Unintended Pregnancy in a Commercially Insured Population

Objectives: While much attention has been focused on unintended pregnancy in disadvantaged populations, few studies have focused on women in lower risk groups. This study, conducted in a national managed care organization, reports the prevalence of unintended pregnancy resulting in live births and examines associated factors. Methods: Women ages 18–49 who delivered a live infant during a 6-month interval were eligible for the study. Telephone surveys were conducted after delivery. We report the rate of unintended pregnancy resulting in a live birth, and describe its association with sociodemographic and pregnancy-related factors, partner's intention status, and contraceptive use. Results: Of 1173 births, 29% were unintended. Women who reported that the partner did not want the pregnancy were 7.4 times more likely than women whose partner wanted the pregnancy to regard the pregnancy as unintended. Only 40% of the women with an unintended birth used birth control and 64% of those used less effective methods such as condoms and diaphragms. Conclusions: In a population where the majority of women were married, educated, and with incomes over $40,000, almost 1/3 of the births resulted from unintended pregnancies. Future research is needed to help us better understand contradictions in pregnancy intention and contraceptive behavior. Comprehensive efforts are needed to promote consistent and correct use of contraception by women at risk for unintended pregnancy, and to involve male partners in family planning.     

The Relationship Between Birth Predictedness and Violence During Pregnancy Among Women in La Paz and El Alto,Bolivia

Objectives: The main objectives were to estimate the prevalence of predicted and unpredicted last births using a prospective approach and to estimate the prevalence of violence during the last pregnancy. In addition, the relationship between birth predictedness and violence during pregnancy was examined. Methods: The target population for this study was women who had participated in the 1994 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) and lived in El Alto and La Paz Bolivia (n = 1308). In 1997, 816 women were located and re-interviewed. During this three-year interval, 127/816 women had given birth to their last child. Results: Of the last births that occurred during the three-year interval, 82% were unpredicted (18% were to women who stated in 1994 that they wanted to postpone childbirth for more than three years and 64% were to women who stated they wanted to wanted to forego childbearing entirely). Twenty-eight percent of women reported that they had experienced violence during their last pregnancy. No statistically significant relationship was found between birth predictedness and violence during their pregnancy. Conclusions: The majority of births that occurred in the three-year study interval were unpredicted. The prevalence of violence during pregnancy was alarmingly high among this sample of women. Further investigation on violence during pregnancy is needed and should be expanded to examine how violence during pregnancy impacts maternal and infant outcomes, which have remained poor in this country. In addition, the high rates of unpredicted births illustrate that work remains to be done in addressing womens ability to control their fertility.     

Partner effects on a woman's intention to conceive: 'not with this partner'

CONTEXT: Current definitions of pregnancy intention that are useful at aggregate levels are weak at the individual level. This is especially true in social contexts where childbearing and pregnancy often occur within casual or transient relationships. METHODS: Extensive data on lifetime partnerships and sexual behaviors, including pregnancies and births, from 250 low-income women who had experienced a total of 839 pregnancies are used to explore correlates of intention to conceive, as well as the extent to which women attribute their intentions to a current partnership. RESULTS: Some 57% of reported pregnancies were unintended. Overall, 21% of the women had not wished to conceive at least one of their pregnancies with the partner who impregnated them; that proportion rose to 33% among women who had had only unintended pregnancies. Even among women who had had no unintended pregnancies, 18% had had at least one conception that they had not wanted with their partner at the time of conception. Women were less likely to say they had not wanted to conceive with a particular partner if they were living with that partner than if they were not. The likelihood of not having wanted a pregnancy with a given partner rose with the lifetime number of serious partners. Pregnancies that were not wanted with a particular partner were more than twice as likely to end in abortion as were those that were (33% vs. 14%). CONCLUSIONS: Among these women, the desire to avoid childbearing relates more to the couple involved in the conception than to abstract notions of completed family size. It would therefore be useful to include items pertaining to partner relationships in future studies of pregnancy intention.     

Live births resulting from unintended pregnancies: is there variation among states? The PRAMS Working Group.

CONTEXT: States need data on live births resulting from unintended pregnancies in order to assess the need for family planning services; however, many states do not collect such data. Some states may use extrapolated rates from other states. METHODS: Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) data were assessed to explore the feasibility of extrapolating data on the percentage of live births resulting from unintended pregnancies from states that collect these data to states that do not. Data on women who had live births between 1993 and 1995 were examined for eight states: Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Michigan, New York (excluding New York City), Oklahoma, South Carolina and West Virginia. Logistic regression was used to determine state variation in the odds of delivering a live birth resulting from an unintended pregnancy after adjustment for maternal race, marital status, age, education, previous live birth and participation in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC). RESULTS: The percentage of live births resulting from unintended pregnancy ranged from 33% in New York to 49% in Alabama, Georgia and South Carolina. Compared with women in Alabama, women in Oklahoma were more likely to deliver a live birth resulting from an unintended pregnancy (odds ratio of 1.2, confidence interval of 1.1-1.3) and women in New York State were less likely (odds ratio of 0.7, confidence interval of 0.6-0.8) to have such a birth. However, unmarried white women in New York had lower odds of having a live birth resulting from an unintended pregnancy and married black women in Michigan had higher odds of having a live birth resulting from unintended pregnancy than their counterparts in Alabama. Although the percentages varied, in all eight states women who were black, were unmarried, were younger than 20 years of age, had less than 12 years of education or had more than one child had higher percentages of live births resulting from unintended pregnancy than women with other demographic characteristics. CONCLUSIONS: Data on which women have the greatest risk of delivering a live birth resulting from an unintended pregnancy may be extrapolated from one state to another, but the rate of such births may overestimate or underestimate the problem from one state to another.     

Measuring contraceptive use patterns among teenage and adult women

CONTEXT: Measures of contraceptive use at one point in time do not account for its changing nature. A measure that addresses the pattern of method use over time may better predict the cumulative risk of unintended pregnancy. METHODS: Women at risk of unintended pregnancy were selected from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth, and their contraceptive use patterns were compared across age-groups. Survival analysis was used to validate women's long-term use pattern as an indicator of pregnancy risk, and multivariate regression analyses were used to explore potential covariates of current patterns of contraceptive use. RESULTS: More than two-thirds of women aged 15-19 report long-term uninterrupted contraceptive use, but they are more likely to report sporadic use and less likely to report uninterrupted use of a very effective method than are women aged 25-34. Compared with women aged 25-34, women aged 20-24 have higher rates of sporadic use and lower rates of effective uninterrupted use. Among teenagers, nonusers are 12 times as likely as uninterrupted effective users to experience an unintended pregnancy within 12 months at risk. Women in less stable relationships, those having more infrequent intercourse and women who have recently experienced nonvoluntary intercourse for the first time are more likely than others to have a high-risk contraceptive pattern. Women aged 17 and younger whose current partner is more than three years older are significantly less likely to practice contraception than are their peers whose partner is closer in age. CONCLUSIONS: Long-term contraceptive use pattern is a valid predictor of unintended pregnancy risk. Policies aimed at reducing unintended pregnancies should target women who do not practice contraception and those who are sporadic users. Women in unstable relationships, those having infrequent sex and women who experience sexual coercion need access to methods, such as emergency contraception, that can be used sporadically or after unprotected intercourse.     

Unintended Childbearing and Knowledge of Emergency Contraception in a Population-Based Survey of Postpartum Women

Objectives We examined the relationship between unintended childbearing and knowledge of emergency contraception. Methods The Oregon Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) is a population-based survey of postpartum women. We analyzed data from the 2001 PRAMS survey using logistic regression to assess the relationship between unintended childbearing and emergency contraception while controlling for maternal characteristics such as age, race/ethnicity, education, marital status, family income, and insurance coverage before pregnancy. Results In 2001, 1,795 women completed the PRAMS survey (78.1% weighted response proportion). Of the women who completed the survey, 38.2% reported that their birth was unintended and 25.3% reported that they did not know about emergency contraception before pregnancy. Unintended childbearing was associated with a lack of knowledge of emergency contraception (OR 1.43, 95% CI 1.00, 2.05) after controlling for marital status and age. Conclusions Women in Oregon who were not aware of emergency contraception before pregnancy were more likely to have had an unintended birth when their marital status and age were taken into account. Unintended birth was more likely among women who were young, unmarried, lower income, and uninsured. Given that emergency contraception is now available over-the-counter in the US to women who are 18 years of age or older, age- and culturally-appropriate public health messages should be developed to expand women’s awareness of, dispel myths around, and encourage appropriate use of emergency contraception as a tool to help prevent unintended pregnancy and birth. An erratum to this article can be found at     

Contraceptive discontinuation and repeat unintended pregnancy within 1 year after an abortion

BackgroundWe examined 12-month hormonal contraceptive continuation and pregnancy rates by abortion history.Study DesignWomen who wanted to avoid pregnancy for at least 1 year were recruited at four San Francisco Bay area family planning clinics on regular service days and on abortion care days. Participants completed baseline and follow-up questionnaires. Multivariable Cox models assessed the factors associated with method discontinuation and pregnancy.ResultsWomen who were enrolled into the study on the day of their abortion were 20% more likely to discontinue their contraceptive method than women who never had an abortion [adjusted hazard ratio (AHR)=1.21, 95% confidence interval (CI)=1.03–1.42]. Women who had a recent abortion or previous abortion were 60% more likely to have a pregnancy during follow-up than women who never had an abortion (AHR=1.63, 95% CI =1.21-2.20, and AHR=1.66, 95% CI=1.18-2.33, respectively).ConclusionThe experience of having an unintended pregnancy and abortion does not lead to behavioral changes that protect against another unintended pregnancy.     

Measurement of unmet need for family planning: longitudinal analysis of the impact of fertility desires on subsequent childbearing behaviors among urban women from Uttar Pradesh,India

Background

The measure of unmet need relies on women's reported fertility desires; previous research has demonstrated that fertility desires may be fluid and not firm.

Study Design

Our study uses recently collected longitudinal data from four cities in Uttar Pradesh, India, to examine whether women's fertility desires and family planning (FP) use at baseline predict pregnancy/birth experience in the 2-year follow-up period.

Results

Multivariate models demonstrate that women who were using any method of FP and reported an intention to stop childbearing were the least likely to experience a pregnancy/birth in the 2-year follow-up period. The stated desire to delay childbearing, whether or not the woman was using FP, did not distinguish pregnancy/birth experience. Ninety-two percent of pregnancies/births over the follow-up period were considered “wanted then” suggesting post-hoc rationalization of the pregnancy/birth even among those women who reported a desire to stop childbearing 2 years earlier.

Conclusions

More nuanced assessments of fertility intentions may be needed to adequately gauge latent FP needs. Non-users of FP may be ambivalent about future childbearing and the timing of future births; these women may not have an unmet need for FP as typically defined.     

Unintended pregnancy among American women

This research note presents new estimates of the proportion of American women of reproductive age who experience unintended pregnancies, unintended births and abortions. The data are based on tabulations from the 1982 National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) and the Alan Guttmacher Institute's 1981-1982 national survey of abortion providers. Of 6.1 million women who became pregnant in 1982, 3.7 million gave birth, 1.6 million had abortions and 0.9 million experienced miscarriages. An estimated 37% of all births in the 5 years preceding the 1982 NSFG were unintended. Applying that proportion to 1982 births results in an estimate of 1.3 million unintended births. It can be assumed that all 1.6 million abortions were terminations of unintended pregnancies. Respondents in the 1982 NSFG reported that 40% of the births they had ever had were unintended. 33% of NSFG respondents said that they had had at least 1 unintended birth during their life. Abortions were seriously underreported in the NSFG, as they have been in most other surveys. Only 47% of the abortions that occurred during the period 1977-1981 were reported. The real proportion of women of reproductive age who have ever had an abortion appears to be 21%. 65% of all women aged 40-44 in 1982 had had at least 1 unintended pregnancy, and more than 1/3 of them had had at least 1 abortion. It is probably inappropriate to view these levels as representative of the proportions of today's young women who will ever experience an unintended pregnancy or abortion. Estimates of the proportion of women who will have had abortions by age 45 indicate that 18% of women will have had a 1st abortion by age 20; 41% will have had one by age 30; and 46%, by age 45.     

Exploring U.S. Men’s Birth Intentions

While recently there have been renewed interest in women’s childbearing intentions, the authors sought to bring needed research attention to understanding men’s childbearing intentions. Nationally representative data from the 2006–2010 National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) was used to examine pregnancy intentions and happiness for all births reported by men in the 5 years preceding the interview. We used bivariate statistical tests of associations between intention status, happiness about the pregnancy, and fathers’ demographic characteristics, including joint race/ethnicity and union status subgroups. Multivariate logistic regressions were used to calculate adjusted odds ratios of a birth being intended, estimated separately by father’s union status at birth. Using comparable data and measures from the male and female NSFG surveys, we tested for gender differences intentions and happiness, and examined the sensitivity of our results to potential underreporting of births by men. Nearly four out of ten of births to men were reported as unintended, with significant variation by men’s demographic traits. Non-marital childbearing was more likely to be intended among Hispanic and black men. Sixty-two percent of births received a 10 on the happiness scale. Happiness about the pregnancy varied significantly by intention status. Men were significantly happier than women about the pregnancies, with no significant difference in intention status. Potential underreporting of births by men had little impact on these patterns. This study brings needed focus to men’s childbearing intentions and improves our understanding of the context of their role as fathers. Men need to be included in strategies to prevent unintended pregnancy.     

Prepregnancy contraceptive use among teens with unintended pregnancies resulting in live births - Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS), 2004-2008

Approximately 400,000 teens aged 15-19 years give birth every year in the United States (1), and the teen birth rate remains the highest in the developed world. Teen childbearing is a public health concern because teen mothers are more likely to experience negative social outcomes, including school dropout. In addition, infants of teen mothers are more likely to be low birth weight and have lower academic achievement, and daughters of teen mothers are more likely to become teen mothers themselves. To learn why teens wishing to avoid pregnancy become pregnant, CDC analyzed data from the 2004-2008 Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS). This report describes estimated rates of self-reported prepregnancy contraceptive use among white, black, and Hispanic teen females aged 15-19 years with unintended pregnancies resulting in live births. Approximately one half (50.1%) of these teens were not using any method of birth control when they got pregnant, and of these, nearly one third (31.4%) believed they could not get pregnant at the time; 21.0% used a highly effective contraceptive method (although less than 1% used one of the most effective methods, such as an intrauterine device [IUD]); 24.2% used the moderately effective method of condoms; and 5.1% used the least effective methods, such as rhythm and withdrawal. To decrease teen birth rates, efforts are needed to reduce or delay the onset of sexual activity, provide factual information about the conditions under which pregnancy can occur, increase teens' motivation and negotiation skills for pregnancy prevention, improve access to contraceptives, and encourage use of more effective contraceptive methods.     

The pace of repeated childbearing among young American mothers

Women who first give birth at ages 16 and younger are more likely to bear a second child within the next two years (26 percent) than are women who have their first child at ages 17-18 (20 percent) or at ages 19-22 (22 percent). However, there are important racial and ethnic differences in the likelihood of rapid repeated childbearing: Among whites, age at first birth has little effect on the proportions who have a second birth quickly; but among blacks, it has a significant inverse effect, with younger women more likely than older women to have a second child quickly. At nearly all ages at first birth, Hispanic mothers are more likely than either whites or blacks to have a second birth soon after the first. While the youngest black mothers (those 16 and under) are more likely than the youngest whites to have a rapid second birth, the oldest white mothers (those 19-22) are more likely than the oldest blacks. Socioeconomic background (represented by level of parental education), marital status at first birth and wantedness of the first birth also affect the pace of repeated childbearing. Compared with young mothers whose own mothers are high school graduates, those whose mothers are dropouts are more likely to have a second child within two years. Teenage mothers who are married at their first birth appear somewhat more likely than their unmarried counterparts to bear another child quickly; and mothers who wanted their first child at the time of conception are generally more likely to do so than are mothers whose first births were unwanted.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Repeat Unintended, Unwanted and Seriously Mistimed Childbearing in the United States

CONTEXT: The high level of unintended fertility in the United States is a serious public health issue. Whether unintended fertility occurs across the population or is concentrated among a subset of women who experience multiple unintended births is unclear.
METHODS: Data from the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth were used to determine levels of unintended, unwanted and seriously mistimed childbearing, and chi-square and t tests were used to identify group differences in these measures, in two cohorts of women (those born in 1958–1962 and those born in 1965–1969). Both births (by ages 33–37) and mothers were used as units of analysis.
RESULTS: The proportion of births identified as unintended was greater in the 1965–1969 cohort than in the earlier cohort (37% vs. 34%), largely because a higher proportion of births to women in the former cohort were unwanted. In both cohorts, more than a third of women (36–41%) reporting at least one unintended birth had had at least one more, and women reporting unintended or unwanted births had higher overall fertility than others. Levels of repeat unintended fertility were greatest among black women, and the proportion of blacks who reported two or more unwanted births was 94% higher in the 1965–1969 cohort than in the 1958–1962 cohort (19% vs. 10%).
CONCLUSIONS: Repeat unintended fertility is common, especially among black women, who may differ from other groups in their contraceptive and fertility decisions as well as in their access to and ability to afford family planning services.     

Who meets their intentions to stop childbearing? Results of a longitudinal study in rural eastern bali, indonesia

In this longitudinal study from rural Bali, Indonesia, we sought to identify the predictors of birth avoidance among 665 married women of reproductive age who reported the intention to stop childbearing. We found that almost 30% of women who wanted no more children had a subsequent birth during the 4-year study period. Women at highest risk for an unwanted birth were younger, had fewer children, and did not use a long-term contraceptive method. The ability to meet intentions to stop childbearing depended on women's motivation (family size), fecundity (proxied by age), and their use of long-term contraceptive methods. Our results suggest that to reduce unwanted births among rural women, family planning providers should recommend long-term methods to younger women with smaller family sizes who express clear intentions to stop childbearing.     

“Holy Cow,Does That Ever Open Up a Can of Worms”: Health Care Providers’ Experiences of Inquiring About Intimate Partner Violence

In this longitudinal study from rural Bali, Indonesia, we sought to identify the predictors of birth avoidance among 665 married women of reproductive age who reported the intention to stop childbearing. We found that almost 30% of women who wanted no more children had a subsequent birth during the 4-year study period. Women at highest risk for an unwanted birth were younger, had fewer children, and did not use a long-term contraceptive method. The ability to meet intentions to stop childbearing depended on women's motivation (family size), fecundity (proxied by age), and their use of long-term contraceptive methods. Our results suggest that to reduce unwanted births among rural women, family planning providers should recommend long-term methods to younger women with smaller family sizes who express clear intentions to stop childbearing.     

Do Ambivalent Women Have an Unmet Need for Family Planning? A Longitudinal Study from Bali,Indonesia

IntroductionFertility intentions often can predict contraceptive demand and fertility outcomes. Little is known about women reporting ambivalent fertility intentions, who are usually classified as having an unmet need for contraception. This study’s objectives were to determine 1) which fertility intention group ambivalent women more closely resemble and 2) whether ambivalent women seem to have an unmet contraceptive need.MethodsWe analyzed longitudinal data from 1,018 married Balinese women aged 15 to 45, of whom 33% desired more children, 52% wanted no more, and 14% were ambivalent. Ambivalent women were compared with those with definitive intentions using bivariate analyses. Regression analysis was used to determine the predictors of birth avoidance.ResultsAlthough ambivalent women were significantly older, and had less education and more children than women who wanted more children, ambivalent women were more similar in their contraceptive use to those who wanted more children than those who wanted no more. However, in terms of birth outcomes, ambivalent women resembled more the women who intended to avoid childbearing: After 4 years, 33% of ambivalent women had another birth compared with 29% of women who wanted no more and 57% of women who desired more children. Contraceptive use at baseline did not predict ambivalent women’s fertility outcomes, unlike the other groups.ConclusionDespite their relatively low rates of contraceptive use at baseline, ambivalent women generally avoided giving birth during the study period. This suggests that ambivalent women may not have a high unmet need for family planning.     

Educational Attainment,Perception of Workplace Support and Its Influence on Timing of Childbearing for Canadian Women: A Cross-Sectional Study

Under Canada’s Employment Insurance system, parents are entitled to receive up to 50 weeks of parental leave at 55 % of salary. Despite this national policy, women with higher education are more likely to delay childbearing. This analysis aimed to assess the association between workplace support, educational attainment and the timing of first births. Women who had recently given birth to their first live-born infant and lived in Alberta, Canada, were randomly selected to participate in a telephone survey. Logistic regression was used to assess the relationship between workplace support, educational attainment and timing of first pregnancy. Among 835 women with a planned pregnancy, 26 % agreed that support or lack of support for pregnant women at their workplace affected their decision about when to begin their family. After controlling for age and income, women who had completed a post-graduate degree were three times (OR 3.39, 95 % CI 1.69–6.81) more likely to indicate that support or lack of support for pregnant women in their workplace affected their childbearing decisions. In spite of national policies, and the potential risks associated with delayed childbearing, workplace support impacts timing of pregnancy, particularly for highly educated women.     

Is there a trend of increased unwanted childbearing among young women in the United States?

PURPOSE: The majority of births to young women are unintended (either mistimed or unwanted), bearing an increased risk of poor health outcomes for both mother and child. In this analysis, we describe trends of unwanted, mistimed, and intended births reported by all women and specifically by young women in the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG). METHODS: Using data from the 1982, 1988, 1995, and 2002 NSFG surveys, we calculated the proportion of unwanted, mistimed, and intended births by maternal age at birth. For the 1995 and 2002 NSFG surveys, we also assessed birth intentions among 15-24-year-old nulliparous women and the mean number of unwanted births in the past 5 years among all 15-24-year-old women. RESULTS: The proportion of unintended births decreased between 1988 and 1995 but increased between 1995 and 2002. This recent increase was attributed to the increased proportion of unwanted births reported by women <25 years of age from 10.4% in 1995 to 18.6% in 2002 (p < .01). Between 1995 and 2002, the proportion of 15-24-year-old nulliparous women who intended no future births increased from 8.1% to 10.4% (p < .05), and the mean number of unwanted births per 1000 women aged 15-24 years increased from 25 to 48 (p < .01). CONCLUSIONS: Our analyses suggest an increasing trend in unwanted childbearing among young women between 1995 and 2002. Further research is needed to understand the meaning and causes of increased unwanted childbearing among young women and to identify characteristics of those at risk.     

Unintended Births Among Adult Immigrant and U.S.-Born Mexican Women in the Los Angeles Mommy and Baby (LAMB) Survey

BackgroundUnintended births are especially frequent among minority women. Predictors of unintended births among adult Mexican women living in the United States are poorly characterized.MethodsData are from vital statistics and the 2005 Los Angeles Mommy and Baby (LAMB) survey, a population-based study of women delivering a live birth in Los Angeles County, California (n = 1,214). Multivariable logistic regression assessed the relation of unintended birth with acculturation variables adjusting for background and psychosocial characteristics. Multinomial models assessed these relations for women with an unintended birth who did and did not use contraception.FindingsForty-one percent of women reported an unintended birth. Being a long-term immigrant and U.S.-born were positively associated with unintended birth compared with shorter term immigrants, but the adjusted relation was significant only for U.S.-born women (odds ratio [OR], 2.01; 95% CI, 1.19–3.39). Women reporting an unintended birth were younger, unmarried, and higher parity. If using contraception, the odds of unintended birth were increased for cohabiting women, those with high education, and those with greater stress during pregnancy. When not using contraception and reporting an unintended birth, women also have no usual place for health care, have depressive symptoms during pregnancy, and are dissatisfied with partner support.ConclusionsWomen's background and psychosocial characteristics were central to explaining unintended birth among immigrant women but less so for U.S.-born Mexican mothers. Interventions to improve birth intentions should not only target effective contraception, but also important social determinants.     

The Best of Intentions: A Structural Analysis of the Association between Socioeconomic Disadvantage and Unintended Pregnancy in a Sample of Mothers from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (1979)

ObjectivesBirths to less educated women are more likely to be classified as unintended than other births. We question a common interpretation that this association reflects a lack of contraceptive knowledge or self-efficacy among less educated women. We theorize that differences in early life educational advantages structure pregnancy desires and the salience and opportunity costs of precise fertility timing. We hypothesize that net of covariates indicative of early educational disadvantage, mothers with less education are not more likely to report births as unintended compared with mothers who have attained higher levels of education before becoming mothers.MethodsUsing multivariate regression, we analyze a sample of women in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (1979) who had their first births by 1994. We test whether an index measure of educational advantage in youth predicts unintended first birth.ResultsUnadjusted results confirm well-documented associations between educational disadvantage and greater likelihood of unintended pregnancy. However, once covariates are controlled, those with high educational advantage in youth are more likely to report their first birth as mistimed (relative risk ratio, 1.57).DiscussionEducational advantage captures expectations about how much education a young woman will obtain before giving birth and is a structural dynamic that precedes proximate factors related to family planning access and behaviors.ConclusionsThese findings highlight the need to incorporate structural factors that condition perceptions of pregnancy intention in the study of unintended pregnancy and to critically reevaluate the conceptualization and interpretation of pregnancy intention measures.