The global polio eradication initiative: lessons learned and prospects for success

Following the rapid progress towards interrupting indigenous wild poliovirus transmission in the Americas in the early 1980s, the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) was launched with a resolution of the World Health Assembly (WHA) in 1988. The GPEI built on many lessons learned from smallpox eradication, including the large-scale deployment of technical assistance, implementing agendas of innovation and research and the use of professionally planned and guided advocacy. By the year 2000, the incidence of polio globally had decreased by 99% compared with the estimated >350,000 cases reported from 125 endemic countries in 1988. By 2002, three WHO Regions (the Americas, Western Pacific and European Regions) had been certified polio-free. By 2005, transmission of indigenous wild poliovirus (WPV) had been interrupted in all but 4 'endemic' countries: India, Nigeria, Pakistan and Afghanistan, where eradication efforts effectively stalled. WPV exported from northern Nigeria and northern India subsequently caused >50 outbreaks and paralysed >1500 children in previously polio-free countries across Asia and Africa. In each of the four remaining polio-endemic countries different challenges, or a combination of factors, prevented to build up sufficient levels of population immunity to stop transmission. Consequently, specific strategies were increasingly tailored to each setting. A new 2010-2012 GPEI Strategic Plan was developed which brought together several approaches to overcome the remaining hurdles to eradication, including the large-scale use of bivalent oral poliovaccine (bOPV) in supplementary immunization activities (SIAs). By the end of 2010, the impact of the new GPEI Strategic Plan 2010-2012 was apparent. Compared to 2009, the number of new polio cases in 2010 fell by 95% in both northern Nigeria and northern India, the world's largest remaining reservoirs of indigenous WPVs. By mid-2011, India had not reported a polio case for more than 5 months, and in Nigeria, endemic transmission appeared to be restricted to the north-east and north-west corners of the country. While polio cases due to WPV type 3 were still being detected in west and central Africa, the overall level of WPV3 transmission globally was at an all-time low. Uncontrolled WPV transmission appeared to be restricted to Chad and Pakistan, which increasingly represented the greatest risks to the GPEI. Although insufficient financing continued to be a major concern, political support for completing polio eradication in polio-infected countries was stronger than ever by mid-2011. While continued transmission in some areas, particularly in Pakistan and Chad, still had to be controlled as a matter of urgency, there were real opportunities to achieve new landmarks in polio eradication, especially in the key WPV reservoirs of India and Nigeria, setting the stage for polio to soon follow smallpox into the history books.     

Managed care members talk about trust

Informed choice of health insurance could morally justify later, potentially harmful rationing decisions the way informed consent justifies potentially harmful medical interventions. In complex and technical areas, however, individuals may base decisions more on trust than informed choice. We interviewed enrollees in managed care plans in Southeast Michigan, United States, to explore in detail their expectations and experiences in choosing and using their health plan. Diverse subjects participated in semi-structured interviews about health insurance choices, experiences, and expectations. Results are presented for the theme of trust (and distrust), which emerged spontaneously in discussions about health care and health insurance. Forty subjects diverse in age, ethnicity, and income took part in 31 interviews. Interviewees mentioned many of the elements of interpersonal trust in specific physicians, often in the context of discussions about care experiences, doctor payment, and conflict of interest. Elements included physical and emotional vulnerability, expectations of goodwill, advocacy and competence. and belief in professional ethics. Trust in the medical profession had more hesitancy, and often included mention of honesty or ethics. Elements of trust in hospitals included vulnerability to financial loss, and expectations of competence (quality). Elements of trust in health insurance plans often emerged in discussions about catastrophic illness coverage denials, and profit, and were more often negative. Vulnerability, worry, fear and security were prominent. Fiscal rather than clinical competence was emphasized, while expectations of goodwill remained. Enrollees in managed care plans spontaneously discussed trust and distrust in individuals and institutions during conversations about their insurance expectations and experiences. Similarities and differences in the elements and the context of these discussions illuminate distinctions between these healthcare relationships of trust.     

What we talk about when we talk about risk: refining surgery's hazards in medical thought

Context: Current efforts to improve the cost‐effectiveness of health care focus on assessing accurately the value of technologically complex, costly medical treatments for individual patients and society. These efforts universally acknowledge that the determination of such value should incorporate information regarding the risks posed by a given treatment for an individual, but they typically overlook the implications for medical decision making that inhere in how notions of risk are understood and used in contemporary medical discourse. To gain perspective on how the hazards of surgery have been defined and redefined in medical thought, we examine changes over time in notions of risk related to operative care. Methods: We reviewed historical writings on risk assessment and patient selection for surgical procedures published between 1957 and 1997 and conducted informal interviews with experts. To examine changes attributable to advances in research on risk assessment, we focused on the period surrounding the 1977 publication of an influential surgical risk‐stratification index. Findings: Writings before 1977 demonstrate a summative, global approach to patients as “good” or “poor” risks, without quantifying the likelihood of specific postoperative events. Beginning in the early 1980s, assessments of operative risk increasingly emphasized quantitative estimates of the probability of dysfunction of a specific organ system after surgery. This new approach to establishing surgical risk was consistent with concurrent trends in other domains of medicine. In particular, it emphasized a more “scientific,” standardized approach to medical decision making over an earlier focus on individual physicians’ judgment and professional authority. Conclusions: Recent writings on operative risk reflect a viewpoint that is more specific and, at the same time, more generic and fragmented than earlier approaches. By permitting the separation of multiple component hazards implicit in surgical interventions, such a viewpoint may encourage a distinct, permissive standard for surgical interventions that conflicts with larger policy efforts to promote cost‐effective decision making by physicians and patients.     

Dying cancer patients talk about euthanasia

Within developed nations, there is increasing public debate about and apparent endorsement of the appropriateness of euthanasia as an autonomous choice to die in the face of intolerable suffering. Surveys report socio-demographic differences in rates of acceptance of euthanasia, but there is little in-depth analysis of how euthanasia is understood and positioned within the social and moral lives of individuals, particularly those who might be considered suitable candidates-for example, terminally-ill cancer patients. During discussions with 28 such patients in Australia regarding medical decisions at the end of life, euthanasia was raised by 13 patients, with the others specifically asked about it. Twenty-four patients spoke positively of euthanasia, 19 of these voicing some concerns. None identified euthanasia as a currently favoured option. Four were completely against it. Endorsement for euthanasia was in the context of a hypothetical future or for a hypothetical other person, or temporally associated with acute pain. Arguments supporting euthanasia framed the issue as a matter of freedom of choice, as preserving dignity in death, and as curbing intolerable pain and suffering, both of the patient and of those around them. A common analogy featured was that of euthanising a dog. These arguments were typically presented as self-evident justification for euthanasia, construed as an appropriate choice to die, with opposers positioned as morally inferior or ignorant. The difficulties of ensuring 'choice' and the moral connotations of 'choosing to die,' however, worked to problematise the appropriateness of euthanising specific individuals. We recommend further empirical investigation of the moral and social meanings associated with euthanasia.     

Straight talk. New approaches in healthcare. Managing medical research: strategies for success

Medical research programs are under significant pressure both from declines in the growth rates of government funding as well as from increases in government oversight of the privacy and safety of human research subjects. To cope, forward-thinking healthcare institutions are applying the same no-nonsense business rules to their research programs that they apply to other programs and departments. Modern Healthcare and PricewaterhouseCoopers present Straight Talk. In the session on medical research, we discuss how and why the world of medical research is changing, and what health systems should do to manage research programs successfully. The session was held on March 4, 2003 at Modern Healthcare's Chicago headquarters. Charles S. Lauer, publisher of Modern Healthcare, was the moderator.