Is variation management included in regional healthcare governance systems? Some proposals from Italy

The Italian National Health System, which follows a Beveridge model, provides universal healthcare coverage through general taxation. Universal coverage provides uniform healthcare access to citizens and is the characteristic usually considered the added value of a welfare system financed by tax revenues.     

Incentives for voluntary health insurance in a national health system: Evidence from Italy

ObjectivesThe paper evaluates the extent to which the government's policy to encourage the purchase of voluntary health insurance (VHI) may have led to income-related horizontal inequity in access to health care in a universal health care system (NHS).MethodsAd hoc tax return data for the universe of Italian taxpayers for years 2009-2016 are used to estimate the tax benefits granted to taxpayers who hold VHI, the redistributive impact, and the public budget effect. The income elasticity of tax benefits is estimated using tax return data and considering some taxpayers’ characteristics (income class, gender, age, and geographic area). Standard inequality indices are computed to assess income-related horizontal inequity in access to health care.ResultsTax incentives, especially those granted to employer-paid health insurance, have a sizeable impact on tax revenue and introduce into the Italian NHS significant income-related horizontal and vertical inequity in access to health care. The results suggest a distributional profile of tax incentives that is highly concentrated in favor of wealthier taxpayers.ConclusionOur analysis adds novel evidence that may contribute to the current debate on whether and to what extent countries in which all citizens have access to free healthcare and equal standards of healthcare services should subsidize VHI, especially when the coverage doubles the healthcare services provided by universal public insurance. We show that VHI reduces tax revenues and introduces disparities among citizens in terms of access to healthcare services.     

Clarifying the scope of Italian NHS coverage. Is it feasible? Is it desirable?

The reduction in National Health Service (NHS) expenditure as a share of total health care expenditure, the fragmentation of the NHS into 21 regional systems and the implementation of a 'quasi-market' on the provider side of the system has pressed the government to define and specify, in detail, the set of services that are to be guaranteed by the public sector. To understand whether rationing can be more rational and explicit in the Italian NHS, the following are analysed: (i) the new positive list of drugs, as a major example of limiting and making more rational NHS pharmaceutical coverage; (ii) the Di Bella case, as an example of the difficulties of rational policy-making on sensitive issues; (iii) what Italian people think about health care rationing and priority setting (using the 1998 Eurobarometer Survey);( iv) the criteria defining the set of 'essential services' to be guaranteed to all Italian citizens, which are contained in the recently released National Health Plan. The 'revolution' that has taken place in the pharmaceutical sector shows it is feasible to limit, in an explicit and rational way, the extent of NHS coverage. However, the re-classification of the positive list should be regarded as an exceptional event in the history of Italian social policy. The 'Di Bella' case, on the contrary, shows that limiting NHS coverage can be very unpopular, and that the Italian cultural and social context can be unfavourable for the implementation of hard choices. Public attitude toward rationing seems to confirm that Italians are not familiar with rationing issues. Thus, it is very difficult to predict whether the national government will really go ahead with the implementation of a 'list of essential services' and whether this attempt will be successful. Rationing and priority setting should be discussed in the context of a general debate concerning the future of the Italian NHS.     

Entitlement to military healthcare--limitations of the NHS model.

The Defence Medical Services provide to a British population healthcare services that are funded from taxation and are free at the point of delivery. This paper reviews some principles for determining entitlement to healthcare for the population cared for by the Defence Medical Services. The starting point for entitlement uses the principles under which the National Health Service (NHS) was established. These are then extended to acknowledge the limitations of an NHS model when considering occupational health issues and geographical variations in healthcare provision.     

Universal Health Coverage in Italy: lights and shades of the Italian National Health Service which celebrated its 40th anniversary

The Italian National Health Service (I-NHS) was established in 1978 to guarantee universal access to healthcare. Prominent in international reports, the I-NHS has reached a satisfactory level of efficiency and excellent standards of care in many regions, in forty years. Along the years, I-NHS has developed a structural public-private partnership in health services delivery that in some regions contributes to the achievement of very high standards of healthcare quality. However, the I-NHS is currently facing some major challenges: (a) Italy is experiencing a remarkable aging of its population with increasing health needs; (b) the recent and constant cuts to public expenditures are reducing the budget for welfare. It is of utmost importance to ensure that on-going efforts to contain health system costs do not subsume health care quality. In addition, monitoring of the essential levels of care (Livelli Essenziali di Assistenza, LEA) highlights significant differences in healthcare delivery among Italian regions that, in turns, contribute to the burdensome migration of patients to best-performing regions. Therefore, a more consolidated and ambitious approach to quality monitoring and healthcare improvement at a system level is needed to guarantee its sustainability in the future.     

The 2019 introduction of the new National Healthcare System in Cyprus

In 2019, Cyprus launched its new National Healthcare System (NHS) as one of the major structural reforms required by the bail-out agreement with the International Monetary Fund, the European Commission and the European Central Bank (known as the Troika) which averted Cyprus bankruptcy in 2011. This paper presents the key features of the new NHS: A National Health Insurance Fund operated by the Health Insurance Organisation pays for services provided by a mix of public and private providers. A prerequisite for the establishment of this new quasi-market was the transfer of public hospitals from the Ministry of Health to the new State Health Services Organisation, thus establishing a purchaser-provider and regulator split. The first implementation phase started in June 2019 and introduced coverage of outpatient healthcare services for the entire population, providing access – with relatively small user charges – to family physicians, outpatient specialists, pharmaceuticals and laboratories. The second implementation phase began in June 2020 with the inclusion of hospital care, followed by the inclusion of specialty pharmaceuticals in September and was completed in December 2020. The reform is a vital achievement as it is a major step towards the goal of universal health coverage, reducing the excessive reliance on out-of-pocket payment and glaring inequities in access to care.     

The road to recovery: Egypt's healthcare reform

As many industrial and third-world countries recover from the severe economic crisis of a global recession, they continue to struggle with its negative effect on their healthcare systems. Healthcare reform has become a leading policy agenda item for most countries. This is especially true for countries in the developing world who are struggling to allocate very limited resources to meet the growing health needs of their residents and the expectations of global health. In the late 1990s, the Egyptian government, in conjunction with the United States Agency for International Development, initiated a Health Sector Reform Program (HSRP) to completely reform the way healthcare was financed, organized and delivered with the intent to extend healthcare coverage to all of its citizens. Although some successes have resulted from the HSRP, Egypt's new government leaders will need to be informed on policies that may more effectively improve the health of the Egyptian population.     

A review of the 'welfare state' and alternative ways of delivering health care.

There was no such thing as a public policy for quality health care in the inception of what we now address as the 'welfare state'. The main objectives of those supporting the idea, epitomized by the 'freedom from want' that Beveridge postulated in his now famous November 1942 Report on Social Insurance and Allied Services, was to extend the benefits of social insurance, that is access to services such as health care, to every individual. In the same fashion, post World War II initiatives in Latin America somewhat disregarded the intrinsic quality of health care services, provided they were distributed equally, at least among the urban people. Therefore, it is licit to ascertain that the main, albeit implicit, quality feature of health care was access, that is the ability to reach the entire population with the available services. The health care reform movement following the welfare state crisis, from the Jackson Hole group and Einthoven's managed competition in the United States to the internal markets proposals in different European countries, started when universal coverage had been achieved where it had been pursued, and disregarded elsewhere. In other words, access as a measure of health care quality was not the point. Instead, the subject of both academic research and administrative initiatives was the quality of the health services effectively provided to the population. Furthermore, the World Health Organization in its World Health Report 2000 explicitly excluded access as an item to be assessed in the process of evaluating health systems, although many countries had not achieved, nor were even near, universal coverage. Therefore, notwithstanding the relevance of the continuous quality improvement of the health services actually delivered to the people, access should always be the first quality concern to those health systems lacking universal coverage of the population they are supposed to serve.     

Social class inequalities in the use of and access to health services in Catalonia, Spain: what is the influence of supplemental private health insurance?

OBJECTIVE: To analyse social class inequalities in the access to and utilization of health services in Catalonia (Spain), and the influence of having private health insurance supplementing the National Health System (NHS) coverage. DESIGN: 1994 Catalan Health Interview Survey, a cross-sectional survey conducted in 1994. SETTING: Catalonia (Spain). STUDY PARTICIPANTS: The participants were a representative sample of people aged over 14 years from the non-institutionalized population of Catalonia (n = 12,245). MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Health services utilization, perceived health, having only NHS or NHS plus a private health insurance, and social class. RESULTS: Although one-quarter of the population of Catalonia had a supplemental private health insurance, percentages were very different according to social class, ranging from almost 50% for classes I and II to 16% for classes IV and V in both sexes. No inequalities by social class were observed for the utilization of non-preventive health care services (consultation with a health professional in the last 2 weeks and hospitalization in the last year) among persons with poor self-perceived health status, i.e. those in most need. However, social inequalities still remain in the use of health services provided only partially by the NHS, and when characteristics of last consultation are taken into account. Subjects who paid for a private service waited an average of 18.8 minutes less than those attending the NHS. Within the NHS, social classes IV and V waited longer (35.5 minutes) than social classes I and II (28.4 minutes). CONCLUSION: The NHS in Catalonia, Spain, has reduced inequalities in the use of health services. Social inequalities remain in the use of those health services provided only partially by the NHS.     

Health technology assessment in Spain

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 established a healthcare system available to everyone and free at the point of service. The General Health Law of 1986 also established the framework for a National Health System (NHS). The Constitution and the law form the regulatory framework for the devolution of healthcare services to the Autonomous Regions. All the 17 Autonomous Regions have complete power regarding public health and planning. However, responsibilities on healthcare financing, organization, provision, and management have devolved to only seven Autonomous Regions. Financial support for health services comes mostly from taxes. Global budgets are a mechanism used by hospitals to control the acquisition of medium and low health technology. Major capital investments for health technology are controlled by the central government in 10 Autonomous Regions (population coverage of 38%) and by the Regional Health Services in the seven remaining Autonomous Regions. In 1995 a regulation for basing the introduction of new procedures and medical equipment on the assessment of safety, efficacy, and efficiency was issued. Health technology assessment (HTA) has a long history in Spain, beginning with the Advisory Board on High Technology in the government of Catalonia in 1984. This board evolved into the Catalan Agency for HTA (CAHTA) in 1994. The Basque Country established a unit for HTA in 1992 (Osteba) and the Andalusian government created an agency in 1996 (AETSA). A national agency for HTA (AETS) was established in 1994. These different programs coordinate their work and together act as an Advisory Committee of the Interregional Council of the NHS.     

Health technology assessment in the United Kingdom

The National Health Service (NHS) provides universal health coverage for all British citizens. Most services are free of charge, although modest copayments are sometimes applied. About 11% of the population also has private insurance. General practitioners, generally the first point of contact for accessing the system, are independent contractors who serve as gatekeepers for specialist and hospital services and enjoy substantial clinical autonomy. Hospitals are public and are regionalized, but the 1990 reforms made them self-governing trusts that contract with local purchasers (health authorities and general practitioner fundholders). Reforms beginning in 1990 moved the NHS away from a centralized administrative structure to more pluralistic arrangements in which competition, as well as management, influences how services develop. Health technology and health technology assessment (HTA) have gained increasing attention in the NHS during this period, as part of a wider NHS Research and Development (R&D) Strategy. The strategy promotes a knowledge-based health service with a strong research infrastructure and the capacity to critically review its own needs. HTA is the largest and most developed of the programs within the strategy. It has a formal system for setting assessment priorities involving widespread consultation within the NHS, and a National Co-ordinating Centre for Health Technology Assessment. The strategy supports related centers such as the U.K. Cochrane Centre and the NHS Centre for Reviews and Dissemination. A hallmark of the HTA program is strong public participation. The United Kingdom has made a major commitment to HTA and to seeking effective means of reviewing and disseminating evidence.     

Delivering healthcare’s ‘triple aim’: electronic health records and the health research participant in the UK National Health Service

The UK National Health Service (NHS) is changing. Consecutive UK industrial strategies have supported the shift from an NHS that provides free-at-point-of-delivery healthcare to one that also facilitates research. Said to promote healthcare’s triple aim of ‘better health, better healthcare, and lower cost’ (Wachter, 2016, 3), the digitisation of patient records is a core part in opening routine aspects of the health system to potential research. In this paper, we thematically analyse 11 policy documents and ask, how does the NHS discuss its decision to digitise patient records and what are the implications of such practices on the citizen? We document how (1) digitisation is presented as a collective endeavour for patients and NHS professionals, offering new possibilities for patients to participate in their own health and that of the population through research and, (2) digitisation contributes to the building of an efficient health system. Through this analysis we reflect on how discussions of digitisation present uncritically the potential of Electronic Health Records and big data analytics to improve care and generate wealth through research, and reconfigure patienthood, by placing research participation as a routine part of accessing NHS healthcare.     

Impact of private funding on access to elective hospital treatment in the regions of England and Wales. National records survey.

BACKGROUND: The UK National Health Service aims to match access to health care to the level of need and to reduce inequalities in the health of sub-populations. One in ten persons have private medical insurance (PMI). This study describes the impact of private purchasing on access to hospital care in regions according to health need. METHOD: Details of admissions to NHS hospitals in one year and waiting times were obtained from the government's Hospital Episodes Statistics, and of patients in independent hospitals through weighted time samples of records. Data were combined into two groups, state funded and privately funded patients. The prevalence of limiting longstanding illness and the proportions of individuals covered by PMI in Wales and the eight English health regions were obtained from the General Household Survey. Correlation coefficients were calculated for inter-regional relationships between measures of need, provision of resources and levels of activity. RESULTS: Limiting, longstanding illness was significantly associated with NHS resource levels, NHS hospital activity, and total hospital activity, however funded; and inversely with PMI coverage, waiting times for NHS admission and levels of privately funded activity. Waiting times for admission were positively correlated with PMI coverage. CONCLUSIONS: Regionally, NHS resources and activity match need. Private hospital use complements lower levels of NHS service. Private consumption does not distort access according to need but in regions with lower levels of NHS activity those least deprived may make relatively more use of NHS hospitals, thus widening the health gap. Small area studies should explore this.     

Developing health and social care under the reforms of Tony Blair and Clement Attlee, Prime Ministers of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

In July 1948, the British National Health Service (NHS) was introduced by then Prime Minister Clement Attlee with the aim of offering "free" medical treatment for the entire British population from cradle to grave. Since then, the British public have come to see the NHS and its free health care as a fundamental human right and a cornerstone to their democracy, and subsequent governments have been understandably reluctant to change or reform this popular program. Yet, funding issues, as well as societal changes and technological advances, are threatening the way the NHS performs. While the NHS was intended to be a flexible and responsive service, its restrictive practice culture and attitudes of staff, organizational flaws, and funding issues often work against patients' interests and government ideas of health policy. This paper outlines how the Blair Government has attempted to alter health and social care within the UK and to fundamentally change how the NHS works, with particular effect on its staff.     

Ten years since the 2008 introduction of dental vouchers in the Portuguese NHS

Since the creation of the National Health Service (NHS) in Portugal, in 1979, dental care is neither provided nor funded by the NHS. Thus, most dental care is paid through out-of-pocket payments, either by patients themselves or through voluntary health insurance or health subsystems. In 2008 the government created the dental voucher targeting children, pregnant women, elderly who receive social benefits, and certain patient groups (HIV/AIDS patients and those who need early intervention due to oral cancer), to be used in private dentists who contracted with the programme. The reform was well received by the different stakeholders, especially dentists and beneficiaries, and the impact of the dental voucher in access and coverage of dental care in Portugal is positive: from May 2008 until December 2017, dental voucher reached 3.3 million NHS users in Portugal and dental care indicators have dramatically improved over the last ten years. Aiming to implement dental care provision within the NHS, the Ministry of Health has announced the foreseen integration of dentists in primary healthcare units, although the current budget constraints might hamper this possibility.     

Universal health coverage in the United Kingdom

This United Kingdom has had universal health coverage since 1948, provided through its government-funded National Health Service (NHS). In recent years, increasing workload and treatment costs have put a considerable strain on the NHS. The government has responded to these challenges through a controversial program of organizational changes in the NHS. In its most recent policy initiatives, the government proposes to increase the proportion of national income spent on the NHS and make much greater use of private-sector health care providers.     

Public healthcare coverage versus double healthcare coverage: what are the differences?

OBJECTIVE: To identify differences in socioeconomic characteristics, health status, health services' utilization, and satisfaction with health services between the population with public healthcare coverage only and the population with double healthcare coverage through additional affiliation to mutual or private health insurance companies. METHODS: Data from the 2002 Catalan Health Interview Survey with interviews to 8,400 individuals were used. Individuals with public healthcare insurance were differentiated from those who also had private health insurance. Multivariate logistic regression analysis was used. RESULTS: A total of 99.2% of the population reported public healthcare coverage and 24.7% also had voluntary mutual or private insurance. Individuals with double coverage were younger, had a high level of education, belonged to advantaged classes, and reported better self-perceived health and fewer chronic diseases and disabilities. No significant differences in the percentage of individuals who reported visiting a health professional in the previous 15 days were observed. Significant differences in the type of professional visited were observed: 65% of individuals with public healthcare coverage only visited primary care settings but 51.1% of those with double coverage visited specialists. The proportion of persons reporting that they were satisfied or very satisfied with professional attitudes, waiting times and administrative procedures was higher in the double coverage group. CONCLUSIONS: Distinct sociodemographic and health profiles were found between persons with public coverage only and those with double coverage. Health services' utilization also differed between the two groups.     

An economic analysis of rotavirus vaccination in Italy

We have evaluated health and economic benefits of a universal infant vaccination with two rotavirus vaccines registered in Italy, on the bases of the burden of rotavirus gastroenteritis (RVGE) in a birth cohort of 520,000 Italian infants followed until 5 years of age. Estimates from published and unpublished sources of disease burden, costs, vaccine coverage, efficacy trials of both vaccines, and price were used to estimate cost-effectiveness from the perspectives of the Italian National Health Service (NHS) and society. According to our estimates, a universal rotavirus vaccination program would avoid 10,679 hospitalizations, 39,202 emergency visits, and 44,223 at home visits. At €65.6 per vaccination courses, the program would cost €30,700,800 and realize a net loss of €9,057,928 from the Italian NHS perspective. On the contrary, the program would provide a net savings of €24,324,198 from the societal perspective. From the Italian NHS perspective, the break-even price per vaccination course should be reduced at least to €46.25 to achieve a zero cost-effectiveness ratio.     

Achievement of equity and universal access in China's health service: A commentary on the historical reform perspective from the UK National Health Service

Abstract

This paper aims to examine the UK National Health Service (NHS) in the historical context of its background reforms and to investigate future developmental strategies for China's health system. We focus on the central issues facing China's future healthcare development: equity and access. China and the UK have approached healthcare reform from opposite perspectives, the NHS has maintained the core principle of providing universal health coverage throughout the decades. However, due to increasing demand, reforms to improve and sustain efficiency have meant increasing government funding while introducing elements of a market system. Conversely, China has moved from a centrally planned system to a fee-for-service system, but serious problems of inequity and access call for new methods of organisation and financing. With the future of both systems under constant debate, international experience will play a vital role in formulating health system reform strategies.