Ethnic Density Effects on Birth Outcomes and Maternal Smoking During Pregnancy in the US Linked Birth and Infant Death Data Set

Objectives. We investigated whether mothers from ethnic minority groups have better pregnancy outcomes when they live in counties with higher densities of people from the same ethnic group—despite such areas tending to be more socioeconomically deprived.Methods. In a population-based US study, we used multilevel logistic regression analysis to test whether same-ethnic density was associated with maternal smoking in pregnancy, low birthweight, preterm delivery, and infant mortality among 581 151 Black and 763 201 Hispanic mothers and their infants, with adjustment for maternal and area-level characteristics.Results. Higher levels of same-ethnic density were associated with reduced odds of infant mortality among Hispanic mothers, and reduced odds of smoking during pregnancy for US-born Hispanic and Black mothers. For Black mothers, moderate levels of same-ethnic density were associated with increased risk of low birthweight and preterm delivery; high levels of same ethnic density had no additional effect.Conclusions. Our results suggest that for Hispanic mothers, in contrast to Black mothers, the advantages of shared culture, social networks, and social capital protect maternal and infant health.Numerous studies have shown that living in a socioeconomically deprived neighborhood exerts a contextual effect on the health of individual residents beyond their own socioeconomic status.^1,2 This is likely to have a differential impact on some ethnic minority groups, such as African Americans and Hispanics. (Throughout this paper we have defined “ethnicity” as a global indicator of a person''s heritage including both racial and ethnic origins.) Whereas the majority of poor White people live in nondeprived areas, poor African Americans are concentrated in areas of high poverty.³ Thus, it might be paradoxical to suggest that members of ethnic minority groups might be healthier when they live in areas with a high concentration of people of the same ethnicity.^4,5 However, there is some evidence that living in communities that contain proportionally more people from the same ethnic group is protective for some health outcomes, once material deprivation is accounted for. The evidence for the protective effects of same-ethnic density is strongest for mental health,^4,5 with the evidence for maternal and infant health outcomes more mixed.The majority of studies that have investigated the impact of same-ethnic density on maternal and infant health have focused on African Americans or Black families (in this article, we use whichever term was used in the studies we describe). Two older ecological studies^6,7 found that increasing levels of same-ethnic density for New York City African Americans were associated with increased fetal and neonatal mortality but not postneonatal mortality. Another study found no association between ethnic density measured in US cities and postneonatal mortality.⁸ More recent studies have tended to use multilevel analyses that controlled for individual-level measures of socioeconomic status, and focused on measures of morbidity, such as low birthweight (LBW), with less consistent results.^9–14One study of Chicago neighborhoods found that an increasing proportion of African American residents was associated with a reduced risk of LBW.¹³ Two other studies found that an increasing proportion of Black residents was associated with increased risk of LBW.^11,14 However, other studies have found no significant associations between same-ethnic density and LBW.^9,10,12Five studies have investigated the impact of ethnic density on preterm delivery rates among African Americans.^{9,10,12,15,16} Studies of neighborhoods in Minnesota⁹ and North Carolina¹⁵ found same-ethnic density to be associated with increased risk of preterm delivery after adjustment for individual but not area measures of socioeconomic circumstances. Three other studies found no association between same-ethnic density and preterm delivery in models that included individual-level maternal education and area-level measures of socioeconomic circumstances.^10,12,16We are aware of only 1 study that has investigated the impact of same-ethnic density on maternal smoking during pregnancy, which found that it was associated with reduced risk of maternal smoking after adjustment for both individual and area measures of socioeconomic conditions.¹⁷We found only 2 studies that have investigated the impact of ethnic density on Hispanic maternal and infant health. The first, conducted in the states of Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas, found lower rates of infant mortality for US-born Mexican-origin mothers living in counties with high concentrations of mothers of the same ethnicity.¹⁸ However, this effect was not found for mothers born outside the United States. The second study found no associations between same-ethnic density, as measured in Chicago census tracts, and LBW, preterm delivery, and maternal smoking after adjustment for economic disadvantage, maternal education, and violent crime.¹²Further support for the protective effects of Hispanic density comes from the “Hispanic paradox.”¹⁹ Compared with the White majority population, Hispanic mothers tend to have better or equal pregnancy outcomes and better health-related behaviors despite generally having more disadvantaged socioeconomic circumstances.^20–24 It has been proposed that this “paradox” can be explained by dietary factors, social support and cohesion, and cultural differences in relation to the importance of motherhood.^23,24 However, long-term US residents who move away from ethnic enclaves²⁵ are more likely to adopt Western health behaviors and values²⁶ and may lose any protective effects of Hispanic culture. Thus, the protective effects of Hispanic culture are more likely to be maintained in communities of higher Hispanic density.We hypothesized that maternal smoking during pregnancy, infant mortality, LBW, and preterm birth would be lower for non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic White (hereafter referred to as “Hispanic mothers”) mothers living in counties with a higher percentage of people of the same ethnicity, relative to their counterparts living in counties with a low percentage of people of the same ethnicity.     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

First-Trimester Working Conditions and Birthweight: A Prospective Cohort Study

Objectives. We investigated the relationship between women''s first-trimester working conditions and infant birthweight.Methods. Pregnant women (N = 8266) participating in the Amsterdam Born Children and Their Development study completed a questionnaire gathering information on employment and working conditions. After exclusions, 7135 women remained in our analyses. Low birthweight and delivery of a small-for-gestational-age (SGA) infant were the main outcome measures.Results. After adjustment, a workweek of 32 hours or more (mean birthweight decrease of 43 g) and high job strain (mean birthweight decrease of 72 g) were significantly associated with birthweight. Only high job strain increased the risk of delivering an SGA infant (odds ratio [OR] = 1.5; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.1, 2.2). After adjustment, the combination of high job strain and a long workweek resulted in the largest birthweight reduction (150 g) and the highest risk of delivering an SGA infant (OR = 2.0; 95% CI = 1.2, 3.2).Conclusions. High levels of job strain during early pregnancy are associated with reduced birthweight and an increased risk of delivering an SGA infant, particularly if mothers work 32 or more hours per week.Delivery of a low-birthweight or small-for-gestational-age (SGA) infant as a result of fetal growth restriction is one of the principal adverse pregnancy outcomes. In the short term, low birthweight and small size for gestational age are major determinants of infant mortality and morbidity¹ and impaired neonatal development.² In the long term, they increase metabolic and cardiovascular disease risk.^3–5 Prevention of fetal growth restriction is therefore of undisputed clinical and economic importance.Maternal factors, obstetric factors (e.g., placental dynamics), and social factors,⁵ including employment-related factors, can all play a role in fetal growth impairment.^6–24 Although employment in general is associated with enhanced outcomes,^6,20,21 certain working conditions represent potential risk factors for the mother and child. Increased levels of risk resulting from long working hours,^{12,13,17,18,24} high physical workloads,^13–16 prolonged standing,^13,18 and psychosocial job strain^7,9,10,24 have been suggested, but the findings in this area are not unequivocal.^8,11,22,23 So far, 2 reviews have been conducted that focused on physical workload and delivery of an SGA infant. Mozurkewich et al.¹⁶ concluded from their review of 29 studies that physically demanding work is associated with SGA births (pooled odds ratio [OR] = 1.37; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.30, 1.44). Bonzini et al.¹⁹ reached the same conclusion in their study. To our knowledge, job strain has not been considered in any published review.Limitations in research designs,^6,8,19–21 variability in definitions and measurement of work-related factors,^6,18–20 and true variability across countries and cultures may account for the inconsistent results observed to date. Another important limitation of occupational hazard research is the focus on third-trimester exposures.^11,13 Experimental data and emerging theory point to the first rather than the second or third trimester as a crucial period for regulating the relevant fetal hormonal set points, in particular the hypothalamic pituitary axis (HPA).^25–27 Stress-dependent dysregulation of the HPA affects birthweight and a child''s subsequent growth and development.^25–31 From this perspective, employment during pregnancy is perhaps the most prevalent potential stress factor, given that few working women quit their jobs early in pregnancy.In an effort to overcome the limitations of previous studies, we explored the association between infant birthweight and employment-related conditions (e.g., hours worked per week, hours standing or walking, physical demands of work, and job strain) in an unselected urban cohort of pregnant women. We hypothesized that after adjustment for all known major cofactors, first-trimester work-related effects on birthweight would exceed the third-trimester effects reported in previous research.     

Reducing Psychosocial and Behavioral Pregnancy Risk Factors: Results of a Randomized Clinical Trial Among High-Risk Pregnant African American Women

Objectives. We evaluated the efficacy of a primary care intervention targeting pregnant African American women and focusing on psychosocial and behavioral risk factors for poor reproductive outcomes (cigarette smoking, secondhand smoke exposure, depression, and intimate partner violence).Methods. Pregnant African American women (N = 1044) were randomized to an intervention or usual care group. Clinic-based, individually tailored counseling sessions were adapted from evidence-based interventions. Follow-up data were obtained for 850 women. Multiple imputation methodology was used to estimate missing data. Outcome measures were number of risks at baseline, first follow-up, and second follow-up and within-person changes in risk from baseline to the second follow-up.Results. Number of risks did not differ between the intervention and usual care groups at baseline, the second trimester, or the third trimester. Women in the intervention group more frequently resolved some or all of their risks than did women in the usual care group (odds ratio = 1.61; 95% confidence interval = 1.08, 2.39; P = .021).Conclusions. In comparison with usual care, a clinic-based behavioral intervention significantly reduced psychosocial and behavioral pregnancy risk factors among high-risk African American women receiving prenatal care.Adverse pregnancy outcomes are particularly common among women who are members of racial/ethnic minority groups.^1–4 African American infants are 3.4 times more likely than are White infants to die in the neonatal period, a disadvantage that persists even when mothers have appropriately early and equal access to prenatal care.⁵ In Washington, DC, death rates among non-Hispanic African American infants remain unacceptably high (17.0 per 1000 live births in 2005) despite an overall decline in infant mortality from 18.6 per 1000 live births in 1992 to 14.0 per 1000 births in 2005.⁶ Psychosocial and behavioral risks are recognized as potential contributors to poor reproductive outcomes.^7–9 Poverty,¹⁰ limited social support,¹¹ smoking,¹² illicit drug use,¹³ depression,¹⁴ anxiety,^14,15 and intimate partner violence (IPV)^16,17 are all associated to varying degrees with pregnancy complications, premature and low-birthweight deliveries, stillbirths, and infant mortality.There is increasing recognition of the role of primary care in screening, diagnosis, and treatment of behavioral, mental health, and psychosocial concerns,^18–27 because of the significant association between medical morbidity and behavioral and mental health problems.²⁸ Although interventions involving primary care providers may have limited success, they can be cost-effective.^18,24 Because access to and use of behavioral and mental health care remain problematic, especially among members of underserved minority groups,^29–32 making such care available through primary care services may avert missed opportunities.Prenatal care may be a venue to address behavioral and mental health issues that can potentially affect the health of pregnant women and their unborn children.³³ The guidelines of the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology and the American Academy of Pediatrics^34,35 suggest ways primary care providers can screen for behavioral and psychosocial risk factors. Despite these guidelines, many providers still fail to screen pregnant women,^35–38 with screening rates varying according to type of provider,^36,39 risk factors,³⁶ population group,⁴⁰ and provider risk perceptions.⁴¹ Furthermore, when implemented, psychosocial and behavioral interventions have been only moderately successful.^42,43Such inconsistent results may arise from multiple factors, including differences in study design, participant engagement, and intervention content or implementation, including approaches that address only 1 of multiple, co-occurring psychosocial or behavioral risk factors. Behavioral and psychosocial factors associated with poor pregnancy outcomes are related to and serve as risk factors for one another⁴⁴; therefore, an alternative approach would be to provide an intervention simultaneously addressing multiple psychosocial and behavioral risk factors among pregnant women, as has been done in relation to other health risks.^45–47A recent study focusing on 3569 Medicaid-eligible pregnant women examined the effects of the Prenatal Plus Program in Colorado with respect to smoking, inadequate prenatal weight gain, and “psychosocial problems” (defined as “significant or severe stress as a result of personal or family safety needs, lack of support systems, or an inability to meet basic needs”).^48(p1955) Women who had at least 10 Prenatal Plus visits were more likely than were women who did not to reduce these risks; in addition, only 7.0% of women who resolved all of their risks delivered low-birthweight infants, whereas 13.2% of those who resolved none of their risks did so. In spite of these promising results, the nonexperimental nature of the Colorado study may have created unquantifiable biases favoring the intervention.Moreover, only 4% of all births in Colorado, and 7% of Prenatal Plus deliveries, occurred among African American women, the group at greatest risk of adverse pregnancy outcomes. Thus, further experimental investigations in which rigorous randomized trial designs are used to assess vulnerable African American women are needed to better appreciate the potential merits of an integrated intervention focusing on psychosocial and behavioral risk factors during pregnancy.We conducted a randomized clinical trial testing the efficacy of an integrated intervention targeting multiple behavioral and psychosocial risk factors among pregnant African American women in the District of Columbia. The risk factors we chose to address were cigarette smoking, secondhand smoke exposure, depression, and IPV.     

Social support, exposure to violence and transphobia, and correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work

Objectives. We determined racial/ethnic differences in social support and exposure to violence and transphobia, and explored correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW).Methods. A total of 573 THSW who worked or resided in San Francisco or Oakland, California, were recruited through street outreach and referrals and completed individual interviews using a structured questionnaire.Results. More than half of Latina and White participants were depressed on the basis of Center For Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale scores. About three quarters of White participants reported ever having suicidal ideation, of whom 64% reported suicide attempts. Half of the participants reported being physically assaulted, and 38% reported being raped or sexually assaulted before age 18 years. White and African American participants reported transphobia experiences more frequently than did others. Social support, transphobia, suicidal ideation, and levels of income and education were significantly and independently correlated with depression.Conclusions. For THSW, psychological vulnerability must be addressed in counseling, support groups, and health promotion programs specifically tailored to race/ethnicity.The term “transgender” has been used as an umbrella term, capturing people who do not conform with a binary male–female gender category.¹ In this study, we use the term “transgender women” or “male-to-female transgender women” to describe individuals who were born biologically male but self-identify as women and desire to live as women.² Although transgender persons or those who identify their gender other than male or female have been historically reported in many cultures around the world, their social roles, status, and acceptance have varied across time and place.³ In the United States, as part of the gay rights movement in the 1970s, a transgender civil rights movement emerged to advocate for transgender people''s equal rights and to eradicate discrimination and harassment in their daily lives.⁴ However, transphobia—institutional, societal, and individual-level discrimination against transgender persons—is still pervasive in the United States and elsewhere. It often takes the form of laws, regulations, violence (physical, sexual, and verbal), harassment, prejudices, and negative attitudes directed against transgender persons.^5–7Studies have reported that transgender persons lack access to gender-sensitive health care^6,8,9 and often experience transphobia in health care and treatment.^5,9 Transgender persons are frequently exposed to violence, sexual assault, and harassment in everyday life, mainly because of transphobia.^5–7,9–11 Physical and sexual assaults and violence, and verbal and nonphysical harassment, derive from various perpetrators (e.g., strangers, acquaintances, partners, family members, and police officers). Transgender persons suffer from assaults, rape, and harassment at an early age, and these experiences persist throughout life.¹ A number of studies have examined violence and harassment against sexual minorities, although these have mainly focused on gay men.^12–15 A limited literature has described the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and health disparities among transgender persons.^7–9Psychological indicators such as depression and suicidal ideation and attempts have been reported among transgender persons.^{5,6,10,16–18} Transgender women of color, such as African Americans, Latinas, and Asians/Pacific Islanders (APIs), are at high risk for adverse health outcomes because of racial/ethnic minority status and gender identity,⁶ as well as for depression through exposure to transphobia.¹⁹ Although transgender persons have reported relatively high rates of using basic health care services,²⁰gender-appropriate mental health services are needed,⁵ particularly among African Americans.²¹ A lack of social support, specifically from the biological family, is commonly reported among transgender persons and is associated with discomfort and lack of security and safety in public settings.²² Sparse research exists on social support among transgender persons, although such support could ameliorate adverse psychological consequences associated with transphobia and also mitigate racial discrimination for transgender persons of color.Because of relatively high rates of unemployment, lack of career training and education, and discrimination in employment, many transgender women engage in sex work for survival.^23,24 Sex work is linked to high-risk situations, including substance abuse, unsafe sex, and sexual and physical abuse.²⁵ Physical abuse, social isolation, and the social stigma associated with sex work exacerbate transgender women''s vulnerability to mental illness and HIV risk.^5,17 High HIV seroprevalence rates among transgender women have been reported,^5,20,26–28 particularly among racial/ethnic minorities,⁵ substance users,²⁷ and sex workers.^{20,24,25,29–31} Transgender women of color face multiple adversities, such as racial and gender discrimination; transphobia; economic challenges including unemployment, substance abuse, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections; and mental illness. However, few studies have investigated racial/ethnic differences in psychological status among transgender women of color in relation to social support and exposure to transphobia.To develop culturally appropriate and transgender specific mental health promotion programs, we describe the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and social support in relation to racial/ethnic background among transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW). We also investigated the role of social support and exposure to transphobia on participants’ levels of depression.     

Childbearing Intentions of HIV-Positive Women of Reproductive Age in Soweto,South Africa: The Influence of Expanding Access to HAART in an HIV Hyperendemic Setting

Objectives. We investigated whether the intention to have children varied according to HIV status and use of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) among women in Soweto, South Africa.Methods. We used survey data from 674 women aged 18 to 44 years recruited from the Perinatal HIV Research Unit in Soweto (May through December 2007); 217 were HIV-positive HAART users (median duration of use = 31 months; interquartile range = 28, 33), 215 were HIV-positive and HAART–naive, and 242 were HIV negative. Logistic regression models examined associations between HIV status, HAART use, and intention to have children.Results. Overall, 44% of women reported intent to have children, with significant variation by HIV status: 31% of HAART users, 29% of HAART-naive women, and 68% of HIV-negative women (P < .001). In adjusted models, HIV-positive women were nearly 60% less likely to report childbearing intentions compared with HIV-negative women (for HAART users, adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.40; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.23, 0.69; for HAART-naive women, AOR = 0.35; 95% CI = 0.21, 0.60), with minimal differences according to use or duration of HAART.Conclusions. Integrated HIV, HAART, and reproductive health services must be provided to support the rights of all women to safely achieve their fertility goals.In sub-Saharan Africa, women of childbearing age comprise 61% of people living with HIV, accounting for over 12 million women.¹ In many regions, HIV incidence is increasing most dramatically among young women aged 18 to 30 years,^1,2 which coincides with their peak reproductive years.³ Globally, a plethora of evidence indicates that many women living with HIV continue to desire children,^4–8 become pregnant,^5,6,9 and give birth^5,6,10 after knowing their HIV-positive status.Childbearing decision making can be complex regardless of HIV seropositivity¹¹; among HIV-infected women, however, reproduction introduces additional personal, public health, and clinical care issues.¹² The vast majority of conceptions occur without the use of reproductive technologies such as sperm washing and artificial insemination.¹³ Thus, the unprotected sexual activity required for conception carries a risk of HIV transmission to uninfected sexual partners.¹⁴ Reproduction among HIV-positive women also carries a risk of vertical transmission during pregnancy and labor and through breastfeeding.^15,16 Moreover, HIV-positive women have a lower life expectancy than HIV-negative women,¹⁷ increasing the risk of maternal orphanhood.¹⁸ In light of these concerns, early reproductive guidelines for people living with HIV were dissuasive,¹⁹ and HIV-positive women who express a desire to have children continue to encounter the disapproval of the community and of health care workers.^4,20Nonetheless, although the potential health risks may have dampened the fertility intentions of some HIV-positive women, stigma associated with childlessness in many societies²¹ and the strong personal desires for biological parenthood⁴ remain potent drivers of childbearing intentions, despite an HIV-positive status. Indeed, in some cultural contexts, remaining childless can be a violation of societal norms more stigmatizing than the HIV infection itself.^4,22Expanding access to highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) is changing the landscape of childbearing decision making for people living with HIV.²³ HAART increases life expectancy,^24–26 decreases morbidity,^25,27 and dramatically reduces the risks of vertical²⁸ and horizontal^29,30 transmission. In this era of expanding access to HAART, the significant reduction in health risks and barriers to reproduction among people living with HIV has coincided with increased calls for a rights- and evidenced-based approach to reproduction.^31,32 Since childbearing intentions are among the strongest predictors of eventual childbearing,³³ creating effective and responsive sexual and reproductive health services for HIV-positive women in the context of expanding access to HAART requires a clear understanding of expressed childbearing intentions.Existing evidence concerning the influence of expanding access to HAART on childbearing intentions is largely incomplete. Although recent regional studies have shown that HAART use is associated with higher childbearing intentions, these studies neglected to consider the duration of HAART use^6,7 and tended only to compare the childbearing intentions of HIV-positive women without conducting a comparison with HIV-negative women from the same community.^6–8 Moreover, the lack of an HIV-negative control group precludes the opportunity to assess whether HAART users begin to resemble HIV-negative women in their childbearing intentions, particularly as HIV is increasingly recognized as a manageable chronic disease.Given the high HIV prevalence among women of reproductive age in Soweto, South Africa,¹ we aimed to assess the prevalence of childbearing intentions and to determine whether they varied according to HIV status and HAART use among women. We hypothesized that HIV-positive women would have lower childbearing intentions than would HIV-negative women. In addition, we hypothesized that HIV-positive women receiving HAART would have higher childbearing intentions than would HIV-positive HAART-naive women, with increasing duration of HAART treatment associated with incrementally higher childbearing intentions. Overall, we hypothesized that HAART use would narrow the measurable differences in childbearing intentions between HIV-positive and HIV-negative women.²³     

The association between perceived discrimination and obesity in a population-based multiracial and multiethnic adult sample

Objectives. We examined whether perceived chronic discrimination was related to excess body fat accumulation in a random, multiethnic, population-based sample of US adults.Methods. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression and logistic regression analyses to examine the relationship between interpersonal experiences of perceived chronic discrimination and body mass index and high-risk waist circumference.Results. Consistent with other studies, our analyses showed that perceived unfair treatment was associated with increased abdominal obesity. Compared with Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who did not experience perceived chronic discrimination, Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who perceived chronic discrimination were 2 to 6 times more likely to have a high-risk waist circumference. No significant relationship between perceived discrimination and the obesity measures was found among the other Whites, Blacks, or Hispanics.Conclusions. These findings are not completely unsupported. White ethnic groups including Polish, Italians, Jews, and Irish have historically been discriminated against in the United States, and other recent research suggests that they experience higher levels of perceived discrimination than do other Whites and that these experiences adversely affect their health.It is estimated that 2 of every 3 adults in the United States are overweight or obese.^1,2 Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic health conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, hypertension, stroke, some forms of cancer, and osteoarthritis.³ Although it is widely accepted that high-fat diets and physical inactivity are preventable risk factors,⁴ obesity continues to increase.^1,2,5There is a growing interest in the relationship between psychosocial risk factors and excess body fat accumulation.^6–16 In particular, some evidence suggests that psychosocial stressors may play a role in disease progression in general and in excess body fat in particular.^7,8,17 The key factors underlying physiological reactions to psychosocial stress have not been completely elucidated, but McEwen and Seeman¹⁷ and others^7,18,19 posit that the continued adaptation of the physiological system to external challenges alters the normal physiological stress reaction pathways and that these changes are related to adverse health outcomes.^8,17,18,20 For example, in examining the association between psychosocial stress and excess body fat accumulation, Björntorp and others have suggested that psychosocial stress is linked to obesity, especially in the abdominal area.^7,8Perceived discrimination, as a psychosocial stressor, is now receiving increased attention in the empirical health literature.^21–24 Such studies suggest perceived discrimination is inversely related to poor mental and physical health outcomes and risk factors, including hypertension,^24,25 depressive symptoms,^26–28 smoking,^29–31 alcohol drinking,^32,33 low birthweight,^34,35 and cardiovascular outcomes.^36–38Internalized racism, the acceptance of negative stereotypes by the stigmatized group,³⁹ has also been recognized as a race-related psychosocial risk factor.⁴⁰ Recent studies have also suggested that race-related beliefs and experiences including perceived discrimination might be potentially related to excess body fat accumulation. Three of these studies^9,13,41 showed that internalized racism was associated with an increased likelihood of overweight or abdominal obesity among Black Caribbean women in Dominica⁴¹ and Barbados¹³ and adolescent girls in Barbados.⁹ These researchers posit that individuals with relatively high levels of internalized racism have adopted a defeatist mindset, which is believed to be related to the physiological pathway associated with excess body fat accumulation. However, Vines et al.¹⁶ found that perceived racism was associated with lower waist-to-hip ratios among Black women in the United States. Although the assessment of race-related risk factors varied across these studies, the findings suggest that the salience of race-related beliefs and experiences may be related to excess body fat accumulation.Collectively, the results of these studies are limited. First, because they examined the relationship between race-related beliefs and experiences and excess body fat only among women, we do not know if this relationship is generalizable to men.^13,16,41 Second, these studies only examined this relationship among Blacks, even though perceived unfair treatment because of race/ethnicity has been shown to be adversely related to the health of multiple racial/ethnic population groups in the United States^42–49 and internationally.^27,50–55 Third, none of the studies have examined the relationship between excess body fat accumulation and perceived nonracial/nonethnic experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Some evidence suggests that the generic perception of unfair treatment or bias is adversely related to health, regardless of whether it is attributed to race, ethnicity, or some other reason.^45,55,56 Fourth, none of these studies included other measures of stress. We do not know if the association between race-related risk factors and obesity is independent of other traditional indicators of stress.Using a multiethnic, population-based sample of adults, we examined the association of perceived discrimination and obesity independent of other known risk factors for obesity, including stressful major life events. Additionally, because reports of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and non-racial/ethnic discrimination vary by racial/ethnic groups^24,45,46,57 and because Whites tend to have less excess body fat than do Blacks and Hispanics,^1,3 we examined the relationships between perceived discrimination and excess body fat accumulation among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, and non-Hispanic Blacks.     

An examination of periodontal treatment, dental care, and pregnancy outcomes in an insured population in the United States

Objectives. We examined whether periodontal treatment or other dental care is associated with adverse birth outcomes within a medical and dental insurance database.Methods. In a retrospective cohort study, we examined the records of 23 441 women enrolled in a national insurance plan who delivered live births from singleton pregnancies in the United States between January 1, 2003, and September 30, 2006, for adverse birth outcomes on the basis of dental treatment received. We compared rates of low birthweight and preterm birth among 5 groups, specifying the relative timing and type of dental treatment received. We used logistic regression analysis to compare outcome rates across treatment groups while adjusting for duration of continuous dental coverage, maternal age, pregnancy complications, neighborhood-level income, and race/ethnicity.Results. Analyses showed that women who received preventive dental care had better birth outcomes than did those who received no treatment (P < .001). We observed no evidence of increased odds of adverse birth outcomes from dental or periodontal treatment.Conclusions. For women with medical and dental insurance, preventive care is associated with a lower incidence of adverse birth outcomes.Preterm birth and low birthweight in the United States lead to significant infant morbidity and mortality. A preterm, or premature, birth has a gestational age of less than 37 weeks at delivery. Low birthweight is defined as birthweight less than 2500 grams. Approximately 12.5% of women in the United States deliver their babies prematurely, and those who deliver before reaching a gestation period of 32 weeks comprise 1% to 2% of all births.¹ During the neonatal period, low birthweight babies are less likely to survive compared to normal birthweight babies, and those who do survive are at an increased risk of developing respiratory, behavioral, and neurodevelopmental problems.² The Institute of Medicine of the National Academies estimates that premature births cost society at least $26 billion annually in the US.³Several studies have examined the effect of periodontal treatment on preterm birth and low birthweight outcomes.⁴ In 2 randomized controlled trials, Lopez et al. determined that periodontal therapy provided during pregnancy to women with periodontitis or gingivitis reduced the incidence of preterm low birthweight.^5,6 A study conducted in India reported that pregnant women who received plaque control instructions and scaling and root planing experienced significantly reduced rates of preterm births and low birthweight infants.⁷ In addition, case control, cross-sectional, and longitudinal studies relating periodontal disease and preterm low birthweight have shown that there is an association between the 2 conditions.^4,8–10 A 2007 meta-analysis confirmed an association between periodontal disease and preterm low birthweight but cautioned that additional studies must be conducted in order to more accurately identify the mechanisms for the association.⁸Conversely, several studies have failed to detect an association between periodontal disease and adverse birth outcomes.^11–17 Jeffcoat et al. reported a reduced, albeit not statistically significant, risk of premature birth in women with periodontal disease who received scaling and root planing or dental prophylaxis treatment.¹¹ Mitchell-Lewis et al. reported a nonsignificant reduction in preterm low birthweight outcomes in women who received basic periodontal therapy during pregnancy.¹² Michalowicz et al. conducted a multicenter trial of 823 women randomized to receive scaling and root planing either before 21 weeks of gestation or after delivery.¹⁶ Periodontitis treatment during pregnancy did not significantly affect rates of preterm birth or low birthweight. Offenbacher et al. conducted a multicenter randomized trial of 1806 women randomized to receive scaling and root planing early in the second trimester or after delivery.¹⁷ In their study, periodontal treatment did not reduce the incidence of preterm delivery.A retrospective examination of health insurance data for women with concomitant medical and dental coverage can contribute to the study of the association between oral conditions and outcomes; however, comprehensive examinations of dental insurance data have rarely included combined medical and dental databases.¹⁸ Certain specific features of health insurance claims data, such as representativeness and generalizability, make the data an important source of information for health services research.¹⁹ Insurance claims data provide information on dental treatment, medical treatment procedures, and medical diagnoses and have been reported to be more closely associated with actual medical record documentation than has self-reported health information garnered from patient surveys.^20–22We examined dental and medical claims data from the Aetna Data Warehouse to determine the association between periodontal treatment, dental prophylaxis, and other dental treatment and 2 adverse birth outcomes: preterm birth and low birthweight. We hypothesized that (1) women receiving preventive care (prophylaxis treatment) during the period of observation would experience improved birth outcomes compared with those receiving no dental treatment and (2) periodontal treatment provided before delivery would be associated with a lower incidence of adverse pregnancy outcomes.     

Timeliness of Breast Cancer Diagnosis and Initiation of Treatment in the National Breast and Cervical Cancer Early Detection Program, 1996�C2005

Objectives. To determine the effects of program policy changes, we examined service delivery benchmarks for breast cancer screening in the National Breast and Cervical Cancer Early Detection Program (NBCCEDP).Methods. We analyzed NBCCEDP data for women with abnormal mammogram or clinical breast examination (n = 382 416) from which 23 701 cancers were diagnosed. We examined time to diagnosis and treatment for 2 time periods: 1996 to 2000 and 2001 to 2005. We compared median time for diagnostic, treatment initiation, and total intervals with the Kruskal–Wallis test. We calculated adjusted proportions (predicted marginals) with logistic regression to examine diagnosis and treatment within program benchmarks (≤ 60 days) and time from screening to treatment (≤ 120 days).Results. Median diagnostic intervals decreased by 2 days (25 vs 23; P < .001). Median treatment initiation intervals increased by 2 days (12 vs 14; P < .001). Total intervals decreased by 3 days (43 vs 40; P < .001). Women meeting the 60-day benchmark for diagnosis improved the most for women with normal mammograms and abnormal clinical breast examinations from 77% to 82%.Conclusions. Women screened by the NBCCEDP received diagnostic follow-up and initiated treatment within preestablished program guidelines.Screening for breast cancer reduces morbidity and mortality from breast cancer when women receive timely follow-up and appropriate treatment.¹ There are few data to indicate what the optimal diagnostic and treatment intervals are that might ensure the best chances of survival from breast cancer detected by screening with mammography.^2,3 Recent information from organized screening programs in Canada and the United Kingdom showed that women who waited longer than 6 to 12 months for diagnostic workup were more likely to have larger cancers and more positive lymph nodes, which might lead to poorer survival.^2,3 In the case of symptomatic women, delays greater than 3 to 6 months to start therapy are associated with poorer survival.⁴Recent modeling studies have shown that the declines in mortality are attributable to both early detection and subsequent treatment.¹ Minority women, uninsured women, and women from lower socioeconomic backgrounds often do not have access to early detection.^5–7 These women are less likely to participate in mammography screening,⁸ less likely to have timely and complete follow-up after an abnormal screening test result,^9,10 more likely to be diagnosed with late-stage breast cancer,^6,7,11 more likely to die from breast cancer once diagnosed,^6,7 and might be more likely to receive suboptimal treatment.^12–15The National Breast and Cervical Cancer Early Detection Program (NBCCEDP) was authorized by Congress in 1990 to reach underserved women.¹⁶ Since the inception of the program, the NBCCEDP has established service delivery benchmarks to ensure timely and complete diagnostic follow-up and treatment initiation for underserved women screened through the program.¹⁷ Previous analysis of program benchmarks demonstrated that the national program was meeting its predefined quality standards of having a diagnosis within 60 days of an abnormal screening test result and initiation of treatment within 60 days of diagnosis.¹⁸ Legislation for program enhancements that added case management services, which was fully implemented in 2000, and a Medicaid waiver authorized by Congress in 2000 and fully implemented in 2003, should have improved the program''s ability to meet these standards.^19–22Accordingly, we hypothesized that NBCCEDP service delivery benchmarks would improve over time with shortening of time intervals after an abnormal mammogram or clinical breast examination (CBE) finding to final diagnosis, as well as the interval to treatment initiation after diagnosis, and the interval to treatment initiation after abnormal screening test result. We investigated this by using 2 time periods, 1996 to 2000 and 2001 to 2005,²⁰ to examine the effects of program policy changes on intervals in the 2001–2005 period.^20–22     

Impact of individual-, environmental-, and policy-level factors on health care utilization among US farmworkers

Objectives. We examined individual-, environmental-, and policy-level correlates of US farmworker health care utilization, guided by the behavioral model for vulnerable populations and the ecological model.Methods. The 2006 and 2007 administrations of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (n = 2884) provided the primary data. Geographic information systems, the 2005 Uniform Data System, and rurality and border proximity indices provided environmental variables. To identify factors associated with health care use, we performed logistic regression using weighted hierarchical linear modeling.Results. Approximately half (55.3%) of farmworkers utilized US health care in the previous 2 years. Several factors were independently associated with use at the individual level (gender, immigration and migrant status, English proficiency, transportation access, health status, and non-US health care utilization), the environmental level (proximity to US–Mexico border), and the policy level (insurance status and workplace payment structure). County Federally Qualified Health Center resources were not independently associated.Conclusions. We identified farmworkers at greatest risk for poor access. We made recommendations for change to farmworker health care access at all 3 levels of influence, emphasizing Federally Qualified Health Center service delivery.US farmworkers face significant disease burden¹ and excessive mortality rates for some diseases (e.g., certain cancers and tuberculosis) and injuries.² Disparities in health outcomes likely stem from occupational exposures and socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities. US farmworkers are typically Hispanic with limited education, income, and English proficiency.³ Approximately half are unauthorized to work in the United States.³ Despite marked disease burden, health care utilization appears to be low.^1,4–9 For example, only approximately half of California farmworkers received medical care in the previous year.⁶ This rate parallels that of health care utilization for US Hispanics, of whom approximately half made an ambulatory care visit in the previous year, compared with 75.7% of non-Hispanic Whites.¹⁰ Disparities in dental care have a comparable pattern.^6,8,11,12 However, utilization of preventive health services is lower for farmworkers^5,7,13,14 than it is for both US Hispanics and non-Hispanic Whites.^15,16Farmworkers face numerous barriers to health care^1,4,17: lack of insurance and knowledge of how to use or obtain it,^6,18 cost,^{5,6,12,13,18–20} lack of transportation,^{6,12,13,19–21} not knowing how to access care,^6,18,20,21 few services in the area or limited hours,^12,20,21 difficulty leaving work,¹⁹ lack of time,^5,13,19 language differences,^6,8,18–20 and fear of the medical system,¹³ losing employment,⁶ and immigration officials.²¹ Few studies have examined correlates of health care use among farmworkers. Those that have are outdated or limited in representativeness.^5,7,14,22,23 Thus, we systematically examined correlates of US health care use in a nationally representative sample of farmworkers, using recently collected data. The sampling strategy and application of postsampling weights enhance generalizability. We selected correlates on the basis of previous literature and the behavioral model for vulnerable populations.²⁴ The behavioral model posits that predisposing, enabling, and need characteristics influence health care use.²⁵ The ecological model, which specifies several levels of influence on behavior (e.g., policy, environmental, intrapersonal),²⁶ provided the overall theoretical framework. To our knowledge, we are the first to extensively examine multilevel correlates of farmworker health care use. We sought to identify farmworkers at greatest risk for low health care use and to suggest areas for intervention at all 3 levels of influence so that farmworker service provision can be improved.     

Intergenerational relationships between the smoking patterns of a population-representative sample of US mothers and the smoking trajectories of their children

Objectives. We assessed intergenerational transmission of smoking in mother-child dyads.Methods. We identified classes of youth smoking trajectories using mixture latent trajectory analyses with data from the Children and Young Adults of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (n = 6349). We regressed class membership on prenatal and postnatal exposure to maternal smoking, including social and behavioral variables, to control for selection.Results. Youth smoking trajectories entailed early-onset persistent smoking, early-onset experimental discontinued smoking, late-onset persistent smoking, and nonsmoking. The likelihood of early onset versus late onset and early onset versus nonsmoking were significantly higher among youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus either postnatally alone or unexposed. Controlling for selection, the increased likelihood of early onset versus nonsmoking remained significant for each exposure group versus unexposed, as did early onset versus late onset and late onset versus nonsmoking for youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus unexposed. Experimental smoking was notable among youths whose mothers smoked but quit before the child''s birth.Conclusions. Both physiological and social role-modeling mechanisms of intergenerational transmission are evident. Prioritization of tobacco control for pregnant women, mothers, and youths remains a critical, interrelated objective.Women who smoke during pregnancy are more likely to have offspring who become adolescent smokers.^1–7 Studies link mother''s smoking during pregnancy with youths'' earlier smoking initiation,^3,7–9 greater persistence in regular smoking,^3,7 and stronger nicotine dependency.^6,8,10,11Hypothesized physiological pathways for mother-to-child transmission of smoking are reviewed elsewhere^12–14 and may include inherited susceptibility to addiction alone or in combination with in utero neurodevelopmental exposure and scarring that activates nicotine susceptibility. Furthermore, because few women who smoke during pregnancy quit after delivery^15,16 higher rates of smoking among offspring may reflect role modeling of maternal smoking behavior. Notably, parental smoking is hypothesized to demonstrate pro-smoking norms and solidify pro-smoking attitudes.^17,18Studies considering both smoking during pregnancy and subsequent maternal smoking outcomes have sought to distinguish between these proposed social and physiological transmission pathways.^{1–4,6,7,9,19} Similarly, studies controlling for family sociodemographic factors^{1,2,4,5,7,8,10,11,19,20} or maternal propensity for health or risk taking^1,2,9,10 have sought to further distinguish direct physiological or social transmission from selection. Studies considering children''s cognitive and behavioral outcomes have shown that selection by maternal social and behavioral precursors to smoking during pregnancy strongly biases findings on smoking during pregnancy^21,22; however, it remains unclear whether this is also the case for youth smoking. Some studies^2,3,5,6,19 have observed that smoking during pregnancy operates independently of subsequent maternal smoking. A few have found that smoking during pregnancy is only independently associated in select analyses (e.g., for initiation but not frequency or number of cigarettes^6,9 or only among females^7,20). Several have found that smoking during pregnancy does not operate independently of subsequent maternal smoking behavior,^1,4 and the remaining studies do not address postnatal maternal smoking.^8,9,11We explored whether these inconsistencies in findings supporting social or physiological mechanisms for intergenerational transmission can be accounted for by more comprehensively examining maternal and child smoking behavior. Previous work has established the advantages of statistical models for youth smoking trajectories that capture initiation, experimentation, cessation, or continued use.^23–28 Studies focusing on parental smoking concurrent with youth smoking suggest that postnatal exposures may differentially predispose youths for specific smoking trajectories.^24,26–28 Only 3 known studies have considered whether smoking during pregnancy influences youth smoking progression, and these have shown greater likelihood of early regular use^3,11 and telescoping to dependence.⁸ However, limitations of sample selectivity and measurement and modeling of maternal and youth smoking outcomes restrict the generalizability and scope of these findings.²⁹ To specifically address these limitations and more comprehensively assess hypothesized intergenerational transmission pathways, we used US population–representative data, latent variable techniques, and a rich set of data on maternal and youth smoking and social and behavioral selection factors. We characterized trajectories of youth smoking from adolescence through young adulthood and considered exposure to various maternal smoking patterns from prebirth to the child''s early adolescence.     

The association of sexual orientation measures with young adults' health-related outcomes

Objectives. We examined associations among 3 dimensions of sexual orientation (identity, behavior, and attraction) and key health-related indicators commonly studied among sexual minority populations: depressive symptoms, perceived stress, smoking, binge drinking, and victimization.Methods. We analyzed data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, Wave IV (2007–2008) when respondents were aged 24 to 32 years (n = 14 412). We used multivariate linear and logistic regressions to examine consistency of associations between sexual orientation measures and health-related indicators.Results. Strength of associations differed by gender and sexual orientation measure. Among women, being attracted to both sexes, identifying as “mostly straight” or “bisexual,” and having mostly opposite-sex sexual partners was associated with greater risk for all indicators. Among men, sexual attraction was unrelated to health indicators. Men who were “mostly straight” were at greater risk for some, but not all, indicators. Men who had sexual partners of the same-sex or both sexes were at lower risk for binge drinking.Conclusions. Using all 3 dimensions of sexual orientation provides a more complete picture of the association between sexual orientation and health among young adults than does using any 1 dimension alone.Sexual orientation is composed of at least 3 dimensions—sexual identity, sexual behavior, and sexual attraction.^1–4 Yet, not until the Williams Institute released its report outlining best practices for asking questions about sexual orientation on surveys did a consensus exist among researchers regarding the best ways to measure these dimensions.⁵ This previous lack of consensus, coupled with the evidence that data sources commonly used to investigate the association between sexual orientation and health do not measure all 3 dimensions, has left the field with an incomplete understanding of health differences not only between heterosexual and sexual minority (nonheterosexual) populations but also within sexual minority populations themselves.Sexual identity is one of the most commonly assessed dimensions of sexual orientation in health research. However, items used to measure sexual identity have been the most difficult for respondents to answer,^1,6–8 not only because some feel discomfort admitting to a nonheterosexual identity but also because sexual minorities increasingly use diverse labels (e.g., two-spirited, same-gender loving, queer), have multiple identities (bilesbian, gay-curious heterosexual, pan-sexual), or use no labels at all when referring to their sexual identity.^9–11 Most measures of sexual identity force individuals to choose among a “heterosexual/straight,” “gay or lesbian,” “bisexual,” or “unsure” identity^1,4–8; whereas others include intermediate options such as “mostly heterosexual/straight” and “mostly homosexual/gay,” which are preferred because they better reflect personal experiences and some view “heterosexual/straight,” “gay or lesbian,” and “bisexual” as static states or permanent identities.^1,4–8Sexual orientation has also been measured by identifying the gender of respondents’ sexual partners. However, terminology used to define “sex” varies considerably, as do respondents’ interpretations of sexual behaviors. For example, the terms “sex” and “sexual intercourse” are often perceived as implicitly heterosexual, referring only to penile penetration. Using these terms may therefore exclude a range of sexual behaviors in which many sexual minorities have engaged.^1,8,12 Moreover, using sexual behavior as the sole measure of sexual orientation is uninformative for individuals who have never had any sexual experience and may misrepresent the sexual orientation of others who have had “sex” with partners of 1 gender but have sexual attractions to the other or both genders.^1,8,12Sexual attraction, or desire for sexual intimacy, is typically considered the defining feature of sexual orientation^13–16 but is the least studied of the 3 sexual dimensions with regard to health outcomes.^17,18 This fact is particularly perplexing given that women show greater variability than do men in the age at which they (1) first become aware of same-gender attractions, (2) consciously question their sexuality, and (3) pursue their first same-gender sexual contact—all of which women tend to experience later in life than do men.^19–25 Moreover, women are more likely than are men to say they become attracted to or fall in love with the person as opposed to the person''s gender^21,26 and to report that their sexuality is fluid over time.^24,26–30Decades of research have documented health disparities between heterosexual and lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations,^4,31–46 with minority stress theory frequently used to explain these disparities.⁴⁷ However, Meyer''s minority stress theory conceptualized the LGB population as homogenous; distinctions were not made on the basis of gender or dimension of sexual orientation.⁴⁷ Moreover, few studies have used nationally representative samples or examined all 3 dimensions of sexual orientation.^48–50 Among those that assessed all 3 dimensions, health disparities between LGB populations and heterosexuals differed by dimension of sexual orientation.^17,18For example, Bostwick et al. used nationally representative data to compare clinical measures of mental health among adults aged 20 years and older across all 3 dimensions of sexual orientation and found that adults with an LGB identity had higher odds of having any mood or anxiety disorder than did adults who self-identified as straight.¹⁷ However, women who had only same-sex sexual partners and exclusive same-sex attractions had the lowest rates for most disorders, whereas men who had any same-sex attraction had the highest rates.¹⁷McCabe et al. examined the prevalence of substance use and dependence across all 3 dimensions of sexual orientation using nationally representative data and found that substance use outcomes varied considerably across sexual orientation dimensions and were more pronounced among women than among men.¹⁸ Unlike previous research, the authors found substance use to be less prominent among men and women who identified as bisexual than among those who identified as gay or lesbian.¹⁸ Alternatively, they found greater risk for substance use and dependence among men and women who engaged in bisexual behavior but not among those who engaged in same-sex behavior.¹⁸Few studies using nationally representative samples have assessed associations between health-related outcomes and all 3 dimensions of sexual orientation, and fewer, if any, have explored these associations within an exclusively young adult population—although early adulthood is often accompanied by greater anxiety and uncertainty because of transitions, career entry, and role formations.⁵¹ We examined associations between several health-related indicators commonly used to investigate sexual minority health (i.e., depressive symptoms, perceived stress, smoking, binge drinking, and victimization) and 3 dimensions of sexual orientation (i.e., identity, attraction, and behavior) using a nationally representative sample of young adults. We hypothesized that significant differences would be reported in these health indicators among young adults by gender and the dimension of sexual orientation measured.     

Promoters and Barriers to Fruit, Vegetable, and Fast-Food Consumption Among Urban, Low-Income African Americans��A Qualitative Approach

To identify promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption, we interviewed low-income African Americans in Philadelphia. Salient promoters and barriers were distinct from each other and differed by food type: taste was a promoter and cost a barrier to all foods; convenience, cravings, and preferences promoted consumption of fast foods; health concerns promoted consumption of fruits and vegetables and avoidance of fast foods. Promoters and barriers differed by gender and age. Strategies for dietary change should consider food type, gender, and age.Diet-related chronic diseases—the leading causes of death in the United States^1,2—disproportionately affect African Americans^3–7 and those having low income.^8–10 Low-income African Americans tend to have diets that promote obesity, morbidity, and premature mortality^3,4,11,12; are low in fruits and vegetables^13–18; and are high in processed and fast foods.^19–23Factors that may encourage disease-promoting diets include individual tastes and preferences, cultural values and heritage, social and economic contexts, and systemic influences like media and marketing.^24–30 Because previous research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has largely come from an etic (outsider) perspective, it has potentially overlooked community-relevant insights, missed local understanding, and failed to identify effective sustainable solutions.³¹ Experts have therefore called for greater understanding of an emic (insider) perspective through qualitative methods.³¹ However, past qualitative research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has been limited, focusing mostly or exclusively on ethnic considerations,^28,29 workplace issues,¹⁰ women,^32–38 young people,^38,39 or only those with chronic diseases^34,36,39,40 and neglecting potentially important differences by age and gender.^31,41–43To build on prior research, we conducted interviews in a community-recruited sample using the standard anthropological technique of freelisting.^44–46 Our goals were (1) to identify the promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption most salient to urban, low-income African Americans and (2) to look for variation by gender and age.     

Consistency and Change in Club Drug Use by Sexual Minority Men in New York City, 2002 to 2007

We used repeated cross-sectional data from intercept surveys conducted annually at lesbian, gay, and bisexual community events to investigate trends in club drug use in sexual minority men (N = 6489) in New York City from 2002 to 2007. Recent use of ecstasy, ketamine, and γ-hydroxybutyrate decreased significantly. Crystal methamphetamine use initially increased but then decreased. Use of cocaine and amyl nitrates remained consistent. A greater number of HIV-positive (vs HIV-negative) men reported recent drug use across years. Downward trends in drug use in this population mirror trends in other groups.“Club drugs” are illicit substances consumed in social or party situations¹ to increase social disinhibition and heighten sensual and sexual experiences.^2,3 This category typically includes ecstasy (3,4 methylenedioxymethamphetamine), γ-hydroxybutyrate (GHB), and ketamine,⁴ although recent reports also have included cocaine⁵ and crystal methamphetamine.⁶Concern about club drug use has increased because of consistent associations with unprotected sexual intercourse.^7–9 Given the high rates of use⁴ among men who have sex with men, most club drug research has focused on this population—and on identified gay and bisexual men specifically.^10,11 Published prevalence estimates are quite variable, ranging, for example, from 6% to 65% for crystal methamphetamine^9,12 and from 7% to 93% for ecstasy.^13,14 However, epidemiological trends remain unknown, and most studies contributing prevalence data have 1 or more significant limitations, including use of cross-sectional designs or small sample sizes, recruitment solely at bars or circuit parties, or investigation of some but not all club drugs.We used a repeated cross-sectional design¹⁵ to investigate trends in the prevalence of recent club drug use (and amyl nitrates or “poppers”) between 2002 and 2007 among urban sexual minority men. Given consistent differences in rates of use between HIV-positive and HIV-negative men, we reported differences by HIV serostatus.     

Association between type of health insurance and elective cesarean deliveries: New Jersey, 2004-2007

Objectives. I examined the relationship between insurance coverage, which may influence physician incentives and maternal choices, and cesarean delivery before labor.Methods. I analyzed hospital discharge data for mothers without previous cesarean deliveries in New Jersey between 2004 and 2007, with adjustment for maternal age, race, marital status, and maternal, fetal, and placental conditions.Results. Nearly 1 in 7 women (13.9%) had a cesarean delivery without laboring. Insurance status was strongly associated with cesarean birth. Women insured by Medicaid (adjusted relative risk [ARR] = 0.88; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.84, 0.91) or self-paying (ARR = 0.81; 95% CI = 0.78, 0.85) had a significantly lower likelihood, and women insured by BlueCross (ARR = 1.06; 95% CI = 1.03, 1.09) or standard commercial plans (ARR = 1.06; 95% CI = 1.02, 1.10) had a significantly higher likelihood of cesarean delivery than did women insured by commercial health maintenance organizations. These associations persisted in subsets restricted to lower-risk women and in qualitative sensitivity analyses for a hypothetical single, binary, unmeasured confounder.Conclusions. Insurance status has a small, independent impact on whether a woman without a previous cesarean delivery proceeds to labor or has a cesarean delivery without labor.The rising rate of cesarean deliveries is an important public health and clinical medicine issue because current US rates are more than double the World Health Organization consensus optimal cesarean delivery rate (10%–15% of births).¹ Because most women with a previous cesarean delivery will deliver subsequent infants the same way, initiatives to reduce cesarean deliveries might usefully focus on women who have never had a cesarean delivery.² Although most of these women will deliver vaginally, their likelihood of undergoing cesarean delivery has also been rising.³The majority of primary cesarean deliveries are clinically indicated. However, concern exists globally that some, especially when performed without a woman having begun to labor, are not medically indicated.^4–6 Whether primary prelabor cesarean delivery is indicated matters for health policy.^2,7 If a substantial number of these surgeries are not medically indicated, then education, financial incentives for vaginal deliveries, and other management tools could reduce the rate of elective cesarean delivery procedures.⁸ If they are indicated, a rising rate implies either that maternal health is worsening or that changes in obstetric practice are broadening the set of clinical indications, or both.³Some elective primary prelabor cesarean deliveries may be a result of maternal choice. Anecdotal evidence suggests that a woman may trade off more convenient scheduling against greater morbidity later,⁹ may be concerned with vaginal tone or pelvic floor preservation,^10,11 may fear delivery pain or have had a previous negative birth experience,¹² or, especially in the case of less fertile women, may believe that a cesarean delivery is safer for her baby.¹³ Although the evidence for such mechanisms is at best scant, they are plausible in insured women from higher socioeconomic strata.Other such elective procedures could result from physician choice,¹⁴ for example, in light of legal liability.^15,16 Physician choice may also be driven by financial pressure,^17–19 which may be more acute when patients have generous fee-for-service insurance than when they are insured by a health maintenance organization (HMO), underinsured, uninsured, or indigent. Conversely, when dealing with poorly insured women (e.g., Medicaid recipients), physicians may perform fewer cesarean deliveries.²⁰Finally, elective cesarean deliveries may reflect hospital preferences for faster, less variable birthing schedules and better utilization of operating rooms and other hospital resources. It is plausible that an insured woman is more able than is an uninsured woman to afford higher charges; hence these procedures might be more likely at the margin among the insured.Past research examined prelabor primary cesarean delivery with administrative discharge data and sought to understand which coded diagnoses represented high-risk deliveries in which a cesarean delivery was indicated.^2,21,22 Few studies have considered the relationship of insurance with delivery type.^17,20 I therefore examined the independent relationship between prelabor cesarean delivery and maternal insurance status, with controls for validated maternal, fetal, and placental conditions and maternal demographics. I examined hospital discharge data from 2004 to 2007 in New Jersey, which had the second-highest cesarean delivery rate among 19 states releasing all-payer data and the fourth-highest rate of cesarean delivery without apparent medical indication, according to HealthGrades.²³I hypothesized that payer status, after adjustment for maternal, fetal, and placental diagnoses, would have an independent effect on the odds of receiving cesarean delivery without at least a trial of labor. I also expected to find a dose–response relationship in which more comprehensive insurance would be more strongly associated with prelabor cesarean delivery. I further expected that this effect would be similar in subsets of women defined by the presence or absence of common maternal, fetal, or placental diagnoses that are associated with higher-risk pregnancies.     

Suicidal Behavior Among Female Sex Workers in Goa, India: The Silent Epidemic

Objectives. We sought to study suicidal behavior prevalence and its association with social and gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors among female sex workers in Goa, India.Methods. Using respondent-driven sampling, we recruited 326 sex workers in Goa for an interviewer-administered questionnaire regarding self-harming behaviors, sociodemographics, sex work, gender disadvantage, and health. Participants were tested for sexually transmitted infections. We used multivariate analysis to define suicide attempt determinants.Results. Nineteen percent of sex workers in the sample reported attempted suicide in the past 3 months. Attempts were independently associated with intimate partner violence (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.70; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.38, 5.28), violence from others (AOR = 2.26; 95% CI = 1.15, 4.45), entrapment (AOR = 2.76; 95% CI = 1.11, 6.83), regular customers (AOR = 3.20; 95% CI = 1.61, 6.35), and worsening mental health (AOR = 1.05; 95% CI = 1.01, 1.11). Lower suicide attempt likelihood was associated with Kannad ethnicity, HIV prevention services, and having a child.Conclusions. Suicidal behaviors among sex workers were common and associated with gender disadvantage and poor mental health. India''s widespread HIV-prevention programs for sex workers provide an opportunity for community-based interventions against gender-based violence and for mental health services delivery.Suicide is a public health priority in India. Rates of suicide in India are 5 times higher than in the developed world,^1,2 with particularly high rates of suicide among young women.^3–5 Verbal autopsy surveillance from southern India suggests that suicide accounts for 50% to 75% of all deaths among young women, with average suicide rates of 158 per 100 000.²Common mental disorders such as depressive and anxiety disorders, and social disadvantage such as gender-based violence and poverty, are major risk factors for suicide among women.^1,3,6–8 Although research from high-income countries shows that common mental disorders are a major contributor to the risk of suicidal behavior, their role is less clear in low- and middle-income countries in which social disadvantage has been found to be at least as important.^1,3,6–8 Gender disadvantage is increasingly seen as an important contributing factor to the high rates of suicide seen among women in Asia.^1,3,6,7 Gender-based violence is a common manifestation of gender disadvantage and has been linked with common mental disorders and suicide in population-based studies of women and young adults in Goa, India.^4,5,9 Lack of autonomy, early sexual debut, limited sexual choices, poor reproductive health, and social isolation are other manifestations of gender disadvantage.Sex work in India is common. An estimated 0.6% to 0.7% of the female adult urban population are engaged in commercial sexual transactions.¹⁰ Studies from developed nations have found a high prevalence of self-harming behaviors in people engaged in transactional sexual activity.¹¹ There is also growing evidence suggesting that HIV-positive individuals from traditionally stigmatized groups report higher rates of violence exposure and suicidal ideation.^12,13 Female sex workers in India are a traditionally stigmatized group, with high prevalence of HIV¹⁰ and levels of stigma and violence that relate to the context of their work.¹⁴ Yet, despite substantial investigation of their reproductive and sexual health needs, there is virtually no information on suicide and its determinants among female sex workers from low- and middle-income countries.¹⁵As demonstrated in the hierarchical conceptual framework outlined in Figure 1,^4,5,9 we hypothesized that gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors together with factors indicative of social disadvantage are distal determinants of female sex workers'' vulnerability to suicidal behaviors,^4,5,9,15 the effects of which would be mediated though poor mental health.³ We studied the burden of suicidal behaviors in a cross-sectional sample of female sex workers in Goa, India. We explored the association of sociodemographic factors, type of sex work, sexual health, and gender disadvantage, with and without measures of poor mental health, on suicide attempts in the past 3 months.Open in a separate windowFIGURE 1A conceptual framework for social risk factors for suicide among female sex workers in India.Note. STI = sexually transmitted infection.     

Health Among Caregivers of Children With Health Problems: Findings From a Canadian Population-Based Study

Objectives. We used population-based data to evaluate whether caring for a child with health problems had implications for caregiver health after we controlled for relevant covariates.Methods. We used data on 9401 children and their caregivers from a population-based Canadian study. We performed analyses to compare 3633 healthy children with 2485 children with health problems. Caregiver health outcomes included chronic conditions, activity limitations, self-reported general health, depressive symptoms, social support, family functioning, and marital satisfaction. Covariates included family (single-parent status, number of children, income adequacy), caregiver (gender, age, education, smoking status, biological relationship to child), and child (age, gender) characteristics.Results. Logistic regression showed that caregivers of children with health problems had more than twice the odds of reporting chronic conditions, activity limitations, and elevated depressive symptoms, and had greater odds of reporting poorer general health than did caregivers of healthy children.Conclusions. Caregivers of children with health problems had substantially greater odds of health problems than did caregivers of healthy children. The findings are consistent with the movement toward family-centered services recognizing the link between caregivers'' health and health of the children for whom they care.Caring for a child with health problems can entail greater than average time demands,^1,2 medical costs,^3,4 employment constraints,^5,6 and childcare challenges.^6–8 These demands may affect the health of caregivers, a notion supported by a variety of small-scale observational studies that have shown increased levels of stress, distress, emotional problems, and depression among caregivers of children with health problems.^1,2,5,9–12Whether these problems are caused by the additional demands of caring for children with health problems or by confounding variables is difficult to answer definitively. The literature reports the identification of a variety of factors purported to be associated with caregiver health, including contextual factors such as socioeconomic status^13–17; child factors such as level of disability,^{1,11,13,18–21} presence of behavior problems,^22–25 and overall child adjustment²⁶; and caregiver-related characteristics such as coping strategies^11,22,27 and support from friends and family.^15,17,28,29 In general, this work has been based on small clinic-based samples^9,30 or specific child populations (e.g., cerebral palsy,^5,25 attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder^31,32), and typically has been hampered by limited generalizability and a lack of careful, multivariate analysis. Furthermore, most studies have focused on caregivers'' psychological health,^1,2,5,9–12 although physical health effects may also exist among caregivers.^5,19,25,33One of the few studies to involve large-scale, population-based data compared the health of 468 caregivers of children with cerebral palsy to the health of a population-based sample of Canadian parents.⁵ The study showed that caregivers of children with cerebral palsy had poorer health on a variety of physical and psychological health measures. Furthermore, the data were consistent with a stress process model,^5,25 which proposes that additional stresses associated with caring for a child with cerebral palsy directly contribute to poorer caregiver health. However, these findings were based on a specific subpopulation of caregivers and univariate comparisons that could not control for potentially important confounders such as variation in caregiver education, income, and other demographic factors.We used population-based data to test the hypothesis that the health of caregivers of children with health problems would be significantly poorer than that of caregivers of healthy children, even after we controlled for relevant covariates. Our approach of using large-scale, population-based data representing a broad spectrum of childhood health problems³⁴ makes 4 key contributions to the current literature. First, our use of population-based data rather than small-scale, clinic-based studies yielded results that are potentially generalizable to a wide group of caregivers caring for children with health problems. Second, our examination of children with and without health problems allowed us to examine caregiver health effects across a wide variety of caregiving situations. Third, consideration of physical health outcomes (in addition to more regularly studied psychological outcomes) increased our knowledge of the breadth of caregiver health issues. Finally, controlling for relevant covariates allowed us to rule out a number of alternative explanations for caregiver health effects.     

Male Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence and Involvement in Abortions and Abortion-Related Conflict

Men aged 18 to 35 years (n = 1318) completed assessments of perpetration of intimate partner violence (IPV), abortion involvement, and conflict regarding decisions to seek abortion. IPV was associated with greater involvement by men in pregnancies ending in abortion and greater conflict regarding decisions to seek abortion. IPV should be considered within family planning and abortion services; policies requiring women to notify or obtain consent of partners before seeking an abortion should be reconsidered; they may facilitate endangerment and coercion regarding such decisions.Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health issue that affects the lives and health of approximately 20% to 25% of adolescent and adult US women,^1,2 with women of reproductive age at greatest risk.^3,4 Major reproductive health concerns associated with experiences of IPV include unintended⁵ and rapid repeat pregnancies.^6–8 Given that unintended and unwanted pregnancies are the primary reason for seeking abortion,^7,9 abused women are thought to be more likely to experience abortion than are their nonabused counterparts.^10–12 Recent qualitative research suggests there is a broad role played by abusive male partners in controlling women''s reproductive health,^13–15 including attempts to control abortion-related decisions.^13,15 However, quantitative data on this issue have primarily been collected from women attending abortion services, which therefore precludes comparisons to women with no abortion history.^10–12 Given the increasing recognition of the role of male partners in controlling a woman''s reproductive health and decision-making, coupled with the continuing public debate concerning both women''s access to abortion and the role of family members in decisions regarding abortion (e.g., spousal consent),¹⁶ it is critical to understand to what extent abuse from male partners may relate to both women''s seeking abortion and coercion regarding abortion-related decisions. We examined the association of young adult men''s reports of perpetration of IPV and their participation in pregnancies ending in abortion as well as conflict surrounding abortion-related decisions.     

Pleasure, power, and inequality: incorporating sexuality into research on contraceptive use

We know surprisingly little about how contraception affects sexual enjoyment and functioning (and vice versa), particularly for women. What do people seek from sex, and how do sexual experiences shape contraceptive use? We draw on qualitative data to make 3 points. First, pleasure varies. Both women and men reported multiple aspects of enjoyment, of which physical pleasure was only one.Second, pleasure matters. Clear links exist between the forms of pleasure respondents seek and their contraceptive practices. Third, pleasure intersects with power and social inequality. Both gender and social class shape sexual preferences and contraceptive use patterns. These findings call for a reframing of behavioral models that explain why people use (or do not use) contraception.Despite the addition of “sexual” to the sexual and reproductive health agenda^1,2 and the increasing attention paid to how gendered power differentials influence sexual behaviors, public health research has yet to adequately explore the needs and purposes that sex fulfills. Research with both heterosexual and homosexual men has taken into account how the goal of physical pleasure shapes risk taking,^3–8 and a parallel body of work for heterosexual women has explored the relative importance of economic need and the desire for intimacy to risk taking.^9–11 Each of these bodies of work, however, are themselves bound by gender stereotypes—specifically by the assumptions that women do not have sex for pleasure and that men do not have sex for intimacy. Unintended pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and HIV are among the most pressing issues in public health both in the United States and abroad. It is more important than ever to understand the array of factors contributing to sexual risk taking and risk reduction, including sexual goals and sexual pleasure.Sexual health research within public health has largely failed to explore how pleasure and positive sexual functioning affect sexual risk and risk-reduction practices,^12,13 particularly for women.^14,15 This void is especially evident in the field''s approach to male condoms and women. Public health programs target women to carry out sexual risk reduction through condom use (even though women do not “use” or “wear” male condoms) despite research showing that women may lack the power to press their partners to use condoms^16–20 and that even when women are able to negotiate for condom use, they may refrain from doing so out of the desire for sex that is “close,” loving, and monogamous.^{10,11,21–23} We still know little, however, about women''s sexual experiences with male condoms and how their perceptions of the way condoms feel physically affect their risk behaviors (for 2 exceptions, see Holland et al.²⁴ and Ehrhardt et al.²⁵). There is a critical need for research that examines how a desire for sexual pleasure—or more broadly, the full range of reasons women have sex—shapes women''s willingness to encourage condom use.Many studies of hormonal contraceptives also fail to systematically assess how these methods affect sexual functioning or pleasure or how women''s sexual goals shape their patterns of use.^26–28 However, several recent studies have suggested that a desire for sexual enjoyment can play a role in women''s contraceptive behaviors. US women and men ranked pleasure as equally important in evaluating a contraceptive''s acceptability in one study.²⁹ Other research associates method continuation to the reductions in or enhancement of sexual experience caused by oral contraceptives,²⁶ injectables,³⁰ tubal ligation,³¹ and especially, the female condom^32–34 and microbicides.^35–39These studies suggest that the initiation and continuation of contraceptive methods (including male and female condoms) is influenced by how they make sex feel and that sexual experience and contraceptive experience may shape each other reciprocally. However, few of these studies have explored multiple forms of contraception simultaneously, and none has gone beyond individual experience to situate pleasure more broadly within social processes. Furthermore, as evident in the data we present, “pleasure” contains multiple overlapping categories. Work to date has not adequately explored variation in people''s ideas about what makes sex feel good or the varying weight given to this “feeling good” relative to other valued qualities in the sexual encounter.We used an ethnographic, inductive approach to explore the range of sexual motivations and goals—that is, what sex is for or what needs it fulfills—expressed by a sample of individuals in urban Atlanta, Georgia, and we analyzed the relationship between these sexual goals and contraceptive practices. We had 3 research questions: (1) What do people seek from and experience within their sexual encounters and relationships? (2) How do these expectations and experiences shape contraceptive use? and (3) How are sexual goals shaped by gender, social class, and other forms of structural social inequality?     

Life-Course Socioeconomic Position and Incidence of Diabetes Mellitus Among Blacks and Whites: The Alameda County Study, 1965�C1999

Objectives. We examined associations between several life-course socioeconomic position (SEP) measures (childhood SEP, education, income, occupation) and diabetes incidence from 1965 to 1999 in a sample of 5422 diabetes-free Black and White participants in the Alameda County Study.Methods. Race-specific Cox proportional hazard models estimated diabetes risk associated with each SEP measure. Demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and potential pathway components (physical inactivity, body composition, smoking, alcohol consumption, hypertension, depression, access to health care) were included as covariates.Results. Diabetes incidence was twice as high for Blacks as for Whites. Diabetes risk factors independently increased risk, but effect sizes were greater among Whites. Low childhood SEP elevated risk for both racial groups. Protective effects were suggested for low education and blue-collar occupation among Blacks, but these factors increased risk for Whites. Income was protective for Whites but not Blacks. Covariate adjustment had negligible effects on associations between each SEP measure and diabetes incidence for both racial groups.Conclusions. These findings suggest an important role for life-course SEP measures in determining risk of diabetes, regardless of race and after adjustment for factors that may confound or mediate these associations.Diabetes mellitus is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in the United States.^1,2 Type 2 diabetes disproportionately affects Hispanics, as well as non-Hispanic Black Americans, American Indians/Alaska Natives, and some Asian/Pacific Islander groups. In the United States, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are almost twice as likely to develop or have type 2 diabetes than are non-Hispanic Whites.^2–5 Significant racial and ethnic differences also exist in the rates of diabetes-related preventive services, quality of care, and disease outcomes.^6–10Researchers have attempted to determine why, relative to Whites, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are disproportionately affected by diabetes. For example, compared with White Americans, Black Americans are presumed to have stronger genetic^5,11 or physiological^11–13 susceptibility to diabetes, or greater frequency or intensity of known diabetes risk factors, such as obesity, physical inactivity, and hypertension.^14–17Black Americans also are more likely than are White Americans to occupy lower socioeconomic positions.¹⁸ Low socioeconomic position (SEP) across the life course is known to influence the prevalence^19–24 and incidence^3,19,25–30 of type 2 diabetes. The risk of diabetes also is greater for people who are obese,^3,17,31 physically inactive,^3,32 or have hypertension,^33,34 all of which are conditions more common among people with lower SEP.^16,35–37Several studies have focused on the extent to which socioeconomic factors, body composition (i.e., weight, height, body mass index, and waist circumference), and behaviors explain the excess risk of diabetes attributed to race.^4,12,19,30 For example, 2 separate studies, one with data from the Health and Retirement Study¹⁹ and the other with data from the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study,³⁰ used race to predict diabetes incidence. Attempting to separate the direct and indirect effects of race on diabetes,³⁸ these studies assessed, via statistical adjustment, which socioeconomic measures and diabetes-related risk factors, when adjusted, could account for the excess risk among Black participants relative to White participants.^19,30 Adjustment for education lessened the effect of Black race on diabetes incidence in the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study.³⁰ In the Health and Retirement Study, excess risk attributed to Black race was not explained by early-life socioeconomic disadvantage, but it was reduced after adjustment for education and later-life economic resources.¹⁹ The validity of this analytic approach has been challenged, however, because the socioeconomic measures used were assumed to have the same meaning across all racial/ethnic groups, a questionable assumption³⁸ in the United States, especially in 1965.We sought to explore the predictive effects of several life-course socioeconomic factors on the incidence of diabetes among both Black and White Americans. We examined demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and diabetes risk factors (obesity, large waist circumference, physical inactivity, high blood pressure, depression, access to health care) as possible mediators of the observed associations between SEP and incident diabetes (i.e., the development of new cases of diabetes over time).