Migrants in Transit: The Importance of Monitoring HIV Risk Among Migrant Flows at the Mexico–US Border

We conducted a probability-based survey of migrant flows traveling across the Mexico–US border, and we estimated HIV infection rates, risk behaviors, and contextual factors for migrants representing 5 distinct migration phases. Our results suggest that the influence of migration is not uniform across genders or risk factors. By considering the predeparture, transit, and interception phases of the migration process, our findings complement previous studies on HIV among Mexican migrants conducted at the destination and return phases. Monitoring HIV risk among this vulnerable transnational population is critical for better understanding patterns of risk at different points of the migration process and for informing the development of protection policies and programs.Previous research indicates that Mexican labor migrants in the United States are at increased risk for HIV infection1–3 and may be a bridge population for increasing rates of HIV/AIDS in rural Mexico.4–6 The behavioral ecological model posits that health behaviors are influenced by a hierarchy of factors, including individual characteristics, features of the proximal context, and broader structural factors.7 The proximal context involves the physical and social conditions in which individuals live, work, learn, and play. The broader environment comprises political, social, and economic structures and cultural factors. Bidirectional influences exist across factors at the individual, contextual, and structural level, with interventions at the structural level having the most far-reaching public health impact.7 Mexican migrants tend to be male and young, have low levels of educational attainment, and report limited HIV prevention knowledge and condom use.8,9 Increased risk for HIV in migrants may result from the interplay between these individual characteristics and the broader contextual and structural factors in migration between Mexico and the United States.10Migration is a complex and multistage process involving 5 phases: predeparture, transit, destination, interception, and return.11 Different constellations of contextual and structural factors may influence risk behaviors for HIV infection among migrants at each of these stages. Research on HIV risk among migrants must cover the different phases involved in the migration process and identify risks as well as prevention and treatment opportunities associated with each of them.12 Much of our knowledge regarding HIV prevalence and behavioral risk factors among Mexican migrants has emanated from surveys conducted among receiving communities in the United States 1^,2^,13–15 and sending communities in Mexico.16^,17 These studies have covered the destination and return phases of migration.Mexican migrants in the United States (i.e., the destination) are exposed to contexts that may heighten their HIV risk. HIV prevalence rates are higher in the United States than in Mexico,18 increasing the probability of coming into contact with the virus. Furthermore, many migrants live in environments characterized by unbalanced gender composition (i.e., male overrepresentation) and limited family- and community-based social behavioral controls.19 They experience loneliness, geographic isolation, social exclusion,20 fear,21 poor living and working conditions, and limited access to health care, including access to HIV testing and other prevention services.2^,16^,19^,21–24 All these factors coalesce to increase the probability of risk behaviors for HIV, such as alcohol and drug use, sex with sex workers, and unprotected sex practices.9,10 Surveys in Mexican sending communities have documented higher rates of behavioral risk factors, such as a higher number of sexual partners and illicit drug use, but also increased rates of condom use, knowledge of HIV transmission, and HIV testing among return migrants, compared to nonmigrants in the same communities.16,25Little research has examined HIV risk among Mexican migrants during the predeparture, transit, and interception phases of the migration process. The same factors that may push migrants away from their sending communities, such as poverty,26 violence,27 and gender power unbalances,28,29 are also structural factors that may increase their HIV risk even before they leave these communities.30 The transit phase is defined as the period when migrants are between their place of origin and their destination.11 For most Mexican migrants, the northern border of Mexico is an intermediate point in their trajectory between the 2 countries. Northbound unauthorized and deported migrants may spend time in this transit location making arrangements to enter or reenter the United States. This region has been described as at heightened risk for infectious diseases such as HIV to occur and is characterized by “an economically disadvantaged population” and “a nexus for drug use, prostitution, and mobility.”^31(p428)Research with injecting drug users and sex workers in Mexican border cities has provided critical evidence of migration as a structural risk factor for HIV infection and substance use as well as the prevention needs of these high-risk groups.14,32 These studies have offered some insights into the potential risks among migrants in this intermediate migration context. Finally, migrants apprehended while trying to enter or after reaching the destination communities (i.e., interception phase) are at a particularly critical stage. Detention in immigration centers or prisons can have detrimental effects on migrants’ health.11 Interception may also be a marker of higher social vulnerability, as migrants who have less economic and social resources are more likely to experience this migration phase. A recent survey found higher rates of HIV infection and behavioral risk factors among deported Mexican migrants in Tijuana, Mexico, than among the US and Mexico populations.33 In general, knowledge concerning HIV risk among migrants at the 5 migration phases is fragmented, and the heterogeneity of sampling and data collection methodologies that previous studies have used creates challenges for comparing data on the different phases.There are an estimated 12 million Mexican migrants in the United States.34 Although not all migrants go through all 5 migration phases (some may never be intercepted, some may settle permanently in the region of destination and never return), many Mexican migrants go through 2 or more of these phases in their lifetime. Data on Mexican migration patterns indicate that circular migration (i.e., traveling back and forth between Mexico and the United States) is relatively common among Mexican migrants.34,35 About 29% of Mexican migrants are estimated to engage in circular migration,36 and 50% of undocumented migrants leave the United States within the first year of immigration.37 Proximity, social and political conditions, transportation costs, and cultural identity make Mexicans more likely to return to their home country than are migrants from other countries. Although the strengthening and stricter enforcement of border policies has lowered this trend in recent years, the incentives to emigrate out of Mexico have also increased.38 These circular migration patterns between Mexico and the United States result in sizable migrant flows traveling across the Mexican border.It is estimated that each year more than 600 000 Mexican migrants arrive in the United States, approximately 400 000 Mexican migrants return from the United States, and approximately 400 000 Mexican migrants are deported to Mexico.39,40 The same individual may arrive, return, or be deported more than once. In 2012, the net rate of Mexicans departing Mexico (mostly to the United States) and entering Mexico (most of whom are return migrants) was 41.9 and 14.3 per 1000, respectively.41 An estimated 300 000 Mexican migrants were admitted to a detention facility and repatriated by US immigration authorities,42 and an additional 266 000 unauthorized Mexican migrants were apprehended at the Mexican border.40 The volume and mix of migrants traveling across the Mexico–US border makes this region an important setting for binational monitoring of the mobile populations’ health. Such monitoring can further our understanding of HIV infection levels and of behavioral and environmental factors that contribute to HIV infection among Mexican migrants representing different phases and contexts of the migration process. Ongoing surveillance of this region can also reveal changes in HIV infection and behavioral risk factors among migrants on the move and inform the need for interventions to reduce HIV risk among Mexican migrants in sending, receiving, and intermediate communities.We estimated and compared the levels of HIV infection, risk behaviors, and contextual factors associated with different migration phases, using data from a survey of migrant flows who traveled across the Mexico–US border region and represented the different phases and geographic contexts of migration between Mexico and the United States.     

Risk behaviours for HIV infection among travelling Mexican migrants: The Mexico–US border as a contextual risk factor

The Mexico–US border region is a transit point in the trajectory of Mexican migrants travelling to and from the USA and a final destination for domestic migrants from other regions in Mexico. This region also represents a high-risk environment that may increase risk for HIV among migrants and the communities they connect. We conducted a cross-sectional, population-based survey, in Tijuana, Mexico, and compared Mexican migrants with a recent stay on the Mexico–US border region (Border, n?=?553) with migrants arriving at the border from Mexican sending communities (Northbound, n?=?1077). After controlling for demographics and migration history, border migrants were more likely to perceive their risk for HIV infection as high in this region and regard this area as a liberal place for sexual behaviours compared to Northbound migrants reporting on their perceptions of the sending communities (p?p?相似文献   

A Transnational Approach to Understanding Indicators of Mental Health,Alcohol Use and Reproductive Health Among Indigenous Mexican Migrants

The three studies presented in this Special Topics in Immigrant Health report findings from a novel transnational, mixed-methods study with indigenous Mayans in Yucatán, Mexico, and their satellite communities in Southern California. Indigenous migrants comprise the largest proportion of recent, first-time migrants from Mexico to the United States and are among the migrant populations most vulnerable to discrimination (e.g. work place) and health disparities. The studies presented focus on three topics: perceived discrimination and mental health among indigenous migrants and non-migrants, risky alcohol use behaviors associated with migration to the U.S. and within Mexico, and gendered power dynamics related to sexual health care access and utilization. This transnational research sheds new light on health issues and gender differences affecting indigenous Mexican migrant men, women and their families. Findings can serve to inform intervention research to improve migrant health in the U.S. and Mexico as well as transnational collaboration between countries.     

Meeting a Binational Research Challenge: Substance Abuse Among Transnational Mexican Farmworkers in the United States

ABSTRACT:  To help in understanding the manner in which community, individual, and other factors in the United States and Mexico contribute to drug use among transnational migrants, this paper introduces a binational social ecology model of substance abuse in this population. We draw on our 2 NIH-funded ethnographic studies—1 on problem drinking and the other on drug abuse—among transnational Mexican workers in the mushroom industry of southeastern Pennsylvania. Our model demonstrates that major reasons for substance abuse among transnational migrants include nontraditional living arrangements in labor camps and overcrowded apartments, the absence of kin and community deterrents to drug use, social isolation, the presence of drug use and binge drinking subcultures, the availability of drugs, family history of drugs, previous drug use or witnessing of drug use in Mexico, and drug use norms and drug availability in Mexico. It suggests the need for US and Mexican researchers to collaborate in binational teams and address factors on both sides of the border. Our binational social ecology model, together with our research recommendations, will assist alcohol and drug researchers to discover how community and individual factors in both the United States and abroad fit and interact beyond mere association and provide a more comprehensive research approach to substance abuse research among transnational migrants .     

Violence Committed Against Migrants in Transit: Experiences on the Northern Mexican Border

Thousands of Mexican and Central American migrants converge at the Mexico-United States border. Undocumented migrants in transit to the United States are vulnerable due to their lack of access to health care and legal assistance. This study attempts to provide evidence on the violent-related consequences that migration has on migrants. A mixed-method study was conducted between April 2006-May 2007 in shelters in Baja California, Mexicali and Tijuana, Mexico. 22 in depth interviews were performed and fifteen hundred and twelve migrants responded a questionnaire. Results from both in-depth interviews and the analysis of the quantitative data shows the different types of violence experiences by migrants which include threats, verbal abuse, and arbitrary detention based on ethnicity, as well as assaults, beatings and sexual violence. It is crucial to stress the importance and the need to evidence the condition in which migrants’ transit to the US and to effectively respond to the violence they experience.     

Deportation experiences of women who inject drugs in Tijuana, Mexico

Deportation from the United States for drug offenses is common, yet the consequences of deportation for women drug users are poorly documented. In 2008, in Tijuana, Mexico, we conducted an exploratory qualitative study of migration, deportation, and drug abuse by interviewing 12 Mexican injection-drug-using women reporting U.S. deportation. Women reported heavy drug use before and after deportation, but greater financial instability and physical danger following deportation than when in the United States. We identified an unmet need for health and social services among deported drug-using women, including HIV prevention, drug treatment, physical and mental health services, and vocational training. Binational coordination is needed to help deported women resettle in Mexico.     

Substance Use and Cumulative Exposure to American Society: Findings From Both Sides of the US–Mexico Border Region

Objectives. We investigated whether Mexican immigration to the United States exerts transnational effects on substance use in Mexico and the United States.Methods. We performed a cross-sectional survey of 2336 Mexican Americans and 2460 Mexicans in 3 Texas border metropolitan areas and their sister cities in Mexico (the US–Mexico Study on Alcohol and Related Conditions, 2011–2013). We collected prevalence and risk factors for alcohol and drug use; Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, alcohol-use disorders; and 2 symptoms (hazardous use and quit or control) of drug use disorder across a continuum of migration experiences in the Mexican and Mexican American populations.Results. Compared with Mexicans with no migrant experience, the adjusted odds ratios for this continuum of migration experiences ranged from 1.10 to 8.85 for 12-month drug use, 1.09 to 5.07 for 12-month alcohol use disorder, and 1.13 to 9.95 for 12-month drug-use disorder. Odds ratios increased with longer exposure to US society. These findings are consistent with those of 3 previous studies.Conclusions. People of Mexican origin have increased prevalence of substance use and disorders with cumulative exposure to US society.During the past 25 years, epidemiological research in the United States has consistently found that alcohol and drug use and disorders of use among Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans tend to be associated with increasing immersion into US society.1–8 More recently, transnational effects of migration on substance use in both the United States and Mexico have become apparent. First, in a comparable Mexican population without any migration experience as a reference group, it was found that Mexican immigrants in the United States and US-born persons of Mexican origin exhibited increased risk of alcohol and drug use.9,10 Second, it was also shown that, in Mexico, substance use of return migrants and families of migrants was also affected by this immigration flow.11,12 These findings suggest a transnational pattern whereby Mexican immigrants increase their use of substances while in the United States by means of early age at immigration and years living in the United States,13–15 and transmit, directly and indirectly, substance use behaviors back into Mexico. This conceptualization is intriguing, but the data provided so far are limited to studies either in the United States or in Mexico. The only previous binational study9 collected data from a wide range of communities in Mexico and the United States and evidence with greater geographic detail is needed to corroborate and extend our understanding.The border regions of Mexico and the United States are particularly important as settings in which the cultures of the 2 countries come into contact and as transit points for migrants moving in both directions. The border region is also filled with contrasts. The US counties are much richer than the Mexican municipalities, but some of the US counties in the border area are among the poorest in the United States. At the same time, some of the Mexican border municipalities are among the richest when compared with national Mexican averages. Research in this region has documented the impact that US nativity, age at immigration, and years living in the United States have in increasing alcohol and drug use and disorders among those of Mexican ancestry living in the US borderland.8,16–18 On the Mexican side of the border, research generally documented higher prevalence rates for substance use and disorders of use when compared with cities off the border or against national averages.19Previous research nevertheless lacks a binational approach—with a common framework and risk factors. Our project, the first simultaneous study that includes the dynamic experiences of contemporary Mexican immigration on both sides of the border, has started to shed new insights on the alleged differences of alcohol and drug use and disorders of use in the US–Mexico border area.20,21 Our main hypothesis is that with early age of immigration, and increasing time and contact with the US culture, alcohol use, drug use, alcohol use disorders (AUDs) and symptoms of drug use disorder (DUD) will increase along a continuum of immigration experiences in this transnational population. Our main goal is to report the prevalence of, and risk factors for, the occurrence of alcohol use, drug use, AUD, and symptoms of DUD for this population of Mexican ancestry. A second goal is to put these new results in the context of previous findings and to examine the consistency of risk estimates for substance use across the full spectrum of the Mexican immigrant groups.     

Orientations to motherhood and male partner support among women in Mexico and Mexican-origin women in the United States

Previous studies suggest that favorable pregnancy outcomes among Mexican immigrant women in the United States may be attributed to a protective sociocultural orientation, but few have explored the attitudes and values that shape Mexican women's perceptions of motherhood. This exploratory study examines orientation towards motherhood among Mexican and Mexican-origin women living in Mexico and the United States and their perceptions of their male partners' attitudes and roles. Focus groups were conducted with 60 pregnant low-income women in rural and urban communities in Mexico with high rates of migration to the US, among immigrant communities in rural and urban California and with US-born women of Mexican descent (Mexican Americans) in urban California. Notable differences were observed between women in Mexico and the US and between immigrant and Mexican American women in California as more women articulated life plans. Life plans seemed to reflect both processes of individuation and changing gender roles. While participants in Mexico largely abided by the conventional discourse on motherhood and domesticity, immigrants in California alternated between this ethos and the discourse of working mother, depending on financial resources. In contrast, Mexican American participants assumed multiple roles. These differing orientations may be linked to other factors, including fertility control, the amount and type of partner support, and stress during pregnancy.     

Measuring Tijuana residents' choice of Mexican or U.S. health care services

There is growing concern that the indigent health care burden in the southwestern United States may be caused partly by Mexican residents who cross the border to use U.S. health services. This article describes the first attempt to measure the extent of this use by border residents. It also compares factors associated with their use of health care services in both the United States and Mexico. Data were obtained from a household survey conducted in Tijuana, Mexico, near the California border, using a random, stratified analytic sample of 660 households that included a total of 2,954 persons. The dependent variables--extent and volume of contacts with health professionals--were examined according to sociodemographic characteristics, insurance coverage, payment modality, type of visit, and health care setting. The results indicate that 40.3 percent of the Tijuana population used health services exclusively in Mexico during a 6-month period, compared with only 2.5 percent who used services in the United States. Of the Mexican users of U.S. services, the largest proportion appeared to be older people, lawful permanent residents or citizens of the United States who are living in Mexico, and persons from high- or middle-income sectors. In addition to the low level of use of U.S. health services, the findings show that more than 84 percent of the visits were to providers in the private sector and, for 59 percent of the visits, a fee for services was implied. Overall, this border population does not seem to be a drain on the U.S. public health system.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Dietary Associations of Household Food Insecurity among Children of Mexican Descent: Results of a Binational Study

Background/objectiveChildren of Mexican descent frequently experience household food insecurity both in the United States and Mexico. However, little is known about the associations of food insecurity with dietary intake. This study aimed to understand the level of perceived food insecurity and its association with dietary intake among children of Mexican descent residing in the United States and Mexico.DesignThis cross-sectional study utilized data from a 2006 binational study of 5-year-old children of Mexican descent living in migrant communities in California and Mexico.MethodsIn California, children were 301 participants from the Center for the Health Assessment of Mothers and Children of Salinas study, a longitudinal birth cohort in a Mexican immigrant community. Mexican children (n=301) were participants in the Proyecto Mariposa study, which was designed to capture a sample of women and their children living in Mexico who closely resembled the California sample, yet who never migrated to the United States. Household food insecurity was measured using the US Department of Agriculture Food Security Scale and dietary intake was assessed with food frequency questionnaires. Analysis of variance was used to examine unadjusted and adjusted differences in total energy, nutrient intake, and consumption of food groups by household food security status.ResultsApproximately 39% of California mothers and 75% of Mexico mothers reported low or very low food security in the past 12 months (P<0.01). Children in the United States experiencing food insecurity consumed more fat, saturated fat, sweets, and fried snacks than children not experiencing food insecurity. In contrast, in Mexico food insecurity was associated with lower intake of total carbohydrates, dairy, and vitamin B-6.ConclusionsPrograms and policies addressing food insecurity in the United States and Mexico may need to take steps to address dietary intake among children in households experiencing food insecurity, possibly through education and programs to increase resources to obtain healthful foods.     

Perceived risk of HIV infection among deported male injection drug users in Tijuana,Mexico

Deported injection drug users (IDUs) in Mexico may be vulnerable to HIV infection following expulsion from the USA. We examined factors associated with HIV risk perception among a sample of deportees in Tijuana. From January to April 2010, 313 male IDUs who reported ever being deported from the USA completed a questionnaire. Overall, 35% (N = 110) of deportees perceived HIV risk. In multivariate logistic regression analyses, factors independently associated with HIV risk perception included ever having a steady female partner in Tijuana post-deportation (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]: 2.26; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.01–5.07) and years spent in a US prison (AOR: 1.29 per year; 95% CI: 1.13–1.48). Conversely, years of drug injection use (AOR: 0.95 per year; 95% CI: 0.91–0.99), ever witnessing family members use drugs prior to first migration trip (AOR: 0.24; 95% CI: 0.09–0.65), years of residence in the USA (AOR: 0.91 per year; 95% CI: 0.84–0.98) and being a Tijuana native (AOR: 0.40; 95% CI: 0.16–0.99) were negatively associated with HIV risk perception. US–Mexico border cities that receive deported migrants should target HIV prevention interventions to specific subgroups, including drug-using male deportees. Interventions should consider migrant's time in the USA, the role of their social networks, and reducing missed opportunities for HIV testing/education.     

Unauthorized border crossings and migrant deaths: Arizona, New Mexico, and El Paso, Texas, 2002-2003

Objectives. We examined the major causes of and risk factors for death among migrants who died while making unauthorized border crossings into the United States from Mexico.

Methods. Decedents were included in the study if (1) their remains were found between January 1, 2002, and December 31, 2003, in any US county along the 650-mi (1040-km) section of the US–Mexican border from Yuma, Ariz, to El Paso, Tex; (2) their immigration status was unauthorized; and (3) they were believed to have died during transit from Mexico to the United States. Characteristics of the decedents and causes of and risk factors for their deaths were examined.

Results. Among the 409 decedents meeting our inclusion criteria, environmental heat exposure (n=250; 61.1%) was the leading cause of death, followed by vehicle crashes (n=33; 8.1%) and drownings (n=24; 5.9%). Male decedents (n= 298; 72.8%) outnumbered female decedents (n = 105; 25.6%) nearly 3 to 1. More than half of the decedents were known to be Mexican nationals (n=235; 57.5%) and were aged 20 to 39 years (n=213; 52.0%); the nationality of 148 (36.2%) decedents was undetermined.

Conclusions. Deaths among migrants making unauthorized crossings of the US–Mexican border are due to causes that are largely preventable. Prevention strategies should target young Mexican men, and focus on preventing them from conceiving plans to cross the border, discouraging them from using dangerous routes as crossing points, and providing search-and-rescue teams to locate lost or injured migrant crossers.

     

Estimated Numbers of Men and Women Infected with HIV/AIDS in Tijuana, Mexico

Tijuana, Mexico, just south of San Diego, California, is located by the busiest land border crossing in the world. Although UNAIDS considers Mexico to be a country of “low prevalence, high risk,” recent surveillance data among sentinel populations in Tijuana suggests HIV prevalence is increasing. The aim of this study was to estimate the number of men and women aged 15 to 49 years infected with HIV in Tijuana. Gender and age-specific estimates of the Tijuana population were obtained from the 2000 Mexican census. Population and HIV prevalence estimates for at-risk groups were obtained from published reports, community based studies, and data from the Centro Nacional para la Prevención y Control del VIH/SIDA (CENSIDA). Age-specific fertility rates for Mexico were used to derive the number of low and high-risk pregnant women. Numbers of HIV-positive men and women were estimated for each at-risk group and then aggregated. A high growth scenario based on current HIV prevalence and a conservative, low growth estimate were determined. A total of 686,600 men and women in Tijuana were aged 15 to 49 years at the time of the 2000 census. Considering both scenarios, the number of infected persons ranged from 1,803 to 5,472 (HIV prevalence: 0.26 to 0.80%). The majority of these persons were men (>70%). The largest number of infected persons were MSM (N = 1,146 to 3,300) and IDUs (N = 147 to 650). Our data suggest that up to one in every 125 persons aged 15–49 years in Tijuana is HIV-infected. Interventions to reduce ongoing spread of HIV are urgently needed. Brouwer, Strathdee, and Hogg are with the Division of International Health & Cross-Cultural Medicine, Department of Family and Preventive Medicine, School of Medicine, University of California, 9500 Gilman Drive,MC0622, La Jolla, San Diego, CA 93093-0622, USA; Magis-Rodríguez, Bravo-García, and Gayet are with the Centro Nacional para la Prevención y Control del VIH/SIDA (CENSIDA), Secretaria de Salud, Mexico City,México; Patterson is with the Department of Psychiatry, University of California, San Diego, CA, USA; Bertozzi is with the Instituto Nacional de Salud Pública, Cuernavaca, Morelos, México; Gayet is with the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO), México, México; Hogg is with the Bristish Columbia Centre for Excellence in HIV/AIDS, Faculty of Medicine, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada.     

HIV-Related Risk Behaviors Among Labor Migrants,Their Wives and the General Population in Nepal

Nepalese labor migrants and their wives are considered as at-risk populations for HIV infection. There may be a risk of HIV transmission from the labor migrant and their wives to the general population due to HIV-related risk behaviors, but so far empirical evidence to support this hypothesis is scarce. Therefore, this study was conducted to compare HIV-related risk behaviors between labor migrants, their wives, and males and females from the general population in the far-western region of Nepal. This was a cross-sectional study, in which structured face-to-face interviews were conducted with 261 male labor migrants, 262 wives of labor migrants, 123 males and 122 females from the general population. We found that the proportion of the labor migrants and their wives reporting having had extramarital sex in the previous year did not differ significantly with the males (11.9 vs. 13.4?%, p value 0.752) and females (2.0 vs. 1.7?%, p value 0.127) from the general population. However, the labor migrants compared with the males from the general population were 1.51 times and the wives of labor migrants compared with the females from the general population were 2.37 times more likely to have been tested for HIV. Both the males from the general population and the labor migrants are equally engaged in unprotected extramarital sex. Therefore, it is recommended that the prevention programs, including access to condoms and HIV testing, should be scaled up targeting a broader range of individuals in the far-western region of Nepal.     

Circular Migration by Mexican Female Sex Workers Who are Injection Drug Users: Implications for HIV in Mexican Sending Communities

Circular migration and injection drug use increase the risk of HIV transmission in sending communities. We describe female sex workers who are injection drug users’ (FSW-IDUs) circular migration and drug use behaviors. Between 2008-2010, 258 migrant FSW-IDUs residing in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico responded to questionnaires. 24% of FSW-IDUs were circular migrants. HIV prevalence was 3.2% in circular migrants and 6.1% in non-circular migrants; 50% of circular and 75% of non-circular migrants were unaware of their HIV infection. Among circular migrants, 44% (n = 27) consumed illicit drugs in their birthplace; 74% of these (n = 20) injected drugs and one-half of injectors shared injection equipment in their birthplace. Women reporting active social relationships were significantly more likely to return home. Circular migrant FSW-IDUs exhibit multiple HIV risks and opportunities for bridging populations. Regular HIV testing and treatment and access to substance use services is critical for FSW-IDUs and their sexual/drug-using contacts.     

Locus of control and HIV risk among a sample of Mexican and Puerto Rican women

The disproportionate impact of HIV/AIDS on Hispanic women in the United States has been variously attributed to a failure to utilize protective measures due to low levels of HIV knowledge, a denial or minimization of risk, and conflicts with cultural norms. It has been hypothesized that women's relative lack of power in relationships may be associated with higher risk sexual behavior. We examined the relationship between higher risk sexual behavior and perceived locus of control in sexual relationships among a sample of Puerto Rican and Mexican women. We interviewed 71 women of self-reported Mexican ethnicity in San Diego, California, and 79 women of self-reported Puerto Rican ethnicity in Cleveland, Ohio, to examine the relationship between HIV risk, HIV knowledge, and locus of control. Univariate logistic regression indicates that among Puerto Rican women, the perception that locus of control in a sexual relationship resides in the male partner was significantly associated with increased HIV risk, while younger age was significantly associated with increased risk among Mexican women only. In a combined sample of both Puerto Rican and Mexican women, multiple logistic regression analysis indicates that younger age, increased length of residence in the United States, and an other-focused locus of control are significantly associated with increased HIV risk. Women who have been in the United States for relatively longer periods of time may be more likely to integrate U.S. sexual norms into their own behavior and may, as a consequence, be at higher risk of HIV infection. Increased HIV prevention efforts must be made available to Mexican and Puerto Rican women born outside of the United States. These prevention efforts must necessarily focus not only on HIV prevention strategies, but also on the dynamics within male-female intimate relations. Increased attention to younger Puerto Rican and Mexican women is also needed.