape Program, which includes no mention of mood, improved depression among socioeconomically disadvantaged Black women.Depression is one of the most common and disabling, yet treatable, mental health conditions in the United States.1,2 Women are twice as likely as men to be affected,3 and more than 1 in 7 (14.9%) Black women will experience major depression in their lifetime.4 Observational evidence suggests that, although the prevalence of major depression is lower among Blacks than Whites, its severity is greater for Blacks.5 This is likely a result of racial disparities in access to depression treatment.6 Indeed, compared with their White counterparts, Black adults with depression are less likely to receive treatment for depression (39.7% vs 54.0%).6 Of those who do seek treatment, Blacks are less likely than Whites to receive care that corresponds to clinical practice guidelines.6,7 These racial disparities are magnified by socioeconomic disadvantage.8 Depression is 3 times more common for those with incomes below the federal poverty level, compared with those with higher incomes.9 As a consequence, the challenge remains how to effectively treat socioeconomically disadvantaged Black women with depression.Obesity is also disproportionately prevalent among Black women relative to other racial/ethnic groups.10 The high burden of obesity among Black women not only indicates a higher prevalence of obesity-related chronic diseases (e.g., diabetes, heart disease),11 but it may also have an impact on psychosocial outcomes such as depression.12 As such, interventions focusing on behavioral weight control may present a useful opportunity to address both obesity and depression.Behavioral weight loss interventions typically include frequent contact with a weight loss counselor; self-monitoring of diet, exercise, and weight; and lessons that cover various topics such as problem solving, relapse prevention, and stress management. Indeed, across numerous studies, behavioral weight loss interventions have been shown to promote reductions in depression.13,14 Such findings are generally believed to be related to weight loss15 and mediated by improvements in body satisfaction; that is, for many, weight loss might enhance body satisfaction and, thus, improve depression outcomes.16,17 However, this finding has most frequently been demonstrated in predominantly socioeconomically advantaged White women, who tend to exhibit strong relations between body size and mood.16,18 In contrast, Black women have greater social acceptance of overweight, less body weight dissatisfaction, and higher body weight ideals compared with White women.19–22 Thus, it is unclear whether Black women would experience a similar reduction in depression as a result of obesity treatment.Although weight loss is indicated for those with obesity, promoting clinically meaningful weight change among Black women has been a major challenge.23 Across various studies, Black women achieve less weight loss relative to White women.24–26 The reason for this racial disparity in weight loss outcomes is unclear, but may be influenced in part by differences in sociocultural norms related to weight, diet, and physical activity.27 As a result, interventions that focus on preventing weight gain may be a useful alternative treatment approach among overweight and obese Black women.27We recently conducted a study titled the Shape Program, a 12-month randomized controlled trial with follow-up at 18 months, evaluating an electronic health weight gain prevention intervention among Black women compared with usual care in the primary care setting.27 The Shape intervention was found to be effective in staving off weight gain at 12 and 18 months.28 It is unclear whether a weight gain prevention approach, as was tested in Shape, would be helpful for treating depression among Black women. As such, we sought to examine the potential spillover benefits produced by this “maintain, don’t gain” approach on depression, compared with usual care.     

Human Papillomavirus Vaccination Among Young Adult Gay and Bisexual Men in the United States

Objectives. We examined human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination among gay and bisexual men, a population with high rates of HPV infection and HPV-related disease.Methods. A national sample of gay and bisexual men aged 18 to 26 years (n = 428) completed online surveys in fall 2013. We identified correlates of HPV vaccination using multivariate logistic regression.Results. Overall, 13% of participants had received any doses of the HPV vaccine. About 83% who had received a health care provider recommendation for vaccination were vaccinated, compared with only 5% without a recommendation (P < .001). Vaccination was lower among participants who perceived greater barriers to getting vaccinated (odds ratio [OR] = 0.46; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.27, 0.78). Vaccination was higher among participants with higher levels of worry about getting HPV-related disease (OR = 1.54; 95% CI =  1.05, 2.27) or perceived positive social norms of HPV vaccination (OR = 1.57; 95% CI =  1.02, 2.43).Conclusions. HPV vaccine coverage is low among gay and bisexual men in the United States. Future efforts should focus on increasing provider recommendation for vaccination and should target other modifiable factors.Oncogenic human papillomavirus (HPV) types (mainly types 16 and 18) cause an estimated 93% of anal cancers, 63% of oropharyngeal cancers, and 36% of penile cancers among men in the United States.1 Nononcogenic HPV types 6 and 11 cause almost all anogenital warts.2 Gay and bisexual men have high rates of HPV infection and HPV-related disease. A recent review suggests that more than 50% of HIV-negative gay and bisexual men have an anogenital HPV infection.3 About 7% of gay and bisexual men report a history of genital warts.4 Anal cancer is also of great concern, with incidence among HIV-negative gay and bisexual men estimated to be 35 cases per 100 000 population.5 The anal cancer incidence rate among all men in the United States is just 1.6 cases per 100 000 population.6US guidelines began including the quadrivalent HPV vaccine (against HPV types 6, 11, 16, and 18) for males in October 2009.7 The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) first provided a permissive recommendation that allowed the HPV vaccine to be given to males aged 9 to 26 years but did not include the vaccine in their routine vaccination schedule.7 In October 2011, the ACIP began recommending routine vaccination for boys aged 11 to 12 years with catch-up vaccination for males aged 13 to 21 years.8 Importantly, the ACIP recommends HPV vaccination for men who have sex with men through age 26 years.8The HPV vaccine series consists of 3 doses, with the second dose administered 1 to 2 months after the first dose, and the third dose is administered 6 months after the first dose.7 The quadrivalent HPV vaccine is currently approved to protect males against genital warts and anal cancer.9 Despite recommendations, recent data suggest that fewer than 21% of males in the United States have received any doses of the HPV vaccine.10–14Although several HPV-related disparities exist among gay and bisexual men, little research has addressed HPV vaccination among this population. Past studies have shown that knowledge about HPV and the HPV vaccine tends to be modest among gay and bisexual men.15–19 Many gay and bisexual men have indicated their willingness to get the HPV vaccine, with estimates ranging from 36% to 86%.16,18–20 Data on actual HPV vaccine coverage are sparse; a past study found only 7% of 68 young adult gay and bisexual men had received any doses of the HPV vaccine.11 This study was, however, conducted before the ACIP recommendation for routine vaccination of males.We built on this past research by examining HPV vaccination among a national sample of young adult gay and bisexual men in the recommended age range for HPV vaccination (18–26 years). We identified correlates of vaccination and why young adult gay and bisexual men are not getting the HPV vaccine. These data will help inform future programs for increasing HPV vaccination among this high-risk population.     

Impact of an Exercise Intervention on Physical Activity During Pregnancy: The Behaviors Affecting Baby and You Study

Objectives. We examined the impact of a prenatal exercise intervention on physical activity in 260 women at risk for gestational diabetes mellitus.Methods. We randomized participants in the Behaviors Affecting Baby and You (BABY) Study, which took place from 2007 to 2012, to either a 12-week individually tailored, motivationally matched exercise intervention (n = 132) or to a comparison health and wellness intervention (n = 128). We assessed physical activity with the Pregnancy Physical Activity Questionnaire. We used linear mixed models to evaluate the impact of the interventions on change in physical activity according to intensity and type, total walking, and sedentary behavior.Results. Compared with the health and wellness arm, the exercise arm had significantly greater increases in sports or exercise activity (0.3 vs 5.3 metabolic equivalent of task [MET] hours/week; P < .001), and smaller declines in total activity (–42.7 vs –2.1 MET hours/week; P = .02) and activities of moderate to vigorous intensity (–30.6 vs −10.6 MET hours/week; P = .05), and was more likely to achieve recommended guidelines for physical activity (odds ratio = 2.12; 95% confidence interval = 1.45, 3.10).Conclusions. These findings extend the previous literature by demonstrating the benefits of a clinically feasible exercise intervention in an ethnically and socio-economically diverse population. Given the increased risk of adverse maternal health outcomes in ethnic minority groups, these findings may have important implications for reducing health disparities.The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) recommends that all women who are free from medical or obstetric complications engage in 30 minutes or more of moderate intensity physical activity on most days of the week.1 Physical activity during pregnancy is associated with reduced risk for excess gestational weight gain,2–4 and a reduced risk of gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM)5 and preeclampsia.6 Despite the benefits of physical activity, pregnant women are less likely to meet physical activity recommendations than nonpregnant women of childbearing age.7,8 Furthermore, physical activity levels decline throughout pregnancy, even in women who were active before pregnancy.9,10 Physical activity levels are even lower in Hispanic women; Hispanic women are 40% less likely to meet recommended levels of physical activity than are non-Hispanic White women.11 These numbers are concerning because of the excess risk of adverse maternal outcomes, such as GDM, in Hispanic women.12 Thus, it is important to develop culturally adapted interventions that can engage pregnant women in more active lifestyles.The impact of exercise interventions during pregnancy has been conflicting. Several interventions have been successful at attenuating the decrease in physical activity levels over the course of pregnancy13–15; however, most studies have observed no impact.16–20 In addition, the majority of the successful interventions to date have been conducted in predominantly White non-Hispanic study populations or have used intensive interventions that may not be feasible in clinical practice.21Individually tailored, motivationally matched interventions have been shown to be cost-effective approaches to increasing physical activity in nonpregnant women in community settings.22,23 These interventions are also readily translatable to clinical practice. However, whether these programs are effective at increasing physical activity during pregnancy is unknown. Therefore, we assessed the effectiveness of an individually tailored, motivationally matched exercise intervention on physical activity levels in an ethnically diverse sample of pregnant women at high risk for GDM.     

Life-Course Accumulation of Neighborhood Disadvantage and Allostatic Load: Empirical Integration of Three Social Determinants of Health Frameworks

Objectives. We examined if the accumulation of neighborhood disadvantages from adolescence to mid-adulthood were related to allostatic load, a measure of cumulative biological risk, in mid-adulthood, and explored whether this association was similar in women and men.Methods. Data were from the participants in the Northern Swedish Cohort (analytical n = 818) at ages 16, 21, 30, and 43 years in 1981, 1986, 1995, and 2008. Personal living conditions were self-reported at each wave. At age 43 years, 12 biological markers were measured to operationalize allostatic load. Registered data for all residents in the cohort participants’ neighborhoods at each wave were used to construct a cumulative measure of neighborhood disadvantage. Associations were examined in ordinary least-squares regression models.Results. We found that cumulative neighborhood disadvantage between ages 16 and 43 years was related to higher allostatic load at age 43 years after adjusting for personal living conditions in the total sample (B = 0.11; P = .004) and in men (B = 0.16; P = .004), but not in women (B = 0.07; P = .248).Conclusions. Our findings suggested that neighborhood disadvantage acted cumulatively over the life course on biological wear and tear, and exemplified the gains of integrating social determinants of health frameworks.Different frameworks relevant to social determinants of health have been introduced, developed, and applied to research during the last 2 decades. We specifically aimed to empirically integrate the allostatic load,1 neighborhoods and health,2 and life-course epidemiology3 frameworks by examining whether the life-course accumulation of neighborhood disadvantage was related to allostatic load in mid-adulthood.The allostatic load model4,5 was developed within the stress physiology field and was introduced as a general framework for the cumulative “wear and tear” the body eventually experiences across multiple interrelated physiological systems because of repeated stressor exposures during the life course. Allostatic load (or cumulative biological risk) has been proposed as a biological link that explains socioeconomic disparities in morbidity and mortality6,7; empirical studies have demonstrated that allostatic load is patterned by social determinants (e.g., ethnicity, education, and income)8–11 and prospectively predicts mortality as well as cognitive and physical decline.12–14Studying the importance of the area of residence—defined, for example, by parishes, wards, or neighborhoods—for health represents a more contextual perspective on social determinants of health. For example, socioeconomic status aggregated at the neighborhood level is related to cardiovascular health beyond individual-level socioeconomic conditions.2,15 Such effects have been attributed to several possible pathways, including (1) indirect-cognitive paths, where the effects are mediated by conscious responses such as health-damaging behaviors, and (2) direct-contextual paths, which include differential chronic stressor exposure and the potential development of allostatic load.16 Cross-sectional studies in recent years have demonstrated that various neighborhood characteristics, such as socioeconomic disadvantages,17 poverty,11 lack of affluence,18 and perceived neighborhood conditions,19 are related to allostatic load. However, most studies within the field use cross-sectional or short-term prospective designs20,21; conceptual and empirical elaborations of how social context affects health in the long term are lacking.21However, such a long-term temporal perspective emphasizes life-course epidemiology, which focuses on how and when exposures over the life course affect adult health outcomes, a question that is guided by conceptual life-course models.3 The cumulative risk model, which posits that the most important aspect for health effects is the accumulation of exposures across the life course, is the model with the most consistent empirical support (e.g., socioeconomic disadvantages and cardiovascular outcomes).22Although the few recent register-based studies on area effects on health over the life course found only a small proportion of variance in adult morbidity and mortality to be attributable to the area of residence at specific life-course periods,23 mortality risk clustered at the area of residence seemed to accumulate over the life course, corresponding to a cumulative risk life-course model.24 The cumulative risk model is also the model that most closely corresponds to the allostatic load framework, which emphasizes the gradual accumulation of physiological dysregulation over the life course.6 Empirical studies demonstrated that the life-course accumulation of individual socioeconomic disadvantages and of adversity from childhood or adolescence to mid-adulthood were related to allostatic load.25–27In summary, despite the unique contributions of research on the social determinants of health offered by allostatic load, neighborhoods and health, and the life-course epidemiology frameworks, empirical efforts to integrate them are at an early stage. To advance this task, the cumulative risk life-course model appears to be a promising focal point.The present 27-year prospective cohort study specifically aimed to examine whether socioeconomic disadvantages of the residence neighborhood at 4 time points during the life course were cumulatively related to allostatic load in mid-adulthood, when taking the life-course accumulation of disadvantageous personal living conditions into account. Previous research hypothesized that women were more embedded in their communities, and because of this, could be more exposed to neighborhoods stressors and health effects.28 Therefore, our secondary aim explored this cumulative effect on allostatic load separately in women and men.