Relation of Childhood Sexual Abuse,Intimate Partner Violence,and Depression to Risk Factors for HIV Among Black Men Who Have Sex With Men in 6 US Cities

Objectives. We assessed the relation of childhood sexual abuse (CSA), intimate partner violence (IPV), and depression to HIV sexual risk behaviors among Black men who have sex with men (MSM).Methods. Participants were 1522 Black MSM recruited from 6 US cities between July 2009 and December 2011. Univariate and multivariable logistic regression models were used.Results. Participants reported sex before age 12 years with someone at least 5 years older (31.1%), unwanted sex when aged 12 to 16 years (30%), IPV (51.8%), and depression (43.8%). Experiencing CSA when aged 12 to 16 years was inversely associated with any receptive condomless anal sex with a male partner (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.50; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.29, 0.86). Pressured or forced sex was positively associated with any receptive anal sex (AOR = 2.24; 95% CI = 1.57, 3.20). Experiencing CSA when younger than 12 years, physical abuse, emotional abuse, having been stalked, and pressured or forced sex were positively associated with having more than 3 male partners in the past 6 months. Among HIV-positive MSM (n = 337), CSA between ages 12 and 16 years was positively associated with having more than 3 male partners in the past 6 months.Conclusions. Rates of CSA, IPV, and depression were high, but associations with HIV sexual risk outcomes were modest.Despite significant medical advances, the HIV epidemic remains a health crisis in Black communities. The Black population represents only 14% of the total US population but accounted for 44% of all new HIV infection (68.9 of 100 000) in 2010.1 Black men who have sex with men (MSM) are disproportionately impacted by HIV compared with other racial/ethnic groups of MSM.1,2 Male-to-male sexual contact accounted for 72% of new infections among all Black men.1 Young Black MSM (aged 13–24 years) have a greater number of new infections than any other age or racial group among MSM.1 Researchers have been challenged with developing HIV prevention strategies for Black MSM.3–7 Higher frequencies of sexual risk behaviors, substance use, and nondisclosure of sexual identities do not adequately explain this disparity.8,9 High rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), which facilitate HIV transmission, and undetected or late diagnosis of HIV infection only partially explain disproportionate HIV rates.8Researchers have begun to examine a constellation of health factors that may contribute to HIV among MSM. For example, syndemic theory or the interaction of epidemics synergistically, such as intimate partner violence (IPV) and depression, may help explain HIV-related sexual risk behaviors among Black MSM.9 Childhood sexual abuse (CSA), IPV, and mental health disorders including depression may comprise such a constellation and warrant further exploration.Experiences of CSA have been identified as being associated with negative sexual health outcomes, with MSM reporting higher CSA rates than the general male population.10–12 Men with CSA experiences are more likely than men without CSA experiences to engage in high-risk sexual behaviors,13–21 have more lifetime sexual partners,13–16 use condoms less frequently,13,14,16 and have higher rates of STIs,13,14,17 exchanging sex for drugs or money,13,14,17 HIV,13,14 alcohol and substance use,13–21 and depression.13–15,18,21 Such findings suggest that sexual risk reduction counseling may need to be tailored for MSM with CSA experiences.15Childhood sexual abuse histories have also been correlated with sexual revictimization, including IPV.22–24 One study with population-based estimates of CSA found that gay and bisexually identified men had higher odds of reporting CSA (9.5 and 12.8, respectively) compared with heterosexual men.25 For sexual minority men, CSA histories were associated with higher HIV and STI incidence.25 However, research examining CSA, revictimization, and sexual risk behaviors is lacking among Black MSM.In one existing study, Black and Latino MSM with CSA histories identified their trauma experiences as influencing their adult sexual decision-making.26 Among Black MSM in 2 additional studies, emotional distress and substance use were attributed to having CSA experiences (Leo Wilton, PhD, written communication, October 2, 2013).27 In an ethnically diverse sample of 456 HIV-positive MSM, CSA was associated with insertive and receptive condomless anal sex.19Similar to CSA, IPV has not been extensively examined among MSM or Black MSM,28 but may be associated with sexual risk behaviors. Intimate partner violence is defined as a pattern of controlling, abusive behavior within an intimate relationship that may include physical, psychological or emotional, verbal, or sexual abuse.29 Little research exists on IPV among same-sex couples despite incidence rates being comparable to or greater than that of heterosexual women.28,30–34 Important IPV information comes from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, a nationally representative survey for experiences of sexual violence, stalking, and IPV among men and women in the United States.28 Among men who experienced rape, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate partner, perpetrator differences by gender were found among gay, bisexual, and heterosexual men; 78% of bisexual and 99.5% of heterosexual men reported having only female perpetrators, and 90.7% of gay men reported having only male perpetrators.28 Being slapped, pushed, or shoved by an intimate partner during their lifetime was reported by gay (24%), bisexual (27%), and heterosexual (26.3%) men.28Intimate partner violence has been linked to condomless anal sex, HIV infection, substance use, CSA, and depression.35–37 Being an HIV-positive MSM has been linked with becoming a victim of IPV.38,39 Welles et al. found that being an African American MSM who initially disclosed having male partners and early life sexual abuse experiences was associated with IPV victimization.39 Wilton found that a high percentage of Black MSM reported IPV histories: emotional abuse (48.3%), physical abuse (28.3%), sexual abuse (21.7%), and stalking abuse (29.2%; Leo Wilton, PhD, written communication, October 2, 2013). Such findings lend to the importance of exploring, both independently and together, the association of CSA and IPV with sexual risk behaviors.Some studies have reported the influence of mental health (e.g., depression) on sexual risk behaviors among MSM,9,40,41 whereas others have not corroborated such findings.42 Greater rates of depression among MSM than among non-MSM samples43–45 and elevated rates of depression and anxiety among Black MSM have been reported.46 The Urban Men’s Health Study, a cross-sectional sample of MSM in 4 US cities, did not find a significant relationship between high depressive symptoms and condomless anal sex.42 However, the EXPLORE study, a randomized behavioral intervention for MSM in 6 US cities, supported the association between moderate depressive symptoms and an increased risk for HIV infection.47 Moderate levels of depression and higher rates of sexual risk were also reported for HIV-infected MSM over time.48 Another study conducted with 197 Black MSM found that moderate depressive symptoms were associated with having condomless anal sex with a serodiscordant casual partner.49 These mixed findings support the need to better understand the relationship between the severity of depression (i.e., moderate vs severe) and HIV risk behaviors.The HIV Prevention Trials Network 061 study, also known as the BROTHERS (Broadening the Reach of Testing, Health Education, Resources, and Services) Project, was a multisite study to determine the feasibility and acceptability of a multicomponent intervention for Black MSM. The current analysis aims to assess the prevalence of CSA, IPV, and depressive symptomology, and examine the relationships between these factors and insertive and receptive condomless anal sex and number of sexual partners in a large cohort of Black MSM.     

Buffering Syndemic Effects in a Sexual Risk-Reduction Intervention for Male Clients of Female Sex Workers: Results From a Randomized Controlled Trial

Objectives. We sought to test the efficacy of a sexual risk intervention for male clients of female sex workers (FSWs) and examine whether efficacy was moderated by syndemic risk.Methods. From 2010 to 2014, we conducted a 2-arm randomized controlled trial (60-minute, theory-based, safer sex intervention versus a didactic time-equivalent attention control) that included 400 male clients of FSWs on the US–Mexico border with follow-up at 4, 8, and 12 months. We measured 5 syndemic risk factors, including substance use and depression. Primary outcomes were sexually transmitted infections incidence and total unprotected sex with FSWs.Results. Although participants in both groups became safer, there was no significant difference in behavior change between groups. However, baseline syndemic risk moderated intervention efficacy. At baseline, there was a positive association between syndemic risk and unprotected sex. Then at 12 months, longitudinal analyses showed the association depended on intervention participation (B = −0.71; 95% confidence interval [CI] = –1.22, –0.20; P = .007). Among control participants there still existed this modest association (B = 0.36; 95% CI = –0.49, 1.22; P = .09); among intervention participants there was a significant negative association (B = −0.35; 95% CI = –0.63, –0.06; P = .02).Conclusion. A brief intervention might attenuate syndemic risks among clients of FSWs. Other populations experiencing syndemic problems may also benefit from such programs.Male clients of female sex workers (FSWs) represent a “bridge population” that has the potential to transmit HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs) between higher-risk groups (FSWs) and lower-risk groups (e.g., their wives).1–3 Globally, male clients of FSWs exhibit high-risk sexual behaviors,4–8 as well as higher STI incidence compared with other men.9 Unfortunately, little intervention work has targeted male clients.In 2007, Lowndes et al. implemented a behavioral intervention focusing on condom promotion among male clients of FSWs in Cotonou, Benin.10 Results suggested that male clients of FSWs in a resource-constrained country can reduce their sexual risk behavior through participation in a targeted behavioral intervention. However, this study lacked randomization and a control condition, precluding the ability to evaluate efficacy to reduce sexual risk behavior. A recent review of randomized trials and quasi-randomized trials of behavioral HIV prevention interventions among sex workers and clients did not identify a single randomized controlled trial targeted for male clients.11In Tijuana, Mexico, a border city along San Diego, California, there are an estimated 6000 to 10 000 FSWs offering sexual services to men from both countries.12 Tijuana has an HIV prevalence that is double the national average, and HIV is highest among high-risk groups including FSWs (approximately 6%).12–14In 2008, we conducted pilot research with 400 male clients of FSWs in Tijuana.13 HIV prevalence among clients was similar to that of FSWs (approximately 5%). Clients reported sex with an FSW an average of 26 times in the past year, once every 2 weeks in the past 4 months, and half reported recent unprotected sex with FSWs. Data were used to develop the first sexual risk-reduction intervention for male clients of FSWs. Herein, we aim to first evaluate the efficacy of our brief intervention, using the rigor of a randomized controlled trial. Whereas evaluating an intervention’s efficacy is a necessary step for HIV prevention, scientists must also examine for whom or under what conditions an intervention is efficacious (i.e., test moderators) to best inform prevention strategies both practically and theoretically.In addition to demonstrating risky sexual behavior, our pilot research with male clients in Tijuana showed that history of drug use was prevalent (88% reporting lifetime drug use) and was associated with unprotected sex with FSWs. These data also showed that the clients were more likely to engage in risky sex if they consumed alcohol at hazardous levels.15 Finally, our qualitative data suggested that vulnerability to HIV was associated with mental health problems like depression or loneliness.16,17 These findings are consistent with previous research on syndemic theory.Research has demonstrated the multiple co-occurrence of psychosocial problems (e.g., substance use, violence) and their additive effect on HIV risk behavior, called “syndemics.”18–21 While the specific factors that are included in the operationalization of a syndemic differ and depend on the specific population and region,21,22 studies have essentially found a dose–response relationship such that individuals who report more psychosocial problems are more likely to engage in higher sexual risk behavior or are more likely to be infected with HIV.23 The second aim of the current research was to examine syndemics as a potential moderator of intervention efficacy. In light of the important role that syndemics play in HIV across high-risk populations, and based on our pilot data, we hypothesized that men who experienced more syndemic problems at baseline would be more likely to benefit from the intervention than men who experienced fewer syndemic problems. Although our sexual risk-reduction intervention was not designed to directly address syndemic problems, it was based on cognitive behavioral therapy, social cognitive theory, and the theory of reasoned action, and we included in the intervention theoretical elements and motivational interviewing techniques designed to promote safer sex behavior by addressing perceived barriers to safer sex.     

Adversity and Syndemic Production Among Men Participating in the Multicenter AIDS Cohort Study: A Life-Course Approach

Objectives. We tested a theory of syndemic production among men who have sex with men (MSM) using data from a large cohort study.Methods. Participants were 1551 men from the Multicenter AIDS Cohort Study enrolled at 4 study sites: Baltimore, Maryland–Washington, DC; Chicago, Illinois; Los Angeles, California; and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Participants who attended semiannual visits from April 1, 2008, to March 31, 2009, completed an additional survey that captured data about events throughout their life course thought to be related to syndemic production.Results. Using multivariate analysis, we found that the majority of life-course predictor variables (e.g., victimization, internalized homophobia) were significantly associated with both the syndemic condition and the component psychosocial health outcomes (depressive symptoms, stress, stimulant use, sexual compulsivity, intimate partner violence). A nested negative binomial analysis showed that the overall life course significantly explained variability in the syndemic outcomes (χ² = 247.94; P < .001; df = 22).Conclusions. We identified life-course events and conditions related to syndemic production that may help to inform innovative interventions that will effectively disentangle interconnecting health problems and promote health among MSM.A growing number of epidemiological studies have detected significant health-related disparities among men who have sex with men (MSM) for many dangerous health conditions, ranging from psychosocial problems1, 2 to infectious and chronic diseases.3–6 A notable feature of these seemingly distinct public health epidemics is that they are often interconnected and manifest themselves among MSM in ways to suggest that they are mutually reinforcing, thereby creating a syndemic.7–11 A syndemic, as defined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, is “two or more afflictions, interacting synergistically, contributing to excess burden of disease in a population.”12 Syndemic conditions have been hypothesized to be a driving force for HIV transmission among MSM in the United States and abroad.7, 9 However, relatively little is known about the underlying pathways that explain the production and maintenance of syndemics among populations of MSM.We tested a theory of syndemic production among MSM using data from a large cohort study, the Multicenter AIDS Cohort Study (MACS).13 The syndemic theory we investigated takes a life-course perspective on syndemic production among MSM and proposes that experiences of social marginalization, often starting at a very early age, place these men at greater risk for a combination of psychosocial health problems (i.e., depression, partner violence, stimulant use) that subsequently intertwine to drive risks related to HIV and other negative health outcomes.7 An empirically tested theory of syndemic production offers an explanation for the existence of syndemic conditions among MSM and may inform the development of innovative interventions to lower rates of psychosocial health problems and subsequent risk of HIV transmission.     

Uptake and Predictors of Anal Cancer Screening in Men Who Have Sex With Men

Objectives. We investigated attitudes about and acceptance of anal Papanicolaou (Pap) screening among men who have sex with men (MSM).Methods. Free anal Pap screening (cytology) was offered to 1742 MSM in the Multicenter AIDS Cohort Study, who reported history of, attitudes about, and experience with screening. We explored predictors of declining screening with multivariate logistic regression.Results. A history of anal Pap screening was uncommon among non–HIV-infected MSM, but more common among HIV-infected MSM (10% vs 39%; P < .001). Most participants expressed moderate or strong interest in screening (86%), no anxiety about screening (66%), and a strong belief in the utility of screening (65%). Acceptance of screening during this study was high (85%) across all 4 US sites. Among those screened, most reported it was “not a big deal” or “not as bad as expected,” and 3% reported that it was “scary.” Declining to have screening was associated with Black race, anxiety about screening, and low interest, but not age or HIV status.Conclusions. This study demonstrated high acceptance of anal Pap screening among both HIV-infected and non–HIV-infected MSM across 4 US sites.In the past 3 decades, anal cancer incidence has increased 39% in women and 96% in men in the United States.1–3 In the general US population, anal cancer incidence remains higher among women than men (1.8 vs 1.4 cases per 100 000 annually), but the incidence is especially high among men who have sex with men (MSM; 35 per 100 000).4–6 Indeed, data suggest that anal cancer incidence among MSM may be similar to or higher than incidence of cervical cancer among US women before the introduction of cervical cytology screening in the mid-1950s.1,7–13 Incidence estimates for HIV-infected MSM are even higher and vary from 45.9 per 100 000 person-years14 in meta-analyses to 78.2 per 100 000 person-years15 for US AIDS Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results data.Human papillomavirus (HPV) infection is the major cause of anal cancer.4,14,16,17 Consistent with the increased anal cancer incidence among MSM, anal HPV prevalence and incidence are elevated among MSM compared with the general population.18,19 HIV-infected MSM have even higher anal HPV prevalence, compared with non–HIV-infected MSM (98% vs 57%).20,21 As effective antiretroviral therapy (ART, also referred to as HAART) helps HIV-infected individuals live longer, more may now develop anal cancer.6,22,23 On the basis of initial studies, it is unclear whether ART use reduces risk of anal intraepithelial neoplasia (AIN2/3, precancer)24 or anal cancer,25,26 although low CD4-cell count does appear to increase risk of anal cancer.27Recent research suggests that anal Papanicolaou (Pap) screening may have utility in preventing anal cancer9,28–30 and is a cost-effective screening method for anal cancer prevention among MSM.31,32 Like cervical dysplasia, anal dysplasia is slow-growing and treatable, and studies suggest that anal Pap tests can detect dysplasia with similar sensitivity and specificity to cervical Pap tests.33–35 On the basis of these data and the success of cervical Pap screening in reducing cervical cancer incidence, some have proposed routine anal Pap cytology (referred to as anal Pap screening hereafter) among MSM.9,36 However, these guidelines remain preliminary as researchers have not yet conducted a randomized trial to establish whether anal Pap screening reduces anal cancer deaths. Furthermore, recent studies have suggested that anal precancers (AIN2+) are relatively common among unscreened non–HIV-infected (∼4%) and HIV-infected (15%–30%) MSM, much higher than anal cancer rates, so other researchers have suggested that closer examination of the relative harms and benefits of treating all AIN 2/3 in MSM is first needed.24,35,37–40Despite the high incidence of anal cancer among MSM and recommendations, by some, for screening, MSM currently have low awareness of, access to, and use of anal Pap screening.41,42 Indeed, in our previous research, we observed a low reported prevalence of ever having anal Pap screening among MSM.43 We have expanded on these previous findings by examining acceptance of screening when offered for free. We also examined attitudes about anal Pap screening, experience with screening, and reasons for declining to have an anal Pap test.     

Syndemic Theory and HIV-Related Risk Among Young Transgender Women: The Role of Multiple,Co-Occurring Health Problems and Social Marginalization

Objectives. We assessed whether multiple psychosocial factors are additive in their relationship to sexual risk behavior and self-reported HIV status (i.e., can be characterized as a syndemic) among young transgender women and the relationship of indicators of social marginalization to psychosocial factors.Methods. Participants (n = 151) were aged 15 to 24 years and lived in Chicago or Los Angeles. We collected data on psychosocial factors (low self-esteem, polysubstance use, victimization related to transgender identity, and intimate partner violence) and social marginalization indicators (history of commercial sex work, homelessness, and incarceration) through an interviewer-administered survey.Results. Syndemic factors were positively and additively related to sexual risk behavior and self-reported HIV infection. In addition, our syndemic index was significantly related to 2 indicators of social marginalization: a history of sex work and previous incarceration.Conclusions. These findings provide evidence for a syndemic of co-occurring psychosocial and health problems in young transgender women, taking place in a context of social marginalization.Transgender women (i.e., male-to-female transgender persons) are individuals whose gender identities are discordant with the male gender they were assigned at birth. During the developmental period from early adolescence through young adulthood, many transgender women struggle to develop a coherent sense of self while addressing feelings of guilt and shame about their identities and pressures to conform to familial, peer, and gender norms. Many feel the need for secrecy, either to pass in their chosen gender or to hide their true feelings to avoid rejection and discrimination.1 Instead of support and understanding from family, friends, and other adults, these women often experience social rejection and marginalization because of their gender identity and expression, as well as perceived sexual orientation.2–4 Rejection and marginalization are particularly harmful during this period of developmental vulnerability and often result in severe consequences, as evidenced by high rates of homelessness, trading sexual intercourse for food and other basic needs, and incarceration.5–9 A growing body of literature suggests that the marginalization experienced by these young women contributes to a wide range of negative health outcomes, such as psychological distress, substance abuse, and victimization (e.g., from verbal, physical, and sexual abuse). All of these outcomes are related to sexual risk behavior and HIV infection.5–8The prevalence of HIV infection among transgender women is equal to or greater than that among other traditionally high-risk groups, such as men who have sex with men (MSM).10 In a review of 29 studies of HIV incidence, prevalence, and related risk behavior among transgender individuals completed between 1990 and 2003, the average laboratory-confirmed HIV prevalence for transgender women across age groups was 27.7% (4 studies), and the average self-reported HIV prevalence was 11.8% (18 studies that reported prevalence estimates).10 More recent data from local testing of more than 500 transgender women with no known previous positive HIV test results in Miami Beach, Florida, and San Francisco and Los Angeles, California, found a 12% HIV infection prevalence, which suggests a high percentage of unrecognized HIV infection in this population.11 In an analysis by age, the most new HIV infections, representing 45% of all cases, were detected among those aged 20 to 29 years.11Estimates of HIV prevalence among young transgender women are scarce and based on very small, nonprobability samples. A community-based study of ethnic minority transgender women (aged 16–24 years; n = 51) found 22% with self-reported HIV-positive status.6 A previous analysis of study data from young transgender women (aged 15–24 years; n = 151), found a comparable rate of 19% self-reported HIV infection.7 The higher rate of self-reported HIV infection among young transgender women than among transgender women more generally may result from relatively high rates of HIV testing. A total of 87% of young transgender women in this study had been tested for HIV infection at least once.7 However, self-reported prevalence of HIV infection among these young women is still likely to be underestimated in light of the evidence of unrecognized infection among those aged 20 to 29 years.11High rates of unprotected receptive anal intercourse among young transgender women10 place them at risk for both acquiring and transmitting HIV infection. In the review of 29 studies, 31.7% of transgender women reported multiple, primarily male, sexual partners, and 48.3% reported having sexual intercourse with casual partners.10 The average proportion of any unprotected receptive anal intercourse was 44.1%, and the proportion of unprotected insertive anal intercourse was 27.4% (assessed across various recall periods).10 In the community-based study of young transgender women (n = 51), 59% reported having unprotected anal intercourse (receptive or insertive) in the past 12 months.6Multiple psychosocial health problems, including psychological distress, substance use, violence, and victimization are common among transgender women. For example, community surveys suggest rates of depression and suicidality that are up to 3 times as high as in the general population.3,12–14 Evidence indicates that substance use is common (previous 30-day use of alcohol = 50% and of marijuana = 38%)15 and that sexual intercourse under the influence of drugs and alcohol is also highly prevalent.15–17 Studies of violence and victimization among transgender women estimate that 21% to 68% have experienced forced sexual intercourse,9,18 and between 37% and 65% have experienced physical abuse, as either a child or an adult.9,15,18Similarly, evidence suggests that psychosocial health problems are prevalent among young transgender women. Garofalo et al., in their community-based study of 51 ethnic minority young transgender women, found that although self-esteem and depression were within the normal range on average, both were independently associated with unprotected anal intercourse.5 In another study, past-year alcohol and marijuana use were reported by 65% and 71% of participants, respectively.6 Wilson et al. reported that more than 90% of young transgender women in their study sample had used substances in their lifetime (88% had used alcohol; 63%, marijuana; 30%, cocaine; 32%, ecstasy; and 30%, methamphetamine).7 Sexual intercourse under the influence of alcohol or drugs was reported to be 50% in one study5 and 53% in another8 and was significantly associated with unprotected anal intercourse.5 Garofalo et al. found that more than half of participants reported a history of forced sexual intercourse, which was significantly associated with sexual risk behavior.5 Reported fear of partner anger and rejection were also given as reasons young transgender women engaged in unsafe sexual intercourse.6Psychological distress and substance abuse, as well as frequent experiences of violence and other forms of victimization, may contribute to HIV risk in this population, potentially fueling heightened rates of HIV infection. In light of the high HIV prevalence rates and the complexity of risk factors associated with risk behaviors and HIV acquisition, a leading group of experts in transgender health has suggested examining HIV risk among young transgender women within the framework of syndemic theory.19 Singer and Snipes coined the term syndemic for the health crisis (co-occurrence of substance use, AIDS, and violence) among poor and underserved inner-city women in the early 1990s.20 As described by Singer, a syndemic involves

a set of enmeshed and mutually enhancing health problems that, working together in a context of deleterious social and physical conditions that increase vulnerability, significantly affect the overall disease status of a population.21^(p15)

Thus, a syndemic is more than the interaction of diseases; rather, it is the mutually reinforcing interaction of disease and social conditions.21–23 Singer and Clair describe syndemics as occurring in “noxious social conditions” and posits that they are often produced by “structural violence of social inequality.”22^(p434)Stall et al. applied syndemic theory to the study of HIV-related sexual risk among urban MSM. They found that increasing numbers of psychosocial health problems, polysubstance use, depression, partner violence, and childhood sexual abuse were significantly and positively associated with high-risk sexual behavior and HIV infection.24 Similarly, in an urban sample of ethnically diverse MSM aged 16 to 24 years, Mustanski et al. found that increasing numbers of psychosocial health problems, including binge drinking, street drug use, psychological distress, intimate partner violence, and sexual assault, increased the odds of multiple anal intercourse partners, unprotected anal intercourse, and HIV-positive status.25To our knowledge, syndemic theory has not previously been applied to the study of HIV risk among young transgender women; however, their marked social and economic marginalization and high prevalence of psychosocial health problems and HIV infection suggest that the principles underlying this theory may well apply. The syndemic model, therefore, served as a framework guiding our analysis. We chose specific psychosocial health problems for inclusion in our syndemic model—as the data would allow—that were similar to factors examined among both urban poor and underserved women and urban MSM and that reflected the life circumstances of young transgender women.We hypothesized that a syndemic of co-occurring health and psychosocial factors such as low self-esteem, polysubstance use, victimization related to transgender identity (e.g., verbal threats and insults, harrassment by chasing or following respondents or damaging their property, and physical assaults), and intimate partner violence (e.g., partner-controlling actions, verbal harassment, threats to physical safety, sexual violence, and pressure or coercion to hide female gender identity) are additive and associated with HIV infection and sexual risk for HIV infection. That is, the more psychosocial health problems reported, the greater the risk for both unsafe sexual behavior and HIV infection. In addition, Singer specified that a syndemic develops in a context of deleterious social conditions that increase vulnerability. Thus, we further tested indicators of social marginalization as correlates of this clustering of psychosocial factors. Our objectives were to (1) assess whether multiple psychosocial factors are additive in their relationship to sexual risk behavior and self-reported HIV status among young transgender women (i.e., could be characterized as a syndemic) and (2) assess the relationship of indicators of social marginalization, such as a history of commercial sex work, homelessness, and incarceration, to these psychosocial factors.     

Differences in the social networks of African American men who have sex with men only and those who have sex with men and women

Objectives. We compared social network characteristics of African American men who have sex with men only (MSMO) with social network characteristics of African American men who have sex with men and women (MSMW).Methods. Study participants were 234 African American men who have sex with men who completed a baseline social network assessment for a pilot behavioral HIV prevention intervention in Baltimore, Maryland, from 2006 through 2009. We surveyed the men to elicit the characteristics of their social networks, and we used logistic regression models to assess differences in network characteristics.Results. MSMO were significantly more likely than were MSMW to be HIV-positive (52% vs 31%). We found no differences between MSMO and MSMW in the size of kin networks or emotional and material support networks. MSMW had denser sexual networks, reported more concurrent and exchange partners, used condoms with more sexual partners, and reported interaction with a larger number of sexual partners at least once a week.Conclusions. Although there were many similarities in the social and sexual network characteristics of MSMO and MSMW, differences did exist. HIV prevention interventions should address the unique needs of African American MSMW.Recent epidemiological data suggest that the highest rates of HIV infection in the United States are found among African American men who have sex with men (MSM).¹ According to the National HIV Behavioral Surveillance survey in 2004–2005, among 5 cities studied, Baltimore, Maryland, had the highest HIV rates among African American MSM, with a prevalence of 51% and an estimated incidence rate of 8% per year.² African American MSM are also more likely than are MSM of other racial/ethnic groups to report bisexual identity.^3–9Some studies have focused on men who have sex with men and women (MSMW) as a potential bridge group to heterosexual transmission.^10,11 Several investigators have found that MSMW have lower HIV rates than do men who have sex with men only (MSMO).^11–13 Some studies have found that MSMW report more sexual partners than do MSMO,^11,14 although another has found that not to be true.¹⁵Social network factors have been linked to transmission of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections.^16–18 Indeed, there is evidence that network structural characteristics, such as network density (the extent to which social network members know one another) and partner concurrency, may lead to high rates of sexually transmitted infectious diseases.^19–21 Network dynamics have also been used to explain the greater burden of HIV and AIDS among African Americans compared with other racial groups in the United States.²² Network characteristics such as network size, composition, and density have been found to be associated with HIV risk behaviors, such as sharing injection equipment,^23–27 having multiple partners, engaging in unprotected sex, and exchanging sex for money or drugs.^28–31Social network analysis is a useful method to assess amounts, types, and sources of emotional and instrumental social support³² without assuming that social support is derived from specific role relationships, such as spouse, coworker, main sexual partner, or friend. In different populations, specific role relationships may not exist, or the same role may provide different types of social support. Few studies have examined the social networks of MSM,^33,34 and there is even less information on the social networks of African American MSM. Miller et al.³⁵ conducted in-depth interviews with 21 African American MSM and inquired about the composition of their social networks. They found that African American MSM listed twice as many non-MSM male friends as MSM friends. Few listed MSM friends with whom they did not have sex. A study of HIV-positive men and women reported that African American MSM received more social support from friends and health care providers than they did from family members.³⁶ It has been suggested that some African American MSM perceive that their community consists of their social network members rather than a physical location.³⁷We examined differences in social network composition between African American MSMO and African American MSMW. Examining social network composition is critical not only for assessing the dynamics of transmission of HIV but also for assessing the social and economic support available to people with HIV. Support issues are especially important among impoverished urban populations. Understanding social network composition is also critical for developing and sustaining appropriate HIV prevention and care programs. In these analyses we were specifically interested in examining the sources and functions of social support within participants'' social networks, the sexual risk behaviors participants engaged in with network members, and the overlap between social support networks and sexual networks. We anticipated that MSMO would report more dense social networks than MSMW but less social support.     

Correlates of Sexual Risk Among Sexual Minority and Heterosexual South African Youths

We explored psychosocial correlates of sexual risk among heterosexual and sexual minority youths (SMYs) in Johannesburg, South Africa. Young people 16 to 18 years old (n = 822) were administered surveys assessing demographic characteristics, sexual behaviors, mental health, and parent–child communication. Adjusted multivariate regressions examining correlates of sexual risk revealed that SMYs had more sexual partners than heterosexual youths (B = 3.90; SE = 0.95; P < .001) and were more likely to engage in sex trading (OR = 3.11; CI = 1.12-8.62; P < .05). South African SMYs are at increased risk relative to their heterosexual peers.South Africa has the highest burden of HIV in the world; 9.2% of young persons aged 15 to 19 years living in the country are infected with HIV.1,2 Few studies have examined multilevel sexual risk factors (e.g., individual, partner, family) among sexual minority youths (SMYs)3 in South Africa, despite their increased vulnerability.4–8 Research has shown that rates of sexual risk behavior are high among adult men who have sex with men (MSM) in sub-Saharan Africa,5,9 and South African SMYs may be especially vulnerable given the transitional nature of adolescence, fear of discrimination, and lack of cultural acceptance of homosexuality.4,7,10Our analyses were guided by theories of syndemics (i.e., collective risk or co-occurring epidemics)11–13 and minority group stress.14 These theories posit that young MSM experience psychosocial disparities in numerous areas (substance use, abuse and victimization, mental health problems, risk taking)15–18 and that SMYs are at increased risk for poor mental health, sexual vulnerability, substance use, and violence.19,20 Moreover, stigma creates stressful environments, another cause of mental health problems among SMYs.14 This situation is especially salient in South Africa, where same-sex behavior is so highly stigmatized that even normative adolescent sexual exploration would likely be denounced.7We hypothesized that South African SMYs would be at increased sexual risk relative to heterosexual youths. To our knowledge, this is one of the first investigations to examine risk and protective factors associated with sexual risk in this population.     

HIV Prevalence and Awareness of Positive Serostatus Among Men Who Have Sex With Men and Transgender Women in Bogotá, Colombia

Objectives. We estimated HIV prevalence among men who have sex with men (MSM) and transgender women in Bogotá, Colombia, and explored differences between HIV-positive individuals who are aware and unaware of their serostatus.Methods. In this cross-sectional 2011 study, we used respondent-driven sampling (RDS) to recruit 1000 MSM and transgender women, who completed a computerized questionnaire and received an HIV test.Results. The RDS-adjusted prevalence was 12.1% (95% confidence interval [CI] = 8.7, 15.8), comparable to a previous RDS-derived estimate. Among HIV-positive participants, 39.7% (95% CI = 25.0, 54.8) were aware of their serostatus and 60.3% (95% CI = 45.2, 75.5) were unaware before this study. HIV-positive–unaware individuals were more likely to report inadequate insurance coverage, exchange sex (i.e., sexual intercourse in exchange for money, goods, or services), and substance use than other participants. HIV-positive–aware participants were least likely to have had condomless anal intercourse in the previous 3 months. Regardless of awareness, HIV-positive participants reported more violence and forced relocation experiences than HIV-negative participants.Conclusions. There is an urgent need to increase HIV detection among MSM and transgender women in Bogotá. HIV-positive–unaware group characteristics suggest an important role for structural, social, and individual interventions.Colombia ranks second among countries in Latin America in HIV prevalence, with estimates ranging from 0.7% to 1.1% of the adult population.1 Men who have sex with men (MSM) represent the group most strongly affected, with prevalence of 18% to 20% based on venue-based convenience samples2,3 and 15% based on respondent-driven sampling (RDS).4 Colombia has a long history of armed conflict, and the pervasive conditions of violence, internal displacement, and poverty can be relevant to HIV transmission.5 “Social cleansing” by armed groups has been aimed at MSM and transgender women, as well as people living with HIV,5 and the stigma associated with homosexuality and HIV is widespread and inherent in structural inequalities in Colombia.6,7 Social epidemiological models posit that HIV is influenced by such structural (e.g., civil unrest, migration) and social factors (e.g., social networks, community attitudes), as well as individual characteristics (e.g., psychological characteristics, behavior).8Public health efforts emphasize the importance of detecting and treating undiagnosed HIV as a means of reducing HIV incidence.9–11 In the United States, approximately 20% of HIV-positive individuals are thought to be unaware of their infection, but this group is estimated to be responsible for nearly half of new transmissions.12 There is limited research concerning awareness of serostatus in Latin America. Undiagnosed infection was found to be 89% among HIV-positive MSM sampled in Peru in 2011,13 and rates are likely to be high in Colombia because of low levels of testing,6 including among MSM.4,14 Recent studies of MSM in France, Peru, and the United States have found associations between undiagnosed infection and demographic characteristics such as age, income, and education13,15,16; risk behaviors14,17,18; family or intimate partner violence19; and health insurance coverage.20 We also examined awareness in relation to violence and forced relocation, conditions specific to the Colombian context.Respondent-driven sampling was developed as a means of obtaining unbiased estimates from hidden populations,21–23 and it has been shown to capture a more diverse24,25 and hidden26 group of MSM than time–location or snowball sampling. Research has suggested, however, that biases can occur.27–29Our current study and a study conducted by the United Nations Population Fund and the Colombian Ministry of Health and Social Protection (UNFPA/MSPS) were independently funded at approximately the same time to address the limited information about behavioral risk and HIV prevalence among Colombian MSM. Comparison of findings from the 2 studies provides evidence concerning reliability of the RDS-derived prevalence estimates. We estimated HIV prevalence among MSM and transgender women in Bogotá, Colombia, examined reliability of RDS-derived estimates in relation to the UNFPA/MSPS study,4 and investigated the role of the social and structural context of Colombia in both prevalence and awareness of positive serostatus.     

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Incident Heart Failure Among a Community-Based Sample of US Veterans

Objectives. We investigated the association between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and incident heart failure in a community-based sample of veterans.Methods. We examined Veterans Affairs Pacific Islands Health Care System outpatient medical records for 8248 veterans between 2005 and 2012. We used multivariable Cox regression to estimate hazard ratios and 95% confidence intervals for the development of heart failure by PTSD status.Results. Over a mean follow-up of 7.2 years, veterans with PTSD were at increased risk for developing heart failure (hazard ratio [HR] = 1.47; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.13, 1.92) compared with veterans without PTSD after adjustment for age, gender, diabetes, hyperlipidemia, hypertension, body mass index, combat service, and military service period. Additional predictors for heart failure included age (HR = 1.05; 95% CI = 1.03, 1.07), diabetes (HR = 2.54; 95% CI = 2.02, 3.20), hypertension (HR = 1.87; 95% CI = 1.42, 2.46), overweight (HR = 1.72; 95% CI = 1.25, 2.36), obesity (HR = 3.43; 95% CI = 2.50, 4.70), and combat service (HR = 4.99; 95% CI = 1.29, 19.38).Conclusions. Ours is the first large-scale longitudinal study to report an association between PTSD and incident heart failure in an outpatient sample of US veterans. Prevention and treatment efforts for heart failure and its associated risk factors should be expanded among US veterans with PTSD.Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a psychiatric illness that affects approximately 7.7 million Americans aged older than 18 years.1 PTSD typically results after the experience of severe trauma, and veterans are at elevated risk for the disorder. The National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study reported the prevalence of PTSD among veterans who served in Vietnam as 15.2% among men and 8.1% among women.2 In fiscal year 2009, nearly 446 045 Veterans Administration (VA) patients had a primary diagnosis of PTSD, a threefold increase since 1999.3 PTSD is of growing clinical concern as evidence continues to link psychiatric illnesses to conditions such as arthritis,4 liver disease,5 digestive disease,6 and cancer.6 When the postwar health status of Vietnam veterans was examined, those with PTSD had higher rates of diseases of the circulatory, nervous, digestive, musculoskeletal, and respiratory systems.7The evidence linking PTSD to coronary heart disease (CHD) is substantial.8–10 Veterans with PTSD are significantly more likely to have abnormal electrocardiograph results, myocardial infarctions, and atrioventricular conduction deficits than are veterans without PTSD.11 In a study of 605 male veterans of World War II and the Korean War, CHD was more common among veterans with PTSD than among those without PTSD.12 Worldwide, adults exposed to the disaster at Chernobyl experienced increased rates of CHD up to 10 years after the event,13 and studies of stressors resulting from the civil war in Lebanon found elevated CHD mortality.14,15Although the exact biological mechanism by which PTSD contributes to CHD remains unclear, several hypotheses have been suggested, including autonomic nervous system dysfunction,16 inflammation,17 hypercoagulability,18 cardiac hyperreactivity,19 altered neurochemistry,20 and co-occurring metabolic syndrome.16 One of the hallmark symptoms of PTSD is hyperarousal,21 and the neurobiological changes brought on from sustained sympathetic nervous system activation affect the release of neurotransmitters and endocrine function.22 These changes have negative effects on the cardiovascular system, including increased blood pressure, heart rate, and cardiac output.22,23Most extant literature to date examining cardiovascular sequelae has shown a positive association between PTSD and coronary artery disease.8–10 Coronary artery disease is well documented as one of the most significant risk factors for future development of heart failure.24 Despite burgeoning evidence for the role of PTSD in the development of coronary artery disease, there are few studies specifically exploring the relationship between PTSD and heart failure. Limited data suggest that PTSD imparts roughly a threefold increase in the odds of developing heart failure in both the general population5 and in a sample of the elderly.25 These investigations, however, have been limited by cross-sectional study design, a small proportion of participants with PTSD, and reliance on self-reported measures for both PTSD and heart failure.5,25 Heart failure is a uniquely large public health issue, as nearly 5 million patients in the United States are affected and there are approximately 500 000 new cases each year.26 Identifying predictors of heart failure can aid in early detection efforts while simultaneously increasing understanding of the mechanism behind development of heart failure.To mitigate the limitations of previous investigations, we undertook a large-scale prospective study to further elucidate the role of prevalent PTSD and development of incident heart failure among veterans, while controlling for service-related and clinical covariates. Many studies investigating heart failure have relied on inpatient records; we leveraged outpatient records to more accurately reflect the community burden of disease.     

Hombres Sanos: evaluation of a social marketing campaign for heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women

Objectives. We evaluated the effectiveness of Hombres Sanos [Healthy Men] a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexually identified Latino men, especially among heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women (MSMW).Methods. Hombres Sanos was implemented in northern San Diego County, California, from June 2006 through December 2006. Every other month we conducted cross-sectional surveys with independent samples of heterosexually identified Latino men before (n = 626), during (n = 752), and after (n = 385) the campaign. Respondents were randomly selected from 12 targeted community venues to complete an anonymous, self-administered survey on sexual practices and testing for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. About 5.6% of respondents (n = 98) were heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.Results. The intervention was associated with reduced rates of recent unprotected sex with both females and males among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. The campaign was also associated with increases in perception of HIV risk, knowledge of testing locations, and condom carrying among heterosexual Latinos.Conclusions. Social marketing represents a promising approach for abating HIV transmission among heterosexually identified Latinos, particularly for heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Given the scarcity of evidence-based HIV prevention interventions for these populations, this prevention strategy warrants further investigation.In the United States, adult and adolescent Latino males represent 5.6% of the total population¹ but 18.7% of HIV/AIDS cases.² Low rates of condom use^3–5 and limited HIV testing^5–7 likely contribute to the risk for infection and transmission among Latinos.Sex between men continues to account for the majority of new HIV infections in the United States.² HIV prevention efforts have traditionally targeted gay and bisexual men. However, individuals’ self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to their sexual behavior,^8–12 and recent research has been focused on men who self-identify as heterosexual but have sex with men. The results of studies on men who have sex with both men and women (MSMW) suggest that, regardless of sexual identity, this population is at greater risk for HIV than are men who exclusively have sex with men; likewise, MSMW are at greater risk than are men who exclusively have sex with women (MSW).^11,13–16 Reasons for greater risk among MSMW may include lower rates of condom use^11,16 and having sexual partners who engage in high-risk sexual practices.¹¹Previous studies have suggested that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual sexual behavior^9,11,17,18 but less likely than are White men to self-identify as gay or bisexual or to disclose their sexual orientation.^19–23 Cultural factors such as homophobia, social stigma related to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism may inhibit Latino men from self-identifying as homosexual or bisexual.^{10,13,23–26} The degree to which Latinos integrate same-sex sexual practices into their sexual identities may influence their risk for HIV infection.²⁷ Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may perceive that they are at lower risk for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men, and Latino MSMW may thus be less likely to use condoms to protect themselves or their partners. Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.^19,27Nondisclosure of same-sex sexual practices among MSMW also has significant implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^9,17 More than 70% of Latinas living with HIV/AIDS in the United States were infected via heterosexual contact.² Most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with partners who use injection drugs,²⁸ but unprotected sex with men who have multiple partners, including MSMW, has likely contributed to a subset of HIV cases among Latina women.^2,29Social marketing involves applying the principles and techniques of commercial marketing to the promotion of behavioral change for the good of a target audience.^30,31 Social marketing has been successfully used for HIV prevention with gay and bisexual males,^32,33 racial and ethnic minorities,³⁴ and youths.^35–38 Interventions using social marketing have been associated with improvements in HIV/STI testing^32,34 and condom use.^36,37,39,40 To our knowledge, no social marketing campaigns have been designed to reduce HIV risk among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Because of the secrecy of their sexual practices and the perceived association of HIV infection with homosexuality,^24,41,42 heterosexually identified Latino MSMW are difficult to reach with HIV prevention efforts. This population is not likely to be exposed to prevention messages or programs targeted to the gay and bisexual communities.¹⁸ Moreover, interventions requiring active recruitment of heterosexually identified MSMW may fail to reach sufficient numbers or may not reach those who are most secretive about their same-sex sexual practices.⁴¹ We sought to evaluate the effectiveness of a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexual Latino men in northern San Diego County, California, with a special emphasis on heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.     

Preparing for Rectal Microbicides: Sociocultural Factors Affecting Product Uptake Among Potential South American Users

Objectives. We examined views on rectal microbicides (RMs), a potential HIV prevention option, among men who have sex with men and transgender women in 3 South American cities.Methods. During September 2009 to September 2010, we conducted 10 focus groups and 36 in-depth interviews (n = 140) in Lima and Iquitos, Peru, and Guayaquil, Ecuador, to examine 5 RM domains: knowledge, thoughts and opinions about RM as an HIV prevention tool, use, condoms, and social concerns. We coded emergent themes in recorded and transcribed data sets and extracted representative quotes. We collected sociodemographic information with a self-administered questionnaire.Results. RM issues identified included limited knowledge; concerns regarding plausibility, side effects, and efficacy; impact on condom use; target users (insertive vs receptive partners); and access concerns.Conclusions. Understanding the sociocultural issues affecting RMs is critical to their uptake and should be addressed prior to product launch.The first phase 2 clinical trial of a rectal microbicide (RM) candidate—a tenofovir-based, reduced-glycerin variant of the vaginal gel evaluated in CAPRISA-0041—is under way in men who have sex with men (MSM) and transgender women (TGW) at 5 international sites.2 If this product is found to be safe and acceptable, efficacy trials could begin by 2015,3 leading to a new prevention option for people at risk for HIV infection during unprotected receptive anal intercourse. Especially for MSM and TGW, an HIV prevention option specifically for this type of intercourse is urgently needed. Despite a worldwide decrease in new HIV infections,4 the epidemic continues to expand in MSM across all income levels globally,5 and a recent meta-analysis placed the odds ratio for TGW being infected with HIV relative to all adults of reproductive age at 48.8.6In addition to myriad social, cultural, and political factors that make MSM and TGW more vulnerable to HIV infection,7 unprotected receptive anal intercourse itself is 10% to 20% riskier than unprotected vaginal intercourse.8,9 As Beyrer et al. note, if the transmission probability of unprotected receptive anal intercourse were similar to that of unprotected vaginal intercourse, the 5-year cumulative HIV incidence in MSM would drop by 80% to 90%.5 Even partially efficacious RMs could play an important role in preventing new HIV infections,10 but their effectiveness will rely on users finding such products acceptable and using them correctly and consistently.11,12 Thus a body of acceptability research has emerged to examine the factors that may affect RM use, such as different product formulations (e.g., gels and lubricants,13–16 suppositories,17 and douches18–20), the maximum volume of rectally applied product that users find tolerable,21 frequency of use, cost effectiveness, and side effects.22Overall, acceptability research has demonstrated interest in a safe and effective RM among MSM and TGW22–25; however, knowledge gaps remain. Particularly important to understand is how potential users see themselves interacting with RMs, including social, cultural, and political factors, all of which may affect the adoption of an HIV prevention technology.26 We examined views of RMs among potential users in 3 South American cities to understand the sociocultural issues that could affect their uptake.     

Clustering of Midlife Lifestyle Behaviors and Subsequent Cognitive Function: A Longitudinal Study

Objectives. We examined the association between individual and clustered lifestyle behaviors in middle age and later in cognitive functioning.Methods. Middle-aged participants (n = 2430) in the Supplémentation en Vitamines et Minéraux Antioxydant study self-reported their low physical activity, sedentary behavior, alcohol use, smoking, low fruit and vegetable consumption, and low fish consumption. We assessed cognition 13 years later via 6 neuropsychological tests. After standardization, we summed the scores for a composite cognitive measure. We estimated executive functioning and verbal memory scores using principal component analysis. We estimated the mean differences (95% confidence intervals [CIs]) in cognitive performance by the number of unhealthy behaviors using analysis of covariance. We identified latent unhealthy behavior factor via structural equation modeling.Results. Global cognitive function and verbal memory were linearly, negatively associated with the number of unhealthy behaviors: adjusted mean differences = −0.36 (95% CI = −0.69, −0.03) and −0.46 (95% CI = −0.80, −0.11), respectively, per unit increase in the number of unhealthy behaviors. The latent unhealthy behavior factor with low fruit and vegetable consumption and low physical activity as main contributors was associated with reduced verbal memory (RMSEA = 0.02; CFI = 0.96; P = .004). No association was found with executive functioning.Conclusions. Comprehensive public health strategies promoting healthy lifestyles might help deter cognitive aging.Noncommunicable diseases with notable lifestyle components are the leading causes of death worldwide.1,2 There is also growing evidence of the critical role of different midlife health and risk behaviors in cognitive aging.3–7 Because lifestyles are inherently modifiable and no treatment of cognitive decline is available, such findings argue for the paramount importance of prevention.8,9Current data support a deleterious effect of alcohol abstinence or abuse (compared with moderate alcohol consumption),10 smoking,7 low fruit and vegetable intake,11 low fish intake,12 and low physical activity (PA) levels13 on cognitive aging. However, it has been widely documented that lifestyle factors are strongly correlated with each other, forming a cluster of healthy or unhealthy behaviors.14 Traditionally, such interrelations have been accounted for by statistical adjustment; however, it is of major public health interest to consider the cumulative and combined effect of the various lifestyle behaviors on health by using multidimensional strategies.14Research that examines the combined effect of lifestyle factors on mortality is plentiful, and data have been colligated in a recent meta-analysis.15 These authors reported a 66% reduction in mortality risk by comparing adherence to 4 or more healthy lifestyle behaviors versus engagement in any number of unhealthy behaviors.The combined effect of lifestyle factors has also been explored in relation to cardiovascular diseases,16–18 cancer,18–22 diabetes,18,23 memory complaints,24 and dementia25–27; however, very few studies have reported findings regarding cognition.28,29 Despite heterogeneity in the definition of a healthy lifestyle, study design, and residual confounding, available, but scarce, data support a critical, protective role of healthy lifestyles in cognitive health through their beneficial properties via oxidative, inflammatory, vascular, and other neuroprotective pathways.30–33Our objectives in this study were to examine the association between individual and clustered lifestyle behaviors and later cognitive functioning. We employed traditional and innovative techniques (structural equation modeling) in our epidemiological pursuit.     

The Interaction of Sexual Identity With Sexual Behavior and Its Influence on HIV Risk Among Latino Men: Results of a Community Survey in Northern San Diego County,California

Objectives. We examined the sexual behavior, sexual identities, and HIV risk factors of a community sample of Latino men to inform efforts to reduce Latinos'' HIV risk.Methods. In 2005 and 2006, 680 Latino men in San Diego County, California, in randomly selected, targeted community venues, completed an anonymous, self-administered survey.Results. Most (92.3%) respondents self-identified as heterosexual, with 2.2%, 4.9%, and 0.6% self-identifying as bisexual, gay, or other orientation, respectively. Overall, 4.8% of heterosexually identified men had a lifetime history of anal intercourse with other men. Compared with behaviorally heterosexual men, heterosexually identified men who had sex with both men and women were more likely to have had a sexually transmitted infection, to have unprotected sexual intercourse with female partners, and to report having sex while under the influence of alcohol or other drugs. Bisexually identified men who had sex with men and women did not differ from behaviorally heterosexual men in these risk factors.Conclusions. Latino men who have a heterosexual identity and bisexual practices are at greater risk of HIV infection, and efforts to reduce HIV risk among Latinos should target this group.Latinos and sexual minorities are disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS. Latinos represented 14% of the US population in 2005,¹ but they accounted for 18% of HIV/AIDS cases diagnosed in 2006.² Although an estimated 6% to 9% of the US population has a lifetime history of homosexual sex,^3,4 men who have sex with men accounted for 49% of all HIV/AIDS cases diagnosed in the United States in 2006.² Sexual risk for HIV varies considerably by sexual orientation, with gay-identified and bisexually identified men generally at greater risk.^5,6 However, a person''s self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to his or her sexual behavior.^7–9Within Latino culture, it is possible for a man to have sex with men while maintaining a heterosexual identity and protecting his sense of masculinity.^10–13 For Latino men, sexual identity appears to be contingent upon certain behavioral and contextual factors, such as whether they have female sexual partners, are primarily attracted to women, adopt an insertive role in sexual practices, have sex with effeminate men, or have sex with men when under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Homophobia, social stigma attached to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism are commonly found throughout Latino culture and may inhibit Latino men who have sex with men from self-identifying as gay or bisexual.^9,10,14–16 Research suggests that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual behavior (i.e., to have sex with both men and women)^8,17,18 but are less likely than are White men to disclose a nonheterosexual orientation.^16,19,20Among men, bisexual behavior appears to be more prevalent than bisexual identity. Although approximately 1% to 2% of the US male population identifies as bisexual,^3,4 rates of male bisexual behavior in national samples have ranged from 1% to 5%.^4,21,22 However, these estimates are questionable because of differences in sampling methods and varying definitions of bisexuality.²³ Recent research conducted in the United States suggests that men who have sex with men and women (MSMW) are at greater risk of HIV infection than men who have sex with men (MSM) exclusively and men who have sex with women (MSW) exclusively.^24–26 By contrast, investigators in Mexico have found that MSMW who self-identify as bisexual practice less risky sexual behaviors with their male partners than do exclusively gay men.⁶It has been difficult to quantify the population of heterosexually identified Latino MSMW because of the secretive nature of their sexual practices. In a homophobic cultural context, the fear of social rejection encourages people to hide their same-sex sexual behavior and lead a double life.¹⁰ A study involving a large population of HIV-positive MSM found that 15% of the Latino sample identified as heterosexual had a history of same-sex intercourse,²⁷ whereas a survey of 455 men recruited from gay-oriented publications and venues in 12 US cities found that 17% (n = 26) of Hispanic respondents (as per terminology used in the original survey) reported being “on the down low”.⁹ Although these results may not generalize to community-based US samples of Latino men, they suggest that a substantial proportion of heterosexually identified Latino men have a history of sex with men. Similarly, a household probability survey in Mexico City found that 73% of men with a lifetime history of bisexual practices identified as heterosexual, as did 29% of those with a lifetime history of having sex only with men.⁶Men''s nondisclosure of sexual practices with men has implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^8,17 In the United States in 2006, Latinas accounted for 23.7% of HIV infections among Hispanics; of these, an estimated 51.7% were infected through heterosexual contact.² Although most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with injection drug users,²⁸ women who have unprotected sex with heterosexually identified MSMW are also at risk and are likely a subset of this population.Although there is some evidence of greater HIV risk among MSMW than among MSM or MSW,^24–26 previous research has not examined the roles that both sexual behavior and sexual identity play in HIV risk among Latino men in particular. Sexual identity may influence HIV risk among Latino MSMW because a man who identifies as heterosexual may perceive that he is at lower risk of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men and may thus take fewer measures to protect himself or his partner. MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.²⁹Our goal was to learn more about the sexual practices of Latino men and to better understand the interactions among sexual behaviors and sexual identities in this population so as to inform efforts to reduce HIV risk among Latinos. Using survey data, we examined the sexual behavior of a community sample of Latino men; determined the proportions of MSM, MSW, and MSMW among them; elicited any discrepancies between their sexual behavior and their sexual identity; and searched for differences in HIV risk by sexual orientation.     

Social Branding to Decrease Smoking Among Young Adults in Bars

Objectives. We evaluated a Social Branding antitobacco intervention for “hipster” young adults that was implemented between 2008 and 2011 in San Diego, California.Methods. We conducted repeated cross-sectional surveys of random samples of young adults going to bars at baseline and over a 3-year follow-up. We used multinomial logistic regression to evaluate changes in daily smoking, nondaily smoking, and binge drinking, controlling for demographic characteristics, alcohol use, advertising receptivity, trend sensitivity, and tobacco-related attitudes.Results. During the intervention, current (past 30 day) smoking decreased from 57% (baseline) to 48% (at follow-up 3; P = .002), and daily smoking decreased from 22% to 15% (P < .001). There were significant interactions between hipster affiliation and alcohol use on smoking. Among hipster binge drinkers, the odds of daily smoking (odds ratio [OR] = 0.44; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.30, 0.63) and nondaily smoking (OR = 0.57; 95% CI = 0.42, 0.77) decreased significantly at follow-up 3. Binge drinking also decreased significantly at follow-up 3 (OR = 0.64; 95% CI = 0.53, 0.78).Conclusions. Social Branding campaigns are a promising strategy to decrease smoking in young adult bar patrons.Tobacco companies1 and public health authorities2–5 recognize young adulthood as a critical time when experimenters either quit or transition to regular tobacco use. Young adults are also aspirational role models for youths.1,6,7 Tobacco companies devote considerable resources to reaching young adults to encourage tobacco use,1,8–11 and young adults have a high prevalence of smoking.12 In California in 2011, young adults had the highest smoking prevalence of any age group, and the Department of Health estimated that 32% of California smokers started smoking between the ages of 18 and 26 years.13 Although they are more likely to intend to quit and successfully quit than older adults,14–17 young adults are less likely to receive assistance with smoking cessation.18,19 Although there are few proven interventions to discourage young adult smoking,20 cessation before age 30 years avoids virtually all of the long-term adverse health effects of smoking.21Tobacco companies have a long history of using bars and nightclubs to reach young adults and to encourage smoking.1,6,9–11,22–24 Bar attendance and exposure to tobacco bar marketing is strongly associated with smoking.25 The 1998 Master Settlement Agreement and Food and Drug Administration regulations that limit tobacco advertising to youths, explicitly permit tobacco marketing in “adult only” venues, including bars and nightclubs.26,27Aggressive tobacco marketing may actually be more intensive in smoke-free bars: a 2010 study of college students attending bars found that students in the community with a smoke-free bar law were more likely to be approached by tobacco marketers, offered free gifts, and to take free gifts for themselves than in communities without a smoke-free bar law.28 Bars and nightclubs also attract young adults who are more likely to exhibit personality traits such as sensation seeking,29 increasing their risk30 independently of receptivity to tobacco advertising; tobacco promotional messages resonate with these personality traits.8,31 Tobacco marketing campaigns are tailored to specific segments of the population defined by psychographics (e.g., values, attitudes, shared interests, such as tastes in music and fashion, and friend groups) and demographic criteria, and they aim to create positive smoker images, identities, and social norms for smoking.1,8 Tobacco marketing campaigns also focus on young adult trendsetters to leverage peer influence to promote smoking.6,10In contrast to the tobacco companies’ efforts, most young adult health interventions take place in colleges or health centers rather than social environments.32–39 Bars and nightclub venues represent an opportunity to reach those at highest risk for long-term smoking morbidity and mortality.40 We evaluated the effectiveness of an intervention to decrease cigarette smoking by countering tobacco industry marketing strategies targeting young adults attending bars and nightclubs in the San Diego, California, “hipster” scene. Because tobacco and alcohol use are strongly linked,41,42 we also examined the effects of the intervention on alcohol use and among binge drinkers. We found a significant decrease in smoking in the community where the intervention took place, including significant decreases among nondaily smokers and binge drinkers, as well as a significant decrease in binge drinking.     

Impact of Rurality,Broiler Operations,and Community Socioeconomic Factors on the Risk of Campylobacteriosis in Maryland

Objectives. We evaluated the combined impact of community-level environmental and socioeconomic factors on the risk of campylobacteriosis.Methods. We obtained Campylobacter case data (2002–2010; n = 3694) from the Maryland Foodborne Diseases Active Surveillance Network. We obtained community-level socioeconomic and environmental data from the 2000 US Census and the 2007 US Census of Agriculture. We linked data by zip code. We derived incidence rate ratios by Poisson regressions. We mapped a subset of zip code–level characteristics.Results. In zip codes that were 100% rural, incidence rate ratios (IRRs) of campylobacteriosis were 6 times (IRR = 6.18; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 3.19, 11.97) greater than those in urban zip codes. In zip codes with broiler chicken operations, incidence rates were 1.45 times greater than those in zip codes without broilers (IRR = 1.45; 95% CI = 1.34, 1.58). We also observed higher rates in zip codes whose populations were predominantly White and had high median incomes.Conclusions. The community and environment in which one lives may significantly influence the risk of campylobacteriosis.Campylobacter is a leading cause of bacterial gastroenteritis in much of the developed and developing world.1,2 In addition to the diarrhea and vomiting associated with gastroenteritis, infection with Campylobacter can lead to more serious sequelae, such as Guillain-Barré syndrome, a demyelinating autoimmune disorder that can sometimes lead to death.3 Scallan et al.4 estimated that Campylobacter causes approximately 845 000 domestically acquired illnesses in the United States each year, along with 8463 hospitalizations and 76 deaths. Although the majority of these illnesses are estimated to be foodborne,4 attributing specific infections to specific sources has been challenging.Commonly reported risk factors for Campylobacter outbreaks include exposure to undercooked poultry,5 unpasteurized milk,6,7 and contaminated water.8 Eating in restaurants,9 not observing proper food preparation practices,10 and traveling abroad9,11 have also been associated with both outbreaks and sporadic (nonoutbreak) cases of campylobacteriosis. Additional risk factors for sporadic infections include contact with pets,5,12 contact with farm animals and livestock,13,14 and contact with animal feces.15 Significant associations of living in rural areas with risk of campylobacteriosis also have been identified in Europe and Canada.16–18 Moreover, a specific feature of rural environments—animal density—has been identified as a significant predictor of Campylobacter incidence in Canada and New Zealand.16,17Several sociodemographic risk factors for campylobacteriosis have also been identified, the 2 most consistent being gender (males) and age (< 5 years).8,16–19 Previous studies have also evaluated socioeconomic factors associated with the incidence of Campylobacter infection, and the findings suggest that these infections may occur more frequently among individuals characterized by higher socioeconomic status.16,20 Moreover, Samuel et al.21 reported that the incidence of campylobacteriosis among African Americans was lower than that among other ethnic groups across multiple sites in the United States, although hospitalization rates for this group were higher. These findings, however, may be influenced by differentials in illness reporting among varying races and ethnic groups.Nonetheless, these previous reports have largely resulted from population-based case–control studies focused on individual-level data. To our knowledge, no US study has examined the combined effect of community-level environmental and socioeconomic risk factors on the risk of campylobacteriosis. Such an analysis can be useful in (1) identifying (and possibly predicting) “hot spot” communities that bear high burdens of this illness, and (2) addressing significant research gaps concerning potential health disparities in the risk of infectious diseases.22 We linked Maryland Foodborne Diseases Active Surveillance (FoodNet) data to US Census data and US Department of Agriculture Census of Agriculture data at the zip code level to evaluate associations between community-level environmental and socioeconomic risk factors and the incidence of Campylobacter infections in Maryland.     

Sexual compulsivity, co-occurring psychosocial health problems, and HIV risk among gay and bisexual men: further evidence of a syndemic

Objectives. We evaluated whether sexual compulsivity fits into a syndemic framework, in which sexual compulsivity is one of a number of co-occurring psychosocial health problems that increase HIV risk among men who have sex with men (MSM).Methods. In 2003 and 2004, we conducted an anonymous cross-sectional survey of MSM in New York City (n = 669) by approaching attendees at gay, lesbian, and bisexual community events. We analyzed data by bivariate and multivariate logistic regression.Results. We found strong positive interrelationships among syndemic factors including sexual compulsivity, depression, childhood sexual abuse, intimate partner violence, and polydrug use. In bivariate analyses, all syndemic health problems except for childhood sexual abuse were positively related to HIV seropositivity and high-risk sexual behavior. Our multivariate models revealed an array of interrelationships among psychosocial health problems. We found amplified effects of these problems on HIV seropositivity and on the likelihood of engaging in high-risk sexual behavior.Conclusions. Our findings support the conclusion that sexual compulsivity is a component of a syndemic framework for HIV risk among MSM. HIV prevention interventions should consider the overlapping and compounding effects of psychosocial problems, including sexual compulsivity.In 2001, researchers suggested that the United States was likely to experience a resurgence in HIV infections among men who have sex with men (MSM) in the wake of increases in sexual risk practices.1 This prediction appears to have been valid because the number of HIV/AIDS diagnoses among MSM increased 8.6% from 2001 to 2006,2 and MSM remain disproportionately affected by HIV, accounting for 53% of new HIV cases in 2006.3 Although questions remain regarding the statistical significance of these increases in HIV incidence among MSM, the mean incidence rate of HIV among MSM in the United States is 2.39%, which, if sustained, will result in 40% of MSM being HIV positive by age 40.4A syndemic occurs when multiple epidemics and risk factors interact and connect with one another, synergistically compounding the risk and consequences of disease.5–8 These epidemics and risk factors develop in conditions of health and social disparities, often within specific marginalized groups, such as MSM. Researchers have applied the syndemic framework to HIV risk among MSM, finding considerable empirical support for a model in which co-occurring psychosocial health problems (e.g., childhood sexual abuse, depression, substance use, intimate partner violence) compound the risk of HIV among MSM.9–11 For example, in their Urban Men''s Health Study of MSM in 4 US cities Stall et al. found that as the number of psychosocial health problems among MSM increased, the odds of reporting HIV sexual risk behavior and HIV prevalence increased.9 Mustanski et al.11 found the same association among psychosocial health problems and increased HIV risk among young urban MSM. Together, these studies indicate that problems such as sexual abuse, depression, polydrug use, and partner violence have an additive effect on sexual risk practices and the HIV epidemic.Too little research has been conducted on the potential mechanisms of action that drive these co-occurring syndemic factors among MSM. Mustanski et al.11 posited that sensation seeking and impulsivity, reliance on gay bars and sexually charged venues, and stigma and victimization could have an effect on multiple risk factors, resulting in a syndemic among MSM. Minority stress may also contribute to the co-occurrence of syndemic health problems.12 For example, chronic stress resulting from stigmatization as a sexual minority may lead MSM to experience depression, enter into violence-prone partnerships, or use illicit drugs to alleviate stress and stigma. A limitation of the minority stress model, however, is that it does not include childhood sexual abuse as a syndemic factor in most analyses.Another factor that has frequently been associated with HIV sexual risk behaviors among MSM is sexual compulsivity. For men and women, sexual compulsivity is characterized by sexual fantasies and behaviors that increase in intensity and frequency over time so as to interfere with personal, interpersonal, or vocational pursuits.13–16 Compared with MSM who lack this characteristic, MSM with sexual compulsivity experience higher rates of unprotected anal intercourse, greater numbers of sexual partners (including HIV-serodiscordant partners), more sexual intercourse under the influence of drugs, higher incidence of HIV and sexually transmitted infections, increased identification as a barebacker (one who has intercourse without condoms), less disclosure of HIV status to sexual partners, and lower condom use self-efficacy.14,17–23Researchers have demonstrated individual connections between sexual compulsivity and many of the psychosocial problems that have also been identified as syndemic factors related to HIV risk among MSM, such as childhood sexual abuse, depression, and substance use.17,24–26 The minority stress model suggests that engagement in compulsive sexual behaviors among MSM may stem, in part, from their stress and stigmatization as a sexual minority. However, studies have not focused specifically on sexual compulsivity as a potential syndemic factor related to HIV sexual risk and HIV prevalence among MSM. We examined the co-occurrence of sexual compulsivity with other psychosocial health problems previously identified as syndemic factors in an urban sample of MSM. We aimed to assess whether and how sexual compulsivity fits into the syndemic framework.     

Longitudinal Predictors of Human Papillomavirus Vaccination Among a National Sample of Adolescent Males

Objectives. We conducted a longitudinal study to examine human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine uptake among male adolescents and to identify vaccination predictors.Methods. In fall 2010 and 2011, a national sample of parents with sons aged 11 to 17 years (n = 327) and their sons (n = 228) completed online surveys. We used logistic regression to identify predictors of HPV vaccination that occurred between baseline and follow-up.Results. Only 2% of sons had received any doses of HPV vaccine at baseline, with an increase to 8% by follow-up. About 55% of parents who had ever received a doctor’s recommendation to get their sons HPV vaccine did vaccinate between baseline and follow-up, compared with only 1% of parents without a recommendation. Fathers (odds ratio = 0.29; 95% confidence interval = 0.09, 0.80) and non-Hispanic White parents (odds ratio = 0.29; 95% confidence interval = 0.11, 0.76) were less likely to have vaccinated sons. Willingness to get sons HPV vaccine decreased from baseline to follow-up among parents (P < .001) and sons (P = .003).Conclusions. Vaccination against HPV remained low in our study and willingness to vaccinate may be decreasing. Physician recommendation and education about HPV vaccine for males may be key strategies for improving vaccination.Quadrivalent human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine against types 6, 11, 16, and 18 is approved to protect against genital warts (caused mostly by HPV types 6 and 111) and anal cancer (caused mostly by HPV types 16 and 182) in males.3 About 4% of men in the United States report a previous diagnosis of genital warts,4 and about 2250 new cases of anal cancer occur annually among males in the United States.5 Given the high levels of HPV concordance among sexual partners,6 vaccinating males may also have indirect health benefits for their partners.7 United States guidelines began including HPV vaccine for males in October 2009.8 The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices first provided a permissive recommendation, recommending the 3-dose quadrivalent vaccine series for males aged 9 to 26 years but not making it part of their routine vaccination schedule.8 In October 2011, the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices updated its stance on HPV vaccine for males and recommended routine vaccination of boys aged 11 to 12 years with catch-up vaccination for males aged 13 to 21 years.9 The updated recommendation continues to allow HPV vaccine to be given to males aged as young as 9 years and up to 26 years.9Although numerous studies have examined HPV vaccine uptake among females,10 data on HPV vaccine uptake among males are sparse. Despite mostly encouraging early levels of parental acceptability of the vaccine for males,11–13 initial estimates found that only about 2% of male adolescents in the United States had received any doses of HPV vaccine by the end of 2010.14,15 Recent data suggest that this increased to about 8% by the end of 2011.16 We are not aware of any studies that have examined predictors of vaccine uptake among males.Our study addresses several important gaps in the existing literature. We provide the first longitudinal examination of HPV vaccination among males and identify predictors of vaccine uptake. In doing so, we used data from both parents and their adolescent sons because many adolescents are involved in vaccination decisions.17 We also examined longitudinal changes in vaccine acceptability among parents and sons and parents’ reasons for not getting their sons HPV vaccine, because these data may provide valuable insight about future HPV vaccine uptake among males.     

Prevalence of HCV Infection Among Clients in Community-Based Health Settings in Hawaii, 2002–2010: Assessing Risk Factors

Objectives. We sought to determine the prevalence of HCV infection and identify risk factors associated with HCV infection among at-risk clients presenting to community-based health settings in Hawaii.Methods. Clients from 23 community-based sites were administered risk factor questionnaires and screened for HCV antibodies from December 2002 through May 2010. We performed univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses.Results. Of 3306 participants included in the analysis, 390 (11.8%) tested antibody positive for HCV. Highest HCV antibody prevalence (17.0%) was in persons 45 to 64 years old compared with all other age groups. Significant independent risk factors were current or prior injection drug use (P < .001), blood transfusion prior to July 1992 (P = .002), and having an HCV-infected sex partner (P = .03). Stratification by gender revealed sexual exposure to be significant for males (P = .001).Conclusions. Despite Hawaii’s ethnic diversity, high hepatocellular carcinoma incidence, and a statewide syringe exchange program in place since the early 1990s, our HCV prevalence and risk factor findings are remarkably consistent with those reported from the mainland United States. Hence, effective interventions identified from US mainland population studies should be generalizable to Hawaii.Hepatitis C is the most prevalent chronic blood-borne viral infection in the United States, with an estimated 1.3% of the population chronically infected.1 Chronic HCV infection is often asymptomatic; approximately 75% of infected persons may be unaware that they are infected.2 Transmission is mainly through direct blood-to-blood contact, and the most common risk factor in the United States is the sharing of injection drug use equipment.1,2 Complications from HCV infection include cirrhosis, hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC), and end-stage liver disease; more than one third of liver transplants in the United States can be attributed to HCV.3 There is currently no vaccine,4 and until recently, standard therapy with pegylated interferon and ribavirin achieved a sustained virologic response in only 40% to 50% of patients.5,6In May 2011, the US Food and Drug Administration approved 2 new HCV-specific protease inhibitors for the treatment of chronic genotype 1 HCV infections: boceprevir7,8 and telaprevir.9,10 In combination with standard therapy, these drugs have achieved significantly higher rates of sustained virologic response: up to 67% to 75%.7,10 Achieving sustained virologic response is key to reducing mortality, HCC, and other comorbidities.11,12 With such a large percentage of HCV-infected individuals unaware of their status and new successful treatments available, there is now increased rationale for health providers to screen their clients for chronic HCV infection.The population of Hawaii differs from that of the mainland United States on a number of key factors related to HCV and HCC. Hawaii has the highest incidence of HCC nationally.13 Asian/Pacific Islanders have the highest incidence of HCC in the United States,13 and 57% of the Hawaii’s population is Asian, either alone or in combination with other ethnic groups.14 The high HCC incidence among Asian/Pacific Islanders is attributed in large part to chronic hepatitis B virus (HBV) infection,13,15 and the identification and treatment of persons with chronic HBV or HCV infection is an important public health priority in Hawaii. In addition, Hawaii implemented a statewide syringe exchange program in the early 1990s, the first state to do so.16 The risk factor demonstrating the strongest association with HCV infection in the United States is injection drug use,1,17 and syringe exchange programs have demonstrated efficacy in reducing HCV infection among injection drug users.18,19To our knowledge, only 3 HCV prevalence studies have been conducted in Hawaii; however, each focused on a specific well-defined subgroup population: patients with HCC,20 HIV-infected persons enrolled in a state drug assistance plan,21 and adults from a homeless shelter.22The Adult Viral Hepatitis Prevention Program of the Hawaii State Department of Health, which offers risk-based HCV antibody testing based on reported national risk factors,1,23 has been collecting data on persons undergoing screening since 2002. We investigated the prevalence of HCV antibody positivity among at-risk clients of community-based health programs in Hawaii and identified demographic characteristics and independent risk factors associated with HCV infection.     

Racial/Ethnic and Socioeconomic Differences in Short-Term Breast Cancer Survival Among Women in an Integrated Health System

Objectives. We examined the combined influence of race/ethnicity and neighborhood socioeconomic status (SES) on short-term survival among women with uniform access to health care and treatment.Methods. Using electronic medical records data from Kaiser Permanente Northern California linked to data from the California Cancer Registry, we included 6262 women newly diagnosed with invasive breast cancer. We analyzed survival using multivariable Cox proportional hazards regression with follow-up through 2010.Results. After consideration of tumor stage, subtype, comorbidity, and type of treatment received, non-Hispanic White women living in low-SES neighborhoods (hazard ratio [HR] = 1.28; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.07, 1.52) and African Americans regardless of neighborhood SES (high SES: HR = 1.44; 95% CI = 1.01, 2.07; low SES: HR = 1.88; 95% CI = 1.42, 2.50) had worse overall survival than did non-Hispanic White women living in high-SES neighborhoods. Results were similar for breast cancer–specific survival, except that African Americans and non-Hispanic Whites living in high-SES neighborhoods had similar survival.Conclusions. Strategies to address the underlying factors that may influence treatment intensity and adherence, such as comorbidities and logistical barriers, should be targeted at low-SES non-Hispanic White and all African American patients.Breast cancer is the most common cancer among women in the United States, and it is the second leading cause of cancer death.1 Despite significant improvements in breast cancer survival from 1992 to 2009,1,2 racial/ethnic and socioeconomic survival disparities have persisted.3,4 African American women have consistently been found to have worse survival after breast cancer,3,5–11 Hispanic women have worse or similar survival,3,9,11,12 and Asian women as an aggregated group have better or similar survival3,9,11,12 than do non-Hispanic White women. Underlying factors thought to contribute to these racial/ethnic disparities include differences in stage at diagnosis,8,12,13 distributions of breast cancer subtypes,14–16 comorbidities,12,13,17 access to and utilization of quality care,13,18 and treatment.12,13Numerous studies also have found poorer survival after breast cancer diagnosis among women residing in neighborhoods of lower socioeconomic status (SES).6,9,19,20 Research has shown that inadequate use of cancer screening services, and consequent late stage diagnosis and decreased survival, contribute to the SES disparities.21,22 Similar to racial/ethnic disparities, SES disparities have been attributed to inadequate treatment and follow-up care and comorbidities.18 Previous population-based studies have continued to observe racial/ethnic survival disparities after adjusting for neighborhood SES, but these studies have not considered the combined influence of neighborhood SES and race/ethnicity.3,9,11,12,23 These disparities may remain because information on individual-level SES, health insurance coverage, comorbidities, quality of care, and detailed treatment regimens have typically not been available.3,8,9,11,13 Even among studies using national Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results–Medicare linked data, in which more detailed information on treatment and comorbidities are available among some patients aged 65 years and older, survival disparities have remained.12,23,24 However, not all data on medical conditions and health care services are captured in Medicare claims, including data on Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in HMOs (health maintenance organizations).25,26Using electronic medical records data from Kaiser Permanente Northern California (KPNC) linked to data from the population-based California Cancer Registry (CCR), we recently reported that chemotherapy use followed practice guidelines but varied by race/ethnicity and neighborhood SES in this integrated health system.27 Therefore, to overcome the limitations of previous studies and address simultaneously the multiple social28 and clinical factors affecting survival after breast cancer diagnosis, we used the linked KPNC–CCR database to determine whether racial/ethnic and socioeconomic differences in short-term overall and breast cancer–specific survival persist in women in a membership-based health system. Our study is the first, to our knowledge, to consider the combined influence of neighborhood SES and race/ethnicity and numerous prognostic factors, including breast cancer subtypes and comorbidities, thought to underlie these long-standing survival disparities among women with uniform access to health care and treatment.     

Lessons Learned From Use of Social Network Strategy in HIV Testing Programs Targeting African American Men Who Have Sex With Men

Objectives. We report lessons derived from implementation of the Social Network Strategy (SNS) into existing HIV counseling, testing, and referral services targeting 18- to 64-year-old Black gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men (MSM).Methods. The SNS procedures used in this study were adapted from a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention–funded, 2-year demonstration project involving 9 community-based organizations (CBOs) in 7 cities. Under the SNS, HIV-positive and HIV-negative men at high risk for HIV (recruiters) were enlisted to identify and recruit persons from their social, sexual, or drug-using networks (network associates) for HIV testing. Sites maintained records of modified study protocols for ascertaining lessons learned. The study was conducted between April 2008 and May 2010 at CBOs in Washington, DC, and New York, New York, and at a health department in Baltimore, Maryland.Results. Several common lessons regarding development of the plan, staffing, training, and use of incentives were identified across the sites. Collectively, these lessons indicate use of SNS is resource-intensive, requiring a detailed plan, dedicated staff, and continual input from clients and staff for successful implementation.Conclusions. SNS may provide a strategy for identifying and targeting clusters of high-risk Black MSM for HIV testing. Given the resources needed to implement the strategy, additional studies using an experimental design are needed to determine the cost-effectiveness of SNS compared with other testing strategies.Approximately 1.1 million people are living with HIV in the United States and about 50 000 new infections occur each year.1 Gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men (MSM) remain the most affected subpopulation. Although constituting approximately 2% of the US population,2 MSM accounted for 63% of all new infections in 2010,3 61% of HIV diagnoses among men in 2010,4 and represent approximately 48% of people living with HIV.4Among MSM, Black MSM are disproportionately affected. Young (aged 13–24 years) Black MSM accounted for 55% of new infections among young MSM in 2010.3 There are more new HIV infections among 13- to 24-year-old Black MSM than among any other subgroup by race/ethnicity, age, and gender in the United States.3The available literature suggests that myriad individual, social, and contextual factors contribute to the HIV rates among young, Black MSM.5–13 These factors include a higher background prevalence of HIV in the community leading to a greater chance of exposure to an infected partner despite less risky behavior5–8; a higher prevalence of other sexually transmitted infections, like syphilis and gonorrhea, that might facilitate the acquisition and transmission of HIV5–8; limited access to treatment and health care6; stigma, homophobia, discrimination12; partner characteristics and risk behaviors5,9–11; and lack of awareness of individual or partner’s HIV status.5,11Awareness of HIV status is a critical step in addressing the HIV epidemic among young, Black MSM. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimates that approximately 18% of the people living with HIV have not been diagnosed.14 Furthermore, of those living with HIV in 2009, 66% are linked to care, 37% retained in care, and 25% have a suppressed viral load.14 Individuals with consistently suppressed viral load experience reduced HIV-related morbidity and mortality and have a lower probability of transmitting the virus to others.14 Although Blacks are more likely to have ever been tested for HIV than other racial/ethnic groups in the United States, 2 in 5 have never been tested.15Additionally, many test too late in the course of their infection to receive maximum benefits from treatment.6 In 2008, more than one third of Blacks who were diagnosed with HIV were also diagnosed with AIDS within 1 year.15These data underscore the need for strategies to identify undiagnosed HIV positive, young, Black MSM. This paper presents results from a multisite study designed to evaluate the relative effectiveness of 3 strategies—alternate venue testing (AVT), the Social Network Strategy (SNS), and partner counseling and referral services (PCRS; now known as Partner Services)—for reaching and motivating previously undiagnosed, 18- to 64-year-old Black MSM to be tested for HIV and linked to medical care and prevention services. Applicants were required to meet the following eligibility criteria for funding: (1) conduct the study in a city with a Black population of at least 100 000 based on 2000 US Census data; (2) have an HIV counseling and testing program (CTR) that had been in existence for at least 3 years (prior to 2006) and that historically and currently provided services to Black men, including MSM; and (3) conduct PCRS or have a written agreement with the local health department to obtain aggregate PCRS data for Black MSM. Each of the funded sites had existing AVT programs that were expanded for this study to focus on Black MSM. All of the sites received SNS training and implemented this strategy into their existing CTR programs. The purpose of this article is to report common, cross-site lessons learned from implementation of SNS into existing HIV CTR services in New York City, New York; Baltimore, Maryland; and Washington, DC.