Prevalence of Undiagnosed Acute and Chronic HIV in a Lower-Prevalence Urban Emergency Department

Objectives. We estimated the seroprevalence of both acute and chronic HIV infection by using a random sample of emergency department (ED) patients from a region of the United States with low-to-moderate HIV prevalence.Methods. This cross-sectional seroprevalence study consecutively enrolled patients aged 18 to 64 years within randomly selected sampling blocks in a Midwestern urban ED in a region of lower HIV prevalence in 2008 to 2009. Participants were compensated for providing a blood sample and health information. After de-identification, we assayed samples for HIV antibody and nucleic acid.Results. There were 926 participants who consented and enrolled. Overall, prevalence of undiagnosed HIV was 0.76% (95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.30%, 1.56%). Three participants (0.32%; 95% CI = 0.09%, 0.86%) were nucleic acid–positive but antibody-negative and 4 (0.43%; 95% CI = 0.15%, 1.02%) were antibody-positive.Conclusions. Even when the absolute prevalence is low, a considerable proportion of undetected HIV cases in an ED population are acute. Identification of acute HIV in ED settings should receive increased priority.HIV screening is recommended by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as an essential component of the nation’s HIV prevention effort.1,2 Emergency departments (EDs) are particularly emphasized as venues for HIV screening.3–5 Emergency departments serve more than 100 million patients annually, readily accessing vulnerable populations with a high prevalence of undetected HIV.1,4–8To date, most attention has been focused on detection of HIV in the chronic phase, after seroconversion, by assay for antibodies. Yet identification of patients during acute HIV infection could have a significant impact on further transmission.9,10 Testing for acute HIV infection is accomplished by assays that detect viral proteins or viral genetic material before antibody detection is possible. This testing is more expensive, complex, or may delay results compared with antibody testing.9,11,12 Despite these disadvantages, screening for acute HIV is increasingly suggested by various authors.9,13–19 Acute HIV infection is thought to contribute disproportionately to HIV incidence because of high viral replication and increased infectiousness during this phase.15,20–22 Diagnosis prompts many individuals to reduce transmission behaviors,23 and partner notification efforts may be more successful.24 There is also renewed interest in treatment during acute HIV infection, to lower infectiousness and improve long-term patient health outcomes.21,25–27 In light of these benefits, screening for acute HIV infection may ultimately be cost-effective and worthy of increased logistical challenges.9,28Unfortunately, the controversies and implementation barriers in HIV screening have yet to be fully resolved,29–35 particularly in ED settings where patient volumes exceed capacity and acute stabilization takes precedence over preventive health.36–38 Screening in the ED for acute HIV infection will be even more challenging than screening for chronic HIV if it entails additional complexity and expense. Motivation to surmount such barriers is likely to be less in regions of lower HIV prevalence, in which disease incidence would also be presumed lower. Improving our understanding of acute HIV epidemiology in ED settings is fundamental for guiding potential implementation of ED screening interventions targeting acute HIV infection. We estimated the seroprevalence of both acute and chronic HIV infection by using a random sample of ED patients from a low-to-moderate HIV prevalence region of the United States.     

Implementing Rapid HIV Testing With or Without Risk-Reduction Counseling in Drug Treatment Centers: Results of a Randomized Trial

Objectives. We examined the effectiveness of risk reduction counseling and the role of on-site HIV testing in drug treatment.Methods. Between January and May 2009, we randomized 1281 HIV-negative (or status unknown) adults who reported no past-year HIV testing to (1) referral for off-site HIV testing, (2) HIV risk-reduction counseling with on-site rapid HIV testing, or (3) verbal information about testing only with on-site rapid HIV testing.Results. We defined 2 primary self-reported outcomes a priori: receipt of HIV test results and unprotected anal or vaginal intercourse episodes at 6-month follow-up. The combined on-site rapid testing participants received more HIV test results than off-site testing referral participants (P < .001; Mantel-Haenszel risk ratio = 4.52; 97.5% confidence interval [CI] = 3.57, 5.72). At 6 months, there were no significant differences in unprotected intercourse episodes between the combined on-site testing arms and the referral arm (P = .39; incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 1.04; 97.5% CI = 0.95, 1.14) or the 2 on-site testing arms (P = .81; IRR = 1.03; 97.5% CI = 0.84, 1.26).Conclusions. This study demonstrated on-site rapid HIV testing’s value in drug treatment centers and found no additional benefit from HIV sexual risk-reduction counseling.There are approximately 50 000 new HIV infections in the United States each year, with incidence remaining stable between 2006 and 2009.1 Among the more than 1 million people living with HIV in the United States, approximately one fifth do not know they are infected.2 This has led to expanded efforts to increase HIV testing, as recently outlined in the US National HIV/AIDS Strategy.3 In 2006, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommended routine HIV screening of all adults and adolescents in health care settings,4 with other medical groups following with similar recommendations.5,6Medical care settings and community-based testing sites are where most testing occurs,7 but the CDC and others have called for expanded testing in other locales serving high-risk persons, including drug treatment programs.4 Previous studies have shown that, despite high HIV prevalence in drug treatment programs (ranging from more than 3% in noninjection drug users [non-IDUs] to 27% in IDUs8,9) and the well-established link among substance use, sexual risk behaviors, and HIV, fewer than half of US drug treatment programs offer HIV testing on site.10–12The role of risk-reduction counseling in the HIV testing process remains a central question, because of both questions of efficacy in reducing HIV infection rates and its implications for the time and personnel required for the recommended scale-up of testing. In a major policy shift, the 2006 CDC testing guidelines specify that risk-reduction counseling should only be required for persons who test HIV-positive.In the era of rapid HIV testing, the effectiveness of brief risk-reduction counseling for reducing risk behavior in persons who test HIV-negative is unknown. The seminal US trial, Project RESPECT13 demonstrated that two 20-minute counseling sessions in conjunction with conventional HIV testing for sexually transmitted disease (STD) clinic patients including IDUs14 significantly increased self-reported condom use and reduced STD incidence. However, in the 15 years since RESPECT, the context for HIV testing has changed dramatically: rapid testing is now widespread, effective treatment has greatly reduced HIV-related morbidity and mortality, and many people report having been tested for HIV at least once.To examine the efficacy of on-site rapid testing and risk-reduction counseling in increasing receipt of results and reducing HIV risk behaviors in drug treatment program patients, the National Drug Abuse Treatment Clinical Trials Network (CTN) conducted the HIV Rapid Testing and Counseling Study (CTN 0032). The aims were to quantify the degree to which available on-site rapid HIV testing increases testing and receipt of results, and to determine whether counseling affects testing acceptance and reduces HIV risk behaviors.     

Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Health Care Receipt Among Male Cancer Survivors

Objectives. We examined racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among a nationally representative sample of male cancer survivors.Methods. We identified men aged 18 years and older from the 2006–2010 National Health Interview Survey who reported a history of cancer. We assessed health care receipt in 4 self-reported measures: primary care visit, specialist visit, flu vaccination, and pneumococcal vaccination. We used hierarchical logistic regression modeling, stratified by age (< 65 years vs ≥ 65 years).Results. In adjusted models, older African American and Hispanic survivors were approximately twice as likely as were non-Hispanic Whites to not see a specialist (odds ratio [OR] = 1.78; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.19, 2.68 and OR = 2.09; 95% CI = 1.18, 3.70, respectively), not receive the flu vaccine (OR = 2.21; 95% CI = 1.45, 3.37 and OR = 2.20; 95% CI = 1.21, 4.01, respectively), and not receive the pneumococcal vaccine (OR = 2.24; 95% CI = 1.54, 3.24 and OR = 3.10; 95% CI = 1.75, 5.51, respectively).Conclusions. Racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt are evident among older, but not younger, cancer survivors, despite access to Medicare. These survivors may be less likely to see specialists, including oncologists, and receive basic preventive care.Gender and racial/ethnic disparities in health care utilization are prevalent. Men are less likely than are women to use health care services, including physician office visits and preventive care visits.1,2 Minorities are also less likely to use health care services than are non-Hispanic Whites.3–6 Contributors to these disparities include low socioeconomic status7–10 and lack of health insurance.7,8,11,12 Even after controlling for socioeconomic status and health insurance coverage, racial/ethnic disparities in health care utilization persist.4 These disparities are associated with poorer health and higher mortality rates among minorities and have important implications for survival and well-being for men with serious and chronic health conditions such as cancer.5Although numerous studies have documented racial/ethnic disparities in cancer screening, diagnosis, treatment, and mortality,10,13–18 little is known about how racial/ethnic disparities in health care among posttreatment cancer survivors influence follow-up care. Such care includes monitoring and managing late and long-term effects and follow-up tests to monitor for recurrence and detect second cancers. Management of noncancer comorbidities (e.g., diabetes) and preventive health care19 (e.g., vaccinations) are also recommended for cancer survivors.20–22 Follow-up care may include visits to both primary care and specialist providers.13,23–25 It is strongly recommended that cancer survivors receive lifelong follow-up care because of increased risk of recurrence, morbidity, and mortality.19Prior studies have used administrative data to explore this issue,13,24,26,27 but few of these studies have focused on male cancer survivors and none included younger survivors who are not covered by Medicare. Additionally, it is not known how patterns of health care receipt might differ among men with and without a history of cancer.We assessed racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among adult male cancer survivors and men without cancer using the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS).28 We first wanted to compare cancer survivors to a noncancer group to shed light on whether the disparities are specific to cancer or reflect underlying disparities. We explored (1) racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among cancer survivors compared with men with no cancer history, (2) racial/ethnic disparities in cancer survivors, and (3) the extent to which predisposing, enabling, and need factors explain racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among male cancer survivors.     

Route Infrastructure and the Risk of Injuries to Bicyclists: A Case-Crossover Study

Objectives. We compared cycling injury risks of 14 route types and other route infrastructure features.Methods. We recruited 690 city residents injured while cycling in Toronto or Vancouver, Canada. A case-crossover design compared route infrastructure at each injury site to that of a randomly selected control site from the same trip.Results. Of 14 route types, cycle tracks had the lowest risk (adjusted odds ratio [OR] = 0.11; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.02, 0.54), about one ninth the risk of the reference: major streets with parked cars and no bike infrastructure. Risks on major streets were lower without parked cars (adjusted OR = 0.63; 95% CI = 0.41, 0.96) and with bike lanes (adjusted OR = 0.54; 95% CI = 0.29, 1.01). Local streets also had lower risks (adjusted OR = 0.51; 95% CI = 0.31, 0.84). Other infrastructure characteristics were associated with increased risks: streetcar or train tracks (adjusted OR = 3.0; 95% CI = 1.8, 5.1), downhill grades (adjusted OR = 2.3; 95% CI = 1.7, 3.1), and construction (adjusted OR = 1.9; 95% CI = 1.3, 2.9).Conclusions. The lower risks on quiet streets and with bike-specific infrastructure along busy streets support the route-design approach used in many northern European countries. Transportation infrastructure with lower bicycling injury risks merits public health support to reduce injuries and promote cycling.Bicycling is an active mode of transportation with a range of individual and public health benefits.1–5 However, bicycling is underused for transportation in Australia, Canada, Ireland, the United States, and the United Kingdom, constituting an estimated 1% to 3% of trips, compared with 10% to 27% of trips in Denmark, Germany, Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden.6–8 The reasons for low bicycle share of trips are multifaceted, but safety is one of the most frequently cited deterrents.9–11 These concerns are well founded: bicycling injury rates are higher in countries where cycling for transportation is less common.8,12,13To reduce bicycling injuries, the first step is to understand the determinants of risk. Studies in many English-speaking countries have focused on head injury reductions afforded by helmets.14–17 However, helmet use cannot explain the risk difference because helmets are rarely used in the European countries with lower injury rates.8,18,19 Typical route infrastructure (physical transportation structures and facilities) in countries with low bicycle share of trips differs from that in countries with high trip shares. In Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands, bicycle-specific infrastructure is frequently available,20 so this is a promising avenue for investigating injury risks. In a review of route infrastructure and injury risk,21 we found some evidence that bicycle-specific infrastructure was associated with reduced risk. However, the studies reviewed had problems that have compromised confidence in the results: grouping of route categories that may have different risks, unclear definitions of route infrastructure, and difficulty controlling for characteristics of cyclists and for exposure to various route types. Debates continue about the contribution of route design to safety and about the safety of various route types.12,13,20,21Here we present a study designed to overcome these limitations.22 We examined injury risk of 14 route types using a case-crossover design in which injured participants served as their own controls. The design compared route characteristics at the location where the injury event occurred to those at a randomly selected point on the same trip route where no injury occurred. By randomly selecting the control site in this way, the probability that a specific infrastructure type would be chosen was proportional to its relative length on the trip (e.g., on a 4-km trip, there would be a 25% chance of selecting a control site on a 1-km section that was on a bike path). Because comparisons were within-trip, personal characteristics such as age, gender, and propensity for risk-taking behavior were matched, as were trip conditions such as bicycle type, clothing visibility, helmet use, weather, and time of day. This allowed the comparisons to focus on between-site infrastructure differences.     

Flavored Alcoholic Beverage Use,Risky Drinking Behaviors,and Adverse Outcomes Among Underage Drinkers: Results From the ABRAND Study

Objectives. We examined associations between consumption of different types of flavored alcoholic beverages (FABs) and risky drinking and drinking-related harms among underage drinkers.Methods. For the Alcohol Brand Research among Underage Youth study, we applied multivariable logistic regression analyses to data from underage drinkers (n = 1031, aged 13–20 years), recruited from a national Internet panel in 2011 to 2012, to estimate associations between consumption of malt-based drinks; spirits-based, premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails; and supersized alcopops, alone or in combination, and alcohol-related outcomes.Results. After adjustment for confounding variables, the exclusive consumption of alcopops was associated with episodic heavy drinking (odds ratio [OR] = 4.35; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.24, 15.31; P < .05) and alcohol-related injuries (OR = 6.25; 95% CI = 1.34, 29.10; P < .05). Exclusive consumption of cocktails was associated with episodic heavy drinking (odds ratio [OR] = 2.61; 95% CI = 1.26, 5.41; P < .05) and injuries requiring medical attention (OR = 6.50; 95% CI = 2.09, 20.17; P < .001. Exclusive consumption of 2 or more FABs was associated with episodic heavy drinking (OR = 2.78; 95% CI = 1.25, 6.16; P < .05), fighting (OR = 3.30; 95% CI = 1.46, 7.47; P < .001), and alcohol-related injuries (OR = 2.83; 95% CI = 1.43, 5.58; P < .001).Conclusions. FABs present an emerging public health problem among youths.Alcohol continues to be the most commonly used drug among youths in the United States and is responsible for more than 4300 annual deaths among underage drinkers.1 Approximately 33% of eighth graders and 70% of 12th graders have consumed alcohol, and 13% of eighth graders and 40% of 12th graders drank during the past month.2 Close to 200 000 emergency department visits by persons younger than 21 years are reported annually for injuries and other conditions linked to alcohol.3 An important trend in underage drinking is the popularity of flavored alcoholic beverages (FABs).4–12 Despite their popularity, little is known about associations between FAB consumption, risky drinking behaviors, and related harms among underage drinkers.FAB brands can be classified into 3 categories: malt-based beverages; spirits-based, premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails; and supersized alcopops.4 Although these products are widely classified as FABs, distinctions between them are important because these beverages differ in serving size (e.g., the supersized alcopops can contain 2 to 3 times the alcohol volume of other brands) and average alcohol content by volume (malt beverages, 7.8%; premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails, 14.2%; supersized alcopops, 10.8%).4We used ABRAND (Alcohol Brand Research among Underage Youth) data collected by GfK Knowledge Networks13 to analyze the brands of alcoholic beverages a national sample of youth drinkers aged 13 to 20 years reported consuming and found that nearly half of young drinkers (n = 515) had consumed FABs in the past 30 days.4 These results roughly matched those of the 2012 Monitoring the Future report, which found that more than half (57.5%) of students in grades 8, 10, and 12 who reported past 30-day alcohol use had consumed at least 1 FAB during that time.2 The ABRAND data also showed that 43% of drinkers aged 13 to 15 years, 48.9% of those aged 16 to 18 years, and 52% of those aged 19 to 20 years consumed FABs.4 Consumption prevalence was greatest for malt beverages (33.8%), followed by premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails (23.9%) and supersized alcopops (8.6%). Almost one quarter of respondents (24.5%) had consumed at least 1 FAB during a heavy-drinking episode (defined as consuming ≥ 5 drinks in a row).4FABs'' high alcohol content, low price, sweet flavoring, attractive packaging, and targeted marketing strategies have caused concern that FAB consumption might disproportionately contribute to alcohol-related emergency department visits by underage drinkers.5 One case study found that consumption of supersized alcopops such as Four Loko contributed to alcohol-related emergencies involving drinkers as young as 13 years.14We used the ABRAND sample of underage drinkers to examine the relationship between consumption of different types and combinations of FABs and risky drinking behaviors and adverse outcomes among youths aged 13 to 20 years.     

The Cost-Effectiveness of School-Based Eating Disorder Screening

Objectives. We aimed to assess the value of school-based eating disorder (ED) screening for a hypothetical cohort of US public school students.Methods. We used a decision-analytic microsimulation model to model the effectiveness (life-years with ED and quality-adjusted life-years [QALYs]), total direct costs, and cost-effectiveness (cost per QALY gained) of screening relative to current practice.Results. The screening strategy cost $2260 (95% confidence interval [CI] = $1892, $2668) per student and resulted in a per capita gain of 0.25 fewer life-years with ED (95% CI = 0.21, 0.30) and 0.04 QALYs (95% CI = 0.03, 0.05) relative to current practice. The base case cost-effectiveness of the intervention was $9041 per life-year with ED avoided (95% CI = $6617, $12 344) and $56 500 per QALY gained (95% CI = $38 805, $71 250).Conclusions. At willingness-to-pay thresholds of $50 000 and $100 000 per QALY gained, school-based ED screening is 41% and 100% likely to be cost-effective, respectively. The cost-effectiveness of ED screening is comparable to many other accepted pediatric health interventions, including hypertension screening.Eating disorders (EDs), including anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge-eating disorder, are prevalent among adolescents.1 Approximately 3.8% of females and 1.5% of males aged 13 to 18 years have an ED,2 and 16.3% of US 9th to 12th graders report engaging in disordered eating behaviors such as fasting or vomiting to lose weight.3 Although efficacious treatments for EDs exist,4 services for these conditions are underused.5 Seventy-eight percent to 88% of adolescents with EDs have contact with a health provider; of these youths, however, only 3% to 28% received treatment specifically for eating problems.1 Left untreated, EDs can significantly affect the length and quality of adolescent lives.6,7 ED medical complication, hospitalization, and mortality rates are the highest of any psychiatric disorder.8–11 Like many other chronic mental heath disorders, EDs can be costly to treat and place a considerable burden on patients and their caregivers. Estimates of the annual impact of EDs on health care costs and economic productivity in Australia and England range from US $1.8 billion to $19.2 billion.12–14 With early diagnosis and timely treatment, we may be able to decrease the economic and health burden of EDs.The American Academy of Pediatrics suggests that schools are a viable setting for health screening.15 Scoliosis, hearing, body mass index, and other health screenings are currently conducted in US public schools or required for enrollment.16 Policies designed to identify secondary school students with ED have been introduced in several states (Figure A, available as a supplement to the online version of this article at http://www.ajph.org). As of September 2013, only 1 state passed legislation aimed at improving detection of EDs, requiring schools to educate parents on how to recognize symptoms of an ED. Three states are currently considering ED-related legislation and ED screening legislation has failed in 2 states (Taryn O’Brien, written communication, September 2013).The impact of school-based screening on ED diagnosis and treatment duration is unknown. No studies have evaluated the health or economic impact of screening for EDs in school-based settings. Given the high proportion of EDs that remain undetected and the fact that no states currently mandate ED screening, experimentally evaluating the benefits of such screening programs in the real world would be resource intensive and may underestimate the potential benefits of screening. However, simulation models can be used to estimate the cost-effectiveness of screening with few constraints.17 We used a decision-analytic simulation model to evaluate the cost-effectiveness of a theoretical school-based ED screening program.     

Impaired-Driving Prevalence Among US High School Students: Associations With Substance Use and Risky Driving Behaviors

Objectives. We examined the prevalence of impaired driving among US high school students and associations with substance use and risky driving behavior.Methods. We assessed driving while alcohol or drug impaired (DWI) and riding with alcohol- or drug-impaired drivers (RWI) in a nationally representative sample of 11th-grade US high school students (n = 2431). We examined associations with drinking and binge drinking, illicit drug use, risky driving, and demographic factors using multivariate sequential logistic regression analysis.Results. Thirteen percent of 11th-grade students reported DWI at least 1 of the past 30 days, and 24% reported RWI at least once in the past year. Risky driving was positively associated with DWI (odds ratio [OR] = 1.25; P < .001) and RWI (OR = 1.09; P < .05), controlling for binge drinking (DWI: OR = 3.17; P < .01; RWI: OR = 6.12; P < .001) and illicit drug use (DWI: OR = 5.91; P < .001; RWI: OR = 2.29; P = .05). DWI was higher for adolescents who drove after midnight (OR = 15.7), drove while sleepy or drowsy (OR = 8.6), read text messages (OR = 11.8), sent text messages (OR = 5.0), and made cell phone calls (OR = 3.2) while driving.Conclusions. Our findings suggest the need for comprehensive approaches to the prevention of DWI, RWI, and other risky driving behavior.Motor vehicle crashes are the leading cause of mortality for US adolescents.1 In general, alcohol and drug use impairs driving performance in proportion to the amount consumed and contributes significantly to motor vehicle crashes,2,3 particularly among younger drivers.4 In 2008, 31% of young drivers who were killed in motor vehicle crashes had been drinking5; in 2009, half of the child passengers who died in crashes involving alcohol were riding with an alcohol-impaired driver.6 Illicit drug use also contributes to a large portion of fatal motor vehicle crashes involving adolescents and adults.7–10 Despite downward trends among adolescents in rates of drinking and driving (from 17% in 1991 to 10% in 2009) and riding with drinking drivers (from 40% in 1991 to 28% in 2009), rates remain alarmingly high.11 Therefore, better understanding of the current prevalence, variability, and determinants of adolescent driving while intoxicated (DWI) and riding with alcohol- or drug-impaired drivers (RWI) is needed to guide the development of prevention strategies.Adolescence, the transition period from childhood to emerging adulthood, is a time of increased sensation seeking and risk behavior.12,13 During this transition, learning to drive and obtaining a license are major rites of passage for entering adulthood. However, adolescent drivers have high crash rates and tend to drive in a deliberately risky manner, typified by speeding, close following, sharp cornering, and hard stops.14–18 At the same time, drinking and drug use increase during adolescence, and vehicles become a primary means of transportation and provide a somewhat private place for adolescents to drink and use illicit drugs.19,20Previous research indicates that the prevalence of DWI and RWI among adolescents is higher for male than female adolescents and for Latinos than Whites.21–24 Concurrent and longitudinal research has shown that drinking, binge drinking, cigarette use, and marijuana use are associated with adolescent DWI and RWI.20,25–28 Similarly, drinking, drug use, and traffic violations are associated with adolescent risky driving.17,26 It has been shown in a few regional studies that risky driving covaries with other problem behaviors,17,26,29 but no national studies have reported associations between risky driving and DWI and RWI among adolescents.Using a national probability sample, we examined the following: (1) the variability in the prevalence of DWI and RWI among adolescents by demographic factors; (2) the association between risky driving and DWI and RWI; and (3) the independent contribution of binge drinking, illicit drug use, and risky driving to DWI and RWI.     

Free Bus Travel and Physical Activity,Gait Speed,and Adiposity in the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing

Objectives. We investigated associations between having a bus pass, enabling free local bus travel across the United Kingdom for state pension–aged people, and physical activity, gait speed, and adiposity.Methods. We used data on 4650 bus pass–eligible people (aged ≥ 62 years) at wave 6 (2012–2013) of the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing in regression analyses.Results. Bus pass holders were more likely to be female (odds ratio [OR] = 1.67; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.38, 2.02; P < .001), retired (OR = 2.65; 95% CI = 2.10, 3.35; P < .001), without access to a car (OR = 2.78; 95% CI = 1.83, 4.21; P < .001), to use public transportation (OR = 10.26; 95% CI = 8.33, 12.64; P < .001), and to be physically active (OR = 1.43; 95% CI = 1.12, 1.84; P = .004). Female pass holders had faster gait speed (b = 0.06 meters per second; 95% CI = 0.02, 0.09; P = .001), a body mass index 1 kilogram per meter squared lower (b = –1.20; 95% CI = –1.93, –0.46; P = .001), and waist circumference 3 centimeters smaller (b = –3.32; 95% CI = –5.02, –1.62; P < .001) than women without a pass.Conclusions. Free bus travel for older people helps make transportation universally accessible, including for those at risk for social isolation. Those with a bus pass are more physically active. Among women in particular, the bus pass is associated with healthier aging.Maintaining physical activity is key to good physical functioning in older age,1 aging healthily,2 and reducing obesity risk,3 but only 49% of men and 36% of women aged 65 years and older in England met physical activity guidelines in 2012.4 Active modes of transportation, including public transportation, can contribute substantially to total physical activity.5 Among working-age adults, commuting by public transportation increases physical activity levels6 and can improve health,7–9 but evidence about older people is sparse.The UK older people’s bus pass (“bus pass” herein) enables people of the state retirement age for women (previously 60 years) and older to travel free of charge on local buses, anywhere in the country.10 To our knowledge, this nationwide policy of free bus transportation for older people, irrespective of financial circumstances, is unique. The bus pass was introduced in Scotland in 2002, England and Wales in 2006, and Northern Ireland in 2008, with concessionary policies operating previously. There remain various additional local benefits; for instance, older people living in London are eligible for a Freedom Pass, which provides free travel on all public transportation.Of the forms of public transportation available in the United Kingdom, buses serve the widest range of communities; even the majority of very rural areas have some bus services. Buses operate over relatively short distances, transporting people between residential areas and urban centers, shopping areas, and hospitals. The bus pass is a widely recognized state benefit for older people often discussed in the media. Advice on obtaining a pass is offered by many organizations including older people’s charities and local authorities. The application form is short and simple, and can either be completed online or acquired locally—for example, from a Post Office or government offices.The aim of the bus pass is to “tackle social exclusion” among older people.11 Evidence suggests that it has been successful, providing opportunities for social interaction, giving a feeling of visibility and belonging, improving quality of life, reducing feelings of social exclusion, and improving access to services.12–14 The bus pass has been estimated to cost the UK government approximately £1 billion a year15 and the recent climate of austerity has led to suggestions that eligibility for the bus pass should be means tested, whereby only older people with income and wealth below a certain level would be eligible. However, many of the benefits derive, at least in part, from the universality of free bus travel for older people and the lack of stigma therefore associated with the pass.12,13In addition to the benefits to older people’s social inclusion, there may be unanticipated benefits of the bus pass—for instance, to physical health. We have previously shown that the bus pass is linked to increased walking frequency16 and reduced obesity17; however, it has not been possible to investigate these relationships directly or in detail. We hypothesized that older people who hold bus passes will be more physically active and will have better physical functioning and lower adiposity. We contend that, if these hypothesized relationships are observed, this would indicate that the bus pass helps enable healthier aging, which leads to health care expenditure savings that may mitigate the cost of providing the bus pass to older people.We used data from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA) to determine (1) among those eligible, who takes up the bus pass; (2) what factors are associated with frequency of bus use among those who have a bus pass; (3) whether having a bus pass is associated with how often people use any public transportation; and (4) whether having a bus pass is associated with physical activity levels, gait speed, and adiposity.     

Self-Reported Health Among Recently Incarcerated Mothers

Objectives. We examined self-reported health among formerly incarcerated mothers.Methods. We used data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (n = 4096), a longitudinal survey of mostly unmarried parents in urban areas, to estimate the association between recent incarceration (measured as any incarceration in the past 4 years) and 5 self-reported health conditions (depression, illicit drug use, heavy drinking, fair or poor health, and health limitations), net of covariates including health before incarceration.Results. In adjusted logistic regression models, recently incarcerated mothers, compared with their counterparts, have an increased likelihood of depression (odds ratio [OR] = 1.60; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.18, 2.17), heavy drinking (OR = 1.79; 95% CI = 1.19, 2.68), fair or poor health (OR = 1.49; 95% CI = 1.08, 2.06), and health limitations (OR = 1.78; 95% CI = 1.27, 2.50). This association is similar across racial/ethnic subgroups and is larger among mothers who share children with fathers who have not been recently incarcerated.Conclusions. Recently incarcerated mothers struggle with even more health conditions than expected given the disadvantages they experience before incarceration. Furthermore, because incarceration is concentrated among those who are most disadvantaged, incarceration may increase inequalities in population health.The US incarceration rate, though recently stabilized, has increased rapidly over the past 4 decades. Accordingly, researchers have become acutely aware of the sheer number of individuals who experience incarceration and the vulnerabilities these individuals face before, during, and after incarceration.1 In particular, a growing literature has documented the consequences of mass incarceration, defined as the historically and comparatively extreme rates of incarceration in the United States, for population health.2–5 Formerly incarcerated individuals, compared with their counterparts, have elevated rates of mortality,6 infectious diseases,7 cardiovascular diseases,8 and disability,9 as well as an array of mental health problems including depression,10 anxiety,9 and life dissatisfaction.11Despite the fact that, since the early 1980s, women’s incarceration rates have increased faster than men’s incarceration rates,12,13 very little research has explicitly considered the health of formerly incarcerated women. Instead, research on incarcerated women often focuses on the consequences of incarceration for their families and children.14–19 The dearth of research on formerly incarcerated women’s health is an important oversight because these women are an extremely vulnerable population and present a pressing public health concern. Formerly incarcerated mothers are an especially important group because poor physical and mental health among mothers may have deleterious consequences for their children.20–23We used data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a longitudinal study of mostly unmarried parents living in urban areas, to provide the first examination of the relationship between recent incarceration, measured as any incarceration experience in the past 4 years, and 5 self-reported health conditions among mothers: depression, illicit drug use, heavy drinking, fair or poor health, and health limitations. First, we estimated the association between recent incarceration and self-reported health. We then estimated this association by race/ethnicity and by romantic partner’s incarceration history. Our analyses adjusted for a large number of individual characteristics that may render the association between recent incarceration and health conditions spurious (including health before incarceration). Adjusting for these characteristics is especially important because incarcerated mothers are at risk for poor physical and mental health before incarceration.5,24–26     

Intimate Partner Violence and Socioeconomic Deprivation in England: Findings From a National Cross-Sectional Survey

Objectives. We examined the prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) and its association with social deprivation in England.Methods. We used multivariable logistic regression to investigate IPV correlates among 21 226 men and women aged 16 to 59 years in the 2008 nationally representative cross-sectional British Crime Survey.Results. Lifetime IPV was reported by 23.8% of women and 11.5% of men. Physical IPV was reported by 16.8% and 7.0%, respectively; emotional-only IPV was reported by 5.8% and 4.2%, respectively. After adjustment for demographic confounders, lifetime physical IPV experienced by women was associated with social housing tenure (odds ratio [OR] = 2.3; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 2.0, 2.7), low household income (OR = 2.2; 95% CI = 1.8, 2.7), poor educational attainment (OR = 1.2; 95% CI = 1.0, 1.5), low social class (OR = 1.5; 95% CI = 0.3, 1.7), and living in a multiply deprived area (OR = 1.4; 95% CI = 1.1, 1.7). Physical IPV experienced by men and emotional IPV experienced by either gender were generally not associated with deprivation factors.Conclusions. Physical and emotional IPV are very common among adults in England. Emotional IPV prevention policies may be appropriate across the social spectrum; those for physical IPV should be particularly accessible to disadvantaged women.The World Health Organization highlights intimate partner violence (IPV) as a pressing public health and human rights issue.1 The World Health Organization defines IPV as physical or sexual violence, emotional abuse, or controlling behavior by a current or former intimate partner.2 In nearly 50 populationwide surveys globally some 10% to 69% of women report having ever experienced physical abuse by an intimate partner.2 In the United Kingdom, a 2009 review found that the prevalence of lifetime IPV against women was 13% to 31% in community studies, and 13% to 41% in clinical populations.3 The health impact of IPV extends beyond mortality and direct injury4 to poor overall self-rated health, mental health problems, and gynecological and sexual health problems.5,6 The annual UK domestic violence cost was estimated at £ 16 billion in 2008.7Often, IPV is seen in terms of physical or sexual violence perpetrated by men against women.1 As a consequence, most UK and international IPV prevention policies are targeted at women.1,8 However, some recent national surveys found a near-equal prevalence of physical IPV reported by men and women, mainly in North America and New Zealand, and there are calls for more services for male victims.9,10 Many have argued that this finding reflects measurement artifact, ignoring important differences in the nature and context of abuse.11 Further detailed examination of IPV as reported by both genders in national studies is needed to inform this debate.Policies for prevention of IPV also tend to emphasize that all women are at risk, regardless of their socioeconomic background.1,12 This is perhaps in an effort to decrease stigma associated with IPV. However, many studies show that both male perpetrators and female victims of physical IPV are more likely to come from disadvantaged backgrounds.13–15 The association with social deprivation depends on the broader social context, with more empowered women being at higher risk in some settings.16 There is little evidence on the socioeconomic profile of male victims. Finally, although central to the World Health Organization’s definition of IPV, emotional abuse is not well-described in the current literature among either gender. This is an important knowledge gap, as emotional abuse has a significant public health impact that can be as great as that of physical abuse.17,18 Understanding how social deprivation is associated with different types of abuse in both sexes will inform the need for targeted versus universal interventions.The British Crime Survey (BCS), a large national victimization survey in England and Wales, provides a detailed assessment of IPV. Home Office BCS reports examined associations between social deprivation and IPV victimization during the past year,19–21 but did not examine associations with lifetime IPV or IPV subtypes. To our knowledge there are no IPV studies using BCS data in the peer-reviewed scientific or public health literature, and only 1 UK national study using data other than the BCS, focusing on physical IPV.3,22 We used BCS data to describe the prevalence of both recent and lifetime IPV among men and women in England, and to explore whether different types of lifetime IPV were associated with social deprivation among either gender.To facilitate interpretation of our empirical findings we generated hypotheses in advance, following our review of theoretical and empirical literature. We expected to find that (1) women would report a higher prevalence of all types of IPV than men, particularly severe, prolonged, and controlling types of abuse11,23; (2) social deprivation would be associated with being a victim of lifetime IPV in both men and women13,15; and (3) social deprivation would be more strongly associated with being a victim of physical than of emotional lifetime IPV.17,24     

Directly Observed Antidepressant Medication Treatment and HIV Outcomes Among Homeless and Marginally Housed HIV-Positive Adults: A Randomized Controlled Trial

Objectives. We assessed whether directly observed fluoxetine treatment reduced depression symptom severity and improved HIV outcomes among homeless and marginally housed HIV-positive adults in San Francisco, California, from 2002 to 2008.Methods. We conducted a nonblinded, randomized controlled trial of once-weekly fluoxetine, directly observed for 24 weeks, then self-administered for 12 weeks (n = 137 persons with major or minor depressive disorder or dysthymia). Hamilton Depression Rating Scale score was the primary outcome. Response was a 50% reduction from baseline and remission a score below 8. Secondary measures were Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II) score, antiretroviral uptake, antiretroviral adherence (measured by unannounced pill count), and HIV-1 RNA viral suppression (< 50 copies/mL).Results. The intervention reduced depression symptom severity (b = −1.97; 95% confidence interval [CI] = −0.85, −3.08; P < .001) and increased response (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.40; 95% CI = 1.86, 3.10; P < .001) and remission (AOR = 2.97; 95% CI = 1.29, 3.87; P < .001). BDI-II results were similar. We observed no statistically significant differences in secondary HIV outcomes.Conclusions. Directly observed fluoxetine may be an effective depression treatment strategy for HIV-positive homeless and marginally housed adults, a vulnerable population with multiple barriers to adherence.Depressive, pain, and substance use disorders are highly prevalent among persons living with HIV/AIDS1,2 and among the homeless and marginally housed.3–5 The triple diagnosis of depression, HIV, and substance use poses unique treatment challenges for clinicians: successful management of one condition is often dependent on successful management of the others, and the optimal sequencing of depression treatment, substance use treatment, and stabilization of psychosocial comorbidities remains unclear. Adherence to the entire continuum of HIV care is often hampered by depression6–8 and substance use.9,10 For homeless persons, the need to address subsistence concerns such as obtaining food and shelter may not only adversely affect mental well-being11 but may also divert attention away from medication adherence and regular clinic attendance.12 Timely and effective depression treatment is critical for HIV-positive persons, because depression has been associated with CD4⁺ T-lymphocyte cell count decline,13 progression to AIDS,14 and AIDS-related mortality.15 Yet depression remains pervasively underdiagnosed and undertreated among the homeless16–18 and among HIV-positive persons.19,20Depression treatment might be expected to improve virological or immunologic outcomes through improved adherence, but this has not been conclusively demonstrated.21–23 We therefore sought to determine whether treatment with once-weekly fluoxetine reduced depression symptom severity among homeless and marginally housed persons with comorbid depression and HIV. Because this population faces many psychosocial barriers to successful medication adherence,12,24 in addition to depression,25 we employed a directly observed treatment strategy similar to that used for treatment and management of patients with tuberculosis and HIV.26 This strategy reduced the potential for incomplete adherence to reduce the effectiveness of antidepressant treatment. A secondary aim was to determine whether depression treatment improved antiretroviral therapy (ART) uptake among persons eligible for treatment and ART adherence and viral suppression among treated persons.     

A Multisite Study of the Prevalence of HIV With Rapid Testing in Mental Health Settings

Objectives. We estimated HIV prevalence and risk factors among persons receiving mental health treatment in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Baltimore, Maryland, January 2009 to August 2011.Methods. We used a multisite, cross-sectional design stratified by clinical setting. We tested 1061 individuals for HIV in university-based inpatient psychiatric units (n = 287), intensive case-management programs (n = 273), and community mental health centers (n = 501).Results. Fifty-one individuals (4.8%) were HIV-infected. Confirmed positive HIV tests were 5.9% (95% confidence interval [CI] = 3.7%, 9.4%) for inpatient units, 5.1% (95% CI = 3.1%, 8.5%) for intensive case-management programs, and 4.0% (95% CI = 2.6%, 6.1%) for community mental health centers. Characteristics associated with HIV included Black race, homosexual or bisexual identity, and HCV infection.Conclusions. HIV prevalence for individuals receiving mental health services was about 4 times as high as in the general population. We found a positive association between psychiatric symptom severity and HIV infection, indicating that engaging persons with mental illness in appropriate mental health treatment may be important to HIV prevention. These findings reinforce recommendations for routine HIV testing in all clinical settings to ensure that HIV-infected persons receiving mental health services are identified and referred to timely infectious disease care.People with serious mental illness (SMI) are at increased risk for being infected with HIV. Risk factors associated with HIV infection among persons with SMI mirror those in the general population and include unprotected sexual activity and injection drug use (IDU).1–5 Studies that estimated HIV prevalence from samples of patients with SMI during the 1990s and early 2000s found that HIV prevalence ranged from 1% to 23%.6–16 The wide variation in estimates has been attributed to small sample sizes, the use of regional convenience samples, differences in sampling frames, and inadequate adjustment for confounding effects of factors associated with HIV risk.17,18Analysis of administrative data indicates that many HIV-infected persons who receive Medicaid also have comorbid mental illnesses. Walkup et al. found that among persons in the New Jersey HIV/AIDS registry receiving Medicaid, 5.7% had a diagnosis of schizophrenia,19 much higher than the prevalence of schizophrenia in the general population, which is estimated to be about 1%.20 A clear weakness of this method is that HIV diagnoses identified in administrative records may not capture all HIV diagnoses and may not be linked to confirmed HIV-positive test results. An approach to measuring rates of HIV among individuals with SMI taken by investigators in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, was to conduct HIV testing on remnant blood specimens collected from patients on 2 inpatient psychiatric units in the city. In this study, 10.1% of patients were found to be HIV-infected. Chart reviews up to the time of testing of the remnant blood failed to find documentation of previous HIV diagnosis in the clinical record for approximately one third of these persons. However, this study used a very specific sample that does not generalize to all patients seeking mental health services.16As the demographics of the HIV epidemic have shifted in the past decade, the degree to which HIV prevalence among persons with SMI has changed remains unclear. Accurate estimates of HIV prevalence among these persons and more information about access to and retention in care for HIV-positive persons with SMI is needed.The approval of rapid HIV testing by the US Food and Drug Administration and widespread availability of multiple rapid testing assays provides new opportunities for HIV testing and more efficient determination of prevalence estimates in hard-to-reach populations. Rapid HIV testing results can be obtained in approximately 20 minutes, allowing delivery of immediate posttest counseling and referral and linkage to HIV care. Prevention services for persons with preliminary positive test results can also reduce risks of transmission to others. The rapid turnaround for obtaining and delivering test results increases the flexibility of service delivery and might be useful for testing those with SMI within mental health settings. This is particularly important as the mental health system has been increasingly called upon to provide basic medical and preventive health services21–24 for those with SMI and is the most common place for where they receive care.25 Rapid testing thus holds great promise for integrating routine HIV testing into ongoing mental health services in a variety of clinical settings. The specificity of current US Food and Drug Administration–approved rapid HIV tests is high.26 Sensitivity for established infections is also high, but currently available rapid tests do not detect early infections that can be detected by laboratory tests.27Prevention services for HIV-positive patients in mental health centers have the potential to reduce risks of transmission to others. This is consistent with a positive prevention model proposed by Sikkema et al.28 although the empirical evidence to date has been mixed,29–31 with additional studies in progress.32 There is also an opportunity for rapid testing to facilitate linkage to infectious disease care for these individuals.33–36The purpose of this study was to use rapid HIV testing to estimate HIV prevalence and examine risk factors associated with HIV infection among people receiving treatment in the mental health system. We focused on 2 large urban communities (Philadelphia, PA, and Baltimore, MD) that have a high burden of HIV infection. By drawing the study sample from inpatient psychiatric units, outpatient community mental health centers (CMHCs), and outpatient intensive case management (ICM) programs, we captured patients served by the 3 predominant modalities of mental health service delivery in the United States.     

Prenatal,Perinatal, Early Life,and Sociodemographic Factors Underlying Racial Differences in the Likelihood of High Body Mass Index in Early Childhood

Objectives. We investigated early childhood disparities in high body mass index (BMI) between Black and White US children.Methods. We compared differences in Black and White children’s prevalence of sociodemographic, prenatal, perinatal, and early life risk and protective factors; fit logistic regression models predicting high BMI (≥ 95th percentile) at age 4 to 5 years to 2 nationally representative samples followed from birth; and performed separate and pooled-survey estimations of these models.Results. After adjustment for sample design–related variables, models predicting high BMI in the 2 samples were statistically indistinguishable. In the pooled-survey models, Black children''s odds of high BMI were 59% higher than White children''s (odds ratio [OR] = 1.59; 95% confidence interval [CI]= 1.32, 1.92). Sociodemographic predictors reduced the racial disparity to 46% (OR = 1.46; 95% CI = 1.17, 1.81). Prenatal, perinatal, and early life predictors reduced the disparity to nonsignificance (OR = 1.18; 95% CI = 0.93, 1.49). Maternal prepregnancy obesity and short-duration or no breastfeeding were among predictors for which racial differences in children’s exposures most disadvantaged Black children.Conclusions. Racial disparities in early childhood high BMI were largely explained by potentially modifiable risk and protective factors.Over recent decades, as the prevalence of high body mass index (BMI; defined as at or above the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 95th percentile1) has increased dramatically among all children,2,3 racial disparities have been documented in nationally representative samples of children at very young ages.4–7 Reviews and prevalence studies highlight the need for a better understanding of the predictors of these disparities in BMI and other indicators of childhood obesity,8,9 especially in early childhood.7Previous research on high BMI in early childhood with racially and ethnically diverse samples has identified risk and protective factors at multiple developmental stages. In the prenatal and perinatal period, risks include higher birth weight,10–13 maternal prepregnancy BMI,14 and maternal smoking during pregnancy.14,15 In infancy and early life, risks include maternal employment,11 especially among highly educated women,12,16 nonparent child care,13,17,18 and television viewing hours.12,19–21 Protective factors include breastfeeding10,12,14 and family meals.12,21,22Studies have shown that young racial/ethnic minority children are exposed to more of these risks and fewer of these protections.23,24 Nevertheless, in analyses of nationally representative samples, high BMI remains more common among Black than White children even after adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics and risk and protective factors.6,11,12,14,16 We suspect that the persistence of racial disparities in these studies might be attributable to omitted predictors or less detailed measurement of the age and duration of children’s exposures. This type of comprehensive assessment is methodologically challenging because of the number of variables and observations required to draw statistically valid inferences.We employed a novel 2-survey methodological design to overcome these challenges. We used data from 2 nationally representative samples of US children followed from birth to age 4 to 5 years in separate and pooled-survey analyses to identify prenatal, perinatal, early life, and sociodemographic factors that may explain Black–White disparities in early childhood high BMI. The separate analyses in 2 surveys that cover a historical period of more than 10 years increased the robustness of our findings to differences in sample design, measurement protocols, and period variability in unobserved confounders. The pooled-survey analyses enhanced the statistical power of our study and thereby strengthened our conclusions about which factors explain Black–White disparities in early childhood high BMI.     

Association of Insurance Status and Age With Cervical Cancer Stage at Diagnosis: National Cancer Database, 2000–2007

Objectives. We examined the relationship of age at diagnosis and insurance status with stage among cervical cancer patients aged 21 to 85 years.Methods. We selected data on women (n = 69 739) diagnosed with invasive cervical cancer between 2000 and 2007 from the National Cancer Database. We evaluated the association between late stage (stage III/IV) and both insurance and age, with adjustment for race/ethnicity and other sociodemographic and clinical factors. We used multivariable log binomial models to estimate risk ratios (RRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs).Results. The proportion of late-stage disease increased with age: from 16.53% (21–34 years) to 42.44% (≥ 70 years). The adjusted relative risk of advanced-stage disease among women aged 50 years and older was 2.2 to 2.5 times that of patients aged 21 to 34 years. Uninsured (RR = 1.44; 95% CI = 1.40, 1.49), Medicaid (RR = 1.37, 95% CI = 1.34, 1.41), younger Medicare (RR = 1.12, 95% CI = 1.06, 1.19), and older Medicare (RR = 1.20, 95% CI = 1.15, 1.26) patients had a higher risk of late-stage disease than did privately insured patients.Conclusions. Screening should be encouraged for women at high risk for advanced-stage disease.The American Cancer Society estimates that 12 710 women will be diagnosed with cervical cancer and 4290 women will die from the disease in 2011.1 Although incidence and mortality from cervical cancer have declined since the introduction of the Papanicolaou (Pap) test, approximately 35% of cervical cancer patients are diagnosed with regional disease and 11% with distant-stage disease.2,3 Prognosis is strongly related to stage: the 5-year relative survival rate is 91.2% for patients with localized disease, but only 57.8% for patients with regional disease and 17.0% for those with distant disease.3Socioeconomic status, race, marital status, and geographic location have been identified as factors related to late stage at diagnosis among cervical cancer patients.4–10 Previous studies also documented older age as a significant predictor of advanced stage, although the effects of insurance and age, which are 2 of the strongest predictors of cervical cancer screening, have not been studied together.11,12 Women without health insurance are less likely to receive cervical cancer and other recommended cancer screening tests, yet few studies have examined the association between insurance status and cervical cancer stage at diagnosis, and the existing studies were limited to elderly (aged ≥ 65 years) Medicare recipients or patients from single-state tumor registries.4,13 We examined the relationship of both age and insurance status with late-stage disease after adjustment for other known risk factors. Ours was the first study to our knowledge to examine this relationship in a large national sample of cancer patients.     

Drawing the Curtain Back on Injured Commercial Bicyclists

Objectives. We determined the demographic characteristics, behaviors, injuries, and outcomes of commercial bicyclists who were injured while navigating New York City’s (NYC’s) central business district.Methods. Our study involved a secondary analysis of prospectively collected data from a level 1 regional trauma center in 2008 to 2014 of bicyclists struck by motor vehicles. We performed univariable and multivariable logistic regression analyses.Results. Of 819 injured bicyclists, 284 (34.7%) were working. Commercial bicyclists included 24.4% to 45.1% of injured bicyclists annually. Injured commercial bicyclists were more likely Latino (56.7%; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 50.7, 62.8 vs 22.7%; 95% CI = 19.2, 26.5). Commercial bicyclists were less likely to be distracted by electronic devices (5.0%; 95% CI = 2.7, 8.2 vs 12.7%; 95% CI = 9.9, 15.9) or to have consumed alcohol (0.7%; 95% CI = 0.9, 2.5 vs 9.5%; 95% CI = 7.2, 12.3). Commercial and noncommercial bicyclists did not differ in helmet use (38.4%; 95% CI = 32.7, 44.4 vs 30.8%; 95% CI = 26.9, 34.9). Injury severity scores were less severe in commercial bicyclists (odds ratio = 0.412; 95% CI = 0.235, 0.723).Conclusions. Commercial bicyclists represent a unique cohort of vulnerable roadway users. In NYC, minorities, especially Latinos, should be targeted for safety education programs.In the United States in 2012, 726 bicyclists were killed and 49 000 were injured in motor vehicle collisions1–3; these fatalities accounted for 2.2% of motor vehicle–related deaths, but represented a 6.5% increase from 2011.1,2 In New York City (NYC), there were 4207 bicycle collisions in 2012 that resulted in injury, including 20 fatalities.4An estimated 185 000 people bike in NYC daily; of these, 5000 are commercial bicyclists making deliveries.5 Although commercial bicyclists include only 2.7% of bicyclists in NYC, they account for 16% of daily bicycle trips, at an average of 22 trips per day per commercial bicyclist.5 There are an estimated 109 375 food delivery trips made daily across NYC, covering 100 000 miles.5 NYC businesses have been required to provide employee bicyclists with helmets and safety gear, including reflectors, since 2007 and identification cards and reflective vests since 2013.6–9 Following a 10-month safety education initiative for business owners, the NYC Department of Transportation (DOT) increased enforcement of existing commercial bicycling safety laws in April 2013 by deploying inspectors to businesses to issue violations for missing or improper safety equipment and nonadherence to mandatory safety courses.10–12Commercial bicyclists represent a unique population whose characteristics, behaviors, and injuries have not been previously documented. A comprehensive literature search yielded only 3 articles13–15 relevant to the subject matter, emphasizing the need for more data on this population. Furthermore, current New York State and City databases do not identify injured bicyclists as commercial or noncommercial.1,4 Previous work from our trauma center revealed that 43% of injured bicyclists involved in motor vehicle collisions were commercial.16,17 Although commercial bicyclists provide a convenient service in many urban centers, essential information regarding their safety practices, behaviors, and outcomes in the event of injury is lacking. Our hypothesis was that commercial bicyclists represent a distinct cohort of vulnerable roadway users with a high minority representation. The objective of this study was to describe the demographic characteristics, behaviors, injuries, and outcomes of commercial bicyclists who were injured while navigating NYC’s central business district.     

Quality of Life of People With HIV/AIDS Receiving Antiretroviral Therapy in Cuba: A Cross-Sectional Study of the National Population

Objectives. We studied the effect of antiretroviral therapy (ART) on the quality of life (QOL) of Cubans with HIV/AIDS.Methods. We conducted a cross-sectional study including administration of the Medical Outcomes Study–HIV Health Survey Questionnaire to a representative sample of the 1592 Cubans receiving ART in 2004. For univariate analyses, we compared mean HIV scale scores. We used logistic regression models to estimate the association between role function and year of diagnosis, between pain and sex, and between health transition and region of diagnosis, with adjustment for demographics, ART regimen, and clinical status.Results. There were 354 participants (73 women, 281 men). Scores for all functional activities showed means higher than 80 out of 100. Pain interfered more in women than in men (73.2 vs 81.9; P = .01). When HIV diagnosis occurred after 2001, the probability of experiencing difficulties performing work (odds ratio [OR] = 4.42; 95% CI = 1.83, 10.73) and pain (OR = 1.70; 95% CI = 1.01, 2.88) increased compared with earlier diagnosis. People treated with indinavir showed a greater perception of general health (58.9 vs 52.4; P = .045) and greater health improvement (78.6 vs 67.8; P = .002).Conclusions. Although Cubans receiving ART are maintaining a high QOL, we observed significant differences by sex and time of diagnosis. QOL assessment can serve as a health outcome and may allow identification of QOL reductions potentially related to ART side effects.In the Caribbean region, which is characterized by the highest prevalence of HIV outside of sub-Saharan Africa, AIDS is one of the main causes of adult death.1 Cuba has an estimated adult prevalence of HIV of 0.1%—the lowest in the Caribbean and the rest of the Americas—despite a rising HIV incidence.1 Transmission occurs fundamentally among men who have sexual intercourse with other men.2 Cuba is a country with a high development index and a low proportion of people below certain deprivation threshold levels in each of the dimensions of the high development index, as measured by the human poverty index.3Between 1986 and 1994, life in AIDS sanatoria was mandatory for all Cubans diagnosed with HIV—a contentious policy that generated multiple debates.4–7 Sanatoria were originated to provide medical and psychological care and to train people to live with HIV and to cope with the impact of the diagnosis.8,9 Whereas some authors argue that the quarantine contributed to the slow growth of the epidemic in Cuba,2,10 other studies have associated its low-level transmission with high condom use and an intensive policy of HIV testing, counseling, contact tracing, and active follow-up of all people diagnosed with HIV.2 Because of the human and social cost of quarantine, an outpatient care system was initiated in 199411 with the aim of reintroducing people with HIV back into society. By the end of 2008, 74% of those diagnosed with HIV in Cuba received ambulatory care and 26% either lived in sanatoria—now called Centers for Comprehensive Care for People with HIV/AIDS—or were staying there temporarily while they received training on how to live with HIV.12 This training, which is also provided to those in ambulatory care, consists mostly on how to eat a healthy diet, maintain good personal hygiene, keep medical appointments, complete examinations, adhere to treatment, avoid substance use, and prevent HIV transmission and reinfection. To ensure appropriate nutrition, people with HIV are entitled to additional food rations.11Until 1996, some patients received antiretroviral (ARV) monotherapy or dual therapy and, between 1996 and 2001, a small number of patients received triple antiretroviral therapy (ART), mostly through donations. Since 2001, after the Cuban government started to produce generic ARVs,11 ART became the standard regimen, free of cost to the patient.2,11 Nationally produced ARVs included zidovudine (AZT), lamivudine (3TC), stavudine (d4T), indinavir (IDV), didanosine (DDI), and nevirapine (NVP). A greater number of therapeutic combinations was introduced in 2003, when a grant from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria (GFATM) allowed the purchase of additional ARVs. In 2003, Cuba achieved universal access to ART11 for all those who met clinical eligibility criteria; that is, HIV infection with a CD4 count less than 350 cells per cubic millimeter with or without opportunistic infections; an AIDS-defining illness such as lymphoma, tuberculosis, or Kaposi’s sarcoma independent of viral load; or a viral load of at least 55 000 copies per milliliter. As of May 2009, 73.4% of patients receiving ART were treated with generic medications manufactured in Cuba, 0.8% with ARVs purchased through the GFATM, and 25.8% with a mix of Cuban generics and ARVs purchased through the GFATM.12In Cuba, the use of ART has proven to be effective, improving immunologic parameters, increasing survival, and diminishing the occurrence of opportunistic infections and AIDS-related mortality11,13—even though development of drug resistance and treatment failure, associated with nonadherence to ART, have been documented.14,15 Now that HIV infection is a chronic illness, quality of life (QOL) assessment can serve as a health outcome and may also allow clinicians and other health workers to identify any reductions in QOL potentially related to short- and long-term side effects of ART. Because nonadherence can be potentially related to reductions in QOL linked with side effects,16 its resulting increased viral load may also have a public health impact in terms of increasing the likelihood of transmission of HIV.17 Although the impact of ART on QOL was explored in a qualitative study among pregnant women in Cuba,18 this article presents the first quantitative study of the effect of the provision of ART on QOL of a nationally representative sample of people living with HIV/AIDS in Cuba.     

Effects of a Brief Case Management Intervention Linking People With HIV to Oral Health Care: Project SMILE

Objectives. Although people with HIV experience significant oral health problems, many consistently identify oral health as an unmet health care need. We conducted a randomized controlled trial to evaluate the impact of a dental case management intervention on dental care use.Methods. We evaluated the intervention according to self-reported dental care use at 6-, 12-, and 18-month follow-ups. Multivariable logistic models with generalized estimating equations were used to assess the effects of the intervention over time.Results. The odds of having a dental care visit were about twice as high in the intervention group as in the standard care group at 6 months (adjusted odds ratio [OR] = 2.52; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.58, 4.08) and 12 months (adjusted OR = 1.98; 95% CI = 1.17, 3.35), but the odds were comparable in the 2 groups by 18 months (adjusted OR = 1.07; 95% CI = 0.62, 1.86). Factors significantly associated with having a dental care visit included frequent physician visits and dental care referrals.Conclusions. We demonstrated that a dental case management intervention targeting people with HIV was efficacious but not sustainable over time. Barriers not addressed in the intervention must be considered to sustain its use over time.In the era of antiretroviral therapy, people with HIV are living longer and the treatment of associated medical and oral manifestations of the disease has shifted to a chronic disease model.1 Previous studies have shown that a person living with HIV/AIDS is more likely than a person without the disease to experience oral health problems.2–5 Furthermore, the oral health problems of individuals with HIV can be more severe and difficult to treat than those of the general population and may also contribute to the onset of opportunistic infections.5The oral health complications associated with HIV are well documented,2–6 and oral manifestations are increasingly being recognized as markers for monitoring treatment efficacy and predicting treatment failure.7 Oral manifestations, including Kaposi’s sarcoma, necrotizing ulcerative periodontitis, oral hairy leukoplakia, and candidiasis, may be present in up to 50% of people with HIV and 80% of people diagnosed with AIDS,5,6 and may predict low CD4 counts.8 In addition, individuals living with HIV/AIDS may experience difficulty in maintaining adequate salivary flow, which affects chewing, swallowing, and the ability to take medication.4 Chronic use of highly active antiretroviral therapy can also contribute to diminished salivary flow as well as an increased risk of oral candidiasis and oral hairy leukoplakia.9Throughout the 1990s, a series of study findings highlighted the unmet needs for dental care among people with HIV infection.10–14 This gap in oral health care services was corroborated by findings from the oral health component of the HIV Cost and Services Utilization Study,15 which demonstrated that unmet dental needs were twice as common as unmet medical needs among HIV-positive adults16,17 and led to a national call to action to improve access to oral health care.18 That study also showed that approximately half of people living with HIV had dental insurance, and those without dental insurance had greater unmet needs for dental services.17,19,20Recently published findings suggest that an unmet need still persists. One example is an initiative, funded by the Health Resources and Services Administration, that included 2469 people living with HIV who had not received dental care during the preceding year. Nearly half of these individuals (48%) reported an unmet dental need since their HIV diagnosis, 52% had not seen a dentist in more than 2 years, and 63% rated the health of their teeth and gums as fair or poor.21,22 An earlier investigation involving baseline data from the study presented here showed that oral health problems and symptoms were very prevalent among our study population, with 63% of participants having experienced an oral health impact very often or fairly often in the preceding 4 weeks.23Barriers to dental care use among individuals living with HIV include fear of dental care, HIV-specific stigma, fear of disclosing their HIV status to health care providers, perceived cost barriers, and poor adherence to medical guidance.20,22,24–31 Compounding patient access barriers, dental care providers may be reluctant to treat patients with HIV owing to fears of HIV transmission and associated stigma.32–36Previous research conducted in Florida revealed that more than one third of people with HIV do not discuss oral health with their primary care providers.37 Although clinical guidelines recommend that HIV care providers examine the oral cavity during initial and interim physical examinations of people living with HIV, this still may not be a regular clinical practice.37 To address underuse of oral health care services among individuals with HIV, we evaluated the efficacy of an intervention that linked individuals to dental care. The sample comprised a population of HIV-positive individuals in south Florida who had received HIV primary care but had not received oral health services in the preceding 12 months.     

Predictors of Active Injection Drug Use in a Cohort of Patients Infected With Hepatitis C Virus

Objectives. We investigated potential risk factors for active injection drug use (IDU) in an inner-city cohort of patients infected with hepatitis C virus (HCV).Methods. We used log-binomial regression to identify factors independently associated with active IDU during the first 3 years of follow-up for the 289 participants who reported ever having injected drugs at baseline.Results. Overall, 142 (49.1%) of the 289 participants reported active IDU at some point during the follow-up period. In a multivariate model, being unemployed (prevalence ratio [PR] = 1.93; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.24, 3.03) and hazardous alcohol drinking (PR = 1.67; 95% CI = 1.34, 2.08) were associated with active IDU. Smoking was associated with IDU but this association was not statistically significant. Patients with all 3 of those factors were 3 times as likely to report IDU during follow-up as those with 0 or 1 factor (PR = 3.3; 95% CI = 2.2, 4.9). Neither HIV coinfection nor history of psychiatric disease was independently associated with active IDU.Conclusions. Optimal treatment of persons with HCV infection will require attention to unemployment, alcohol use, and smoking in conjunction with IDU treatment and prevention.Hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection is a major cause of chronic hepatitis, liver cirrhosis, and hepatocellular carcinoma. About 130 million people are estimated to be infected worldwide with HCV,1 including 3.2 million in the United States,2 and mortality from HCV in the United States is increasing.3 Injection drug use (IDU) is the single most important risk factor for HCV infection in the United States 2,4 with an estimated 40% to 50% of infections attributable to IDU.5 Of increasing concern is the substantial proportion of HCV-infected patients who are coinfected with HIV.6 Because HIV and HCV are each transmitted by blood-contaminated needles and syringes, approximately 30% of all HIV-infected individuals are also infected with HCV1,7; in cohorts of intravenous drug users, the proportion of HCV-infected persons with HIV coinfection can be as high as 41%.8Because IDU is a significant risk factor for HCV transmission, ongoing drug abuse is common in HCV-infected populations. Such ongoing drug use has been documented as a potential barrier in managing the infection.9,10 Moreover, former IDUs can be concerned about relapse with performing self-injection as part of interferon treatment.11 Thus, understanding factors associated with active IDU may inform pragmatic approaches to improving acceptability of HCV treatment and increasing patients’ chances of successfully treating their disease.Other barriers to treatment of HCV infection have been described and are associated with IDU, such as alcohol use, psychiatric disease, and HIV coinfection.9,10,12–14 Concurrent alcohol abuse has, in some studies, distinguished persistence of IDU from cessation of IDU; however, in other reports, the association of heavy alcohol use did not remain after adjustment for known risk factors.15,16 Co-occurring mental disorders are frequently associated with poorer health and worse treatment outcomes among drug users and may lead to an increased level of drug use and riskier drug use behavior.17 HIV infection has been hypothesized to be associated with IDU in contrasting ways. Those who are HIV-infected may have more frequent contact with health services and thus referral to drug treatment; conversely, increased depression following diagnosis may lead to increased drug use.16Individual patterns of drug use vary over time. Whereas some studies have indicated a trend toward decreased IDU over time in longer-term cohort studies, others have found that many injection drug users are unable to maintain sustained cessation of IDU.17–23 In addition to the direct morbidity and mortality associated with IDU, continued use may make it more difficult for patients to effectively manage their disease. Evaluating predictors of ongoing IDU in these populations may help identify avenues to facilitate long-term cessation of IDU. Our goals were to investigate risk factors for active IDU in a cohort of patients infected with hepatitis C, with specific focus on alcohol use, smoking, psychiatric disease, and HIV coinfection.