Access to safe abortion within the limits of the law

The World Health Organization defines unsafe abortion as a procedure for terminating an unintended pregnancy carried out by people lacking the necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards, or both. The Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development recommends that 'In circumstances where abortion is not against the law, such abortion should be safe'. However, millions of women still risk their lives by undergoing unsafe abortion even if they comply with the law. This is a serious violation of women's human rights, and obstetricians and gynaecologists have a fundamental role in breaking the administrative and procedural barriers to safe abortion. This chapter reviews the magnitude of the problem, its consequences for women's health, the barriers to access to safe abortion, including its legal status, the effect of the law on the rate and the consequences of abortion, the human rights implications and the current evidence on methods to perform safe abortion. This chapter concludes with an analysis of what can be done to change the current situation.     

Unsafe Abortion: Global and Regional Incidence,Trends, Consequences,and Challenges

ObjectiveThis review aims to provide the latest global and regional estimates of the incidence and trends in induced abortion, both safe and unsafe. A related objective is to document maternal mortality due to unsafe abortion. The legal context of abortion and the international discourse on preventing unsafe abortion are reviewed to highlight policy implications and challenges in preventing unsafe abortion.Methods and Data SourcesThis review is based on estimates of unsafe abortion and maternal mortality ratios. These estimates are arrived at using the database on unsafe abortion maintained by the World Health Organization. Additional data from the Demographic and Health Surveys and the United Nations Population Division are used for further analysis of abortion and mortality estimates.ResultsEach year 42 million abortions are estimated to take place, 22 million safely and 20 million unsafely. Unsafe abortion accounts for 70 000 maternal deaths each year and causes a further 5 million women to suffer temporary or permanent disability. Maternal mortality ratios (number of maternal deaths per 100 000 live births) due to complications of unsafe abortion are higher in regions with restricted abortion laws than in regions with no or few restrictions on access to safe and legal abortion.ConclusionLegal restrictions on safe abortion do not reduce the incidence of abortion. A woman’s likelihood to have an abortion is about the same whether she lives in a region where abortion is available on request or where it is highly restricted. While legal and safe abortions have declined recently, unsafe abortions show no decline in numbers and rates despite their being entirely preventable. Providing information and services for modern contraception is the primary prevention strategy to eliminate unplanned pregnancy. Providing safe abortion will prevent unsafe abortion. In all cases, women should have access to post-abortion care, including services for family planning. The Millennium Development Goal to improve maternal health is unlikely to be achieved without addressing unsafe abortion and associated mortality and morbidity.     

Women’s perceptions about abortion in their communities: perspectives from western Kenya

Unsafe abortion in Kenya is a leading cause of maternal morbidity and mortality. In October 2012, we sought to understand the methods married women aged 24–49 and young, unmarried women aged ≤ 20 used to induce abortion, the providers they utilized and the social, economic and cultural norms that influenced women’s access to safe abortion services in Bungoma and Trans Nzoia counties in western Kenya. We conducted five focus groups with young women and five with married women in rural and urban communities in each county. We trained local facilitators to conduct the focus groups in Swahili or English. All focus groups were audiotaped, transcribed, translated, computerized, and coded for analysis. Abortion outside public health facilities was mentioned frequently. Because of the need for secrecy to avoid condemnation, uncertainty about the law, and perceived higher cost of safer abortion methods, women sought unsafe abortions from community midwives, drug sellers and/or untrained providers at lower cost. Many groups believed that abortion was safer at higher gestational ages, but that there was no such thing as a safe abortion method. Our aim was to inform the design of a community-based intervention on safe abortion for women. Barriers to seeking safe services such as high cost, perceived illegality, and fear of insults and abuse at public facilities among both age groups must be addressed.     

WHO guidelines and the role of the physician in task sharing in safe abortion care

Globally, many women undergo unsafe abortion, although abortion is extremely safe when done in accordance with recommended guidelines. Hence, many women suffer from abortion-related complications, and unsafe abortion remains a major cause of maternal mortality. The high percentage of unsafe abortion is attributed to the inability of women to access safe abortion services. A critical barrier to access is the lack of trained providers. To address this problem, task sharing and the expansion of health worker roles in abortion care have become a public health strategy to mitigate health worker shortages and reduce unsafe abortion. This chapter provides an overview of the WHO guidance on task sharing in safe abortion care, discusses the special role of physicians, and highlights the complexity of implementing task sharing by analyzing the findings from six country case studies.     

“The health exception”: a means of expanding access to legal abortion

In most Latin American countries, abortion is not illegal if there is a risk to the life or health of the woman. This article discusses the process of expanding the interpretation of this “health exception” to mean that even the possibility of harm to health should make an abortion legal – which then becomes a mechanism for expanding women's right of access to safe abortion services. The article reports on an assessment of the impact of disseminating information on this interpretation of risk to health in Latin America, and how a regional process of debate and training of health service providers in 2009–10 has influenced the views and practice of health professionals in Argentina, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. The training included human rights arguments for applying the health exception in a comprehensive manner. All the respondents recognized the importance of interpreting risk to health as far more than the risk of death. Data from two clinics in Colombia also show an important increase in the number of women who had a legal abortion following this training. Dissemination of information and training on the health exception must continue – to protect women's right to health, reduce mortality and morbidity among those with unwanted pregnancies and encourage timely access to safe abortion services.     

Medical Abortion

Objective: to review medical abortion with emphasis on studies using methotrexate and misoprostol.Data Sources: a MEDLINE search and bibliographies from relevant articles were used. Only studies in English and French with medical abortion using mifepristone, methotrexate and misoprostol were reviewed.Data selection: only studies using mifepristone with 100 or more women were included. All studies using methotrexate and misoprostol alone or in combination were reviewed.Results: in early pregnancy, combinations of mifepristone with prostaglandin or methotrexate with misoprostol are effective for pregnancy termination. When misoprostol is used to augment mifepristone or methotrexate, its vaginal application appears to be superior to the oral route. Vaginal misoprostol (800 μg) is more effective applied five to seven days after the methotrexate than three days after. For inevitable or incomplete abortions, misoprostol alone may be used effectively to avoid surgery. When surgical abortion fails, medical abortion is an excellent back-up treatment.Conclusion: medical abortion with mifepristone or methotrexate plus misoprostol is a safe and effective method of pregnancy termination. Because the complete abortion rate with medical abortion is less than with vacuum aspiration, surgery cannot be completely avoided. Commitment on behalf of both physician and patient is necessary to ensure safety. If mifepristone becomes available in Canada, studies comparing its use to methotrexate will be of paramount importance to help to determine the best method. Further research into medical abortion is important to women’s health as this method is highly acceptable and has the potential to increase access to safe abortion.     

Reaching women with instructions on misoprostol use in a Latin American country

In Latin America, where restrictive laws limit women's access to safe abortion services, misoprostol is being used to induce abortions, often without correct information on dosage or regimens. This study in an unnamed Latin American country aimed to identify appropriate channels through which instructions on misoprostol use could be disseminated to women. In-depth interviews were carried out with physicians, pharmacy staff, women who had had safe abortions and women from the community, as well as focus group discussions with advocates of safe abortion. Participants considered physicians to be the most appropriate source of information and for ensuring confidentiality for both women and provider. Participants considered midwives, pharmacists and women's groups as appropriate referral points, but not providers of information. Legal restrictions and professional risk were the primary reasons why pharmacists rejected this role, though many are selling misoprostol. There was a general lack of information about misoprostol for medical abortion among both health professionals and women. Accurate information about misoprostol use for a wide range of gynaecologic and obstetric purposes, including induced abortion, could be incorporated into training and educational materials for physicians, midwives and other appropriate mid-level providers, as well as pharmacists. Without these alternative information channels, access to information would be severely restricted, especially in rural areas.     

Abortion and Islam: policies and practice in the Middle East and North Africa

This paper provides an overview of legal, religious, medical and social factors that serve to support or hinder women's access to safe abortion services in the 21 predominantly Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, where one in ten pregnancies ends in abortion. Reform efforts, including progressive interpretations of Islam, have resulted in laws allowing for early abortion on request in two countries; six others permit abortion on health grounds and three more also allow abortion in cases of rape or fetal impairment. However, medical and social factors limit access to safe abortion services in all but Turkey and Tunisia. To address this situation, efforts are increasing in a few countries to introduce post-abortion care, document the magnitude of unsafe abortion and understand women's experience of unplanned pregnancy. Religious fatāwa have been issued allowing abortions in certain circumstances. An understanding of variations in Muslim beliefs and practices, and the interplay between politics, religion, history and reproductive rights is key to understanding abortion in different Muslim societies. More needs to be done to build on efforts to increase women's rights, engage community leaders, support progressive religious leaders and government officials and promote advocacy among health professionals.     

Safe abortion: a right for refugees?

Thanks to initiatives since 1994, most reproductive health programmes for refugee women now include family planning and safe delivery care. Emergency contraception and post-abortion care for complications of unsafe abortion are recommended, but provision of these services has lagged behind, while services for women who wish to terminate an unwanted pregnancy are almost non-existent. Given conditions in refugee settings, including high levels of sexual violence, unwanted pregnancies are of particular concern. Yet the extent of need for abortion services among refugee women remains undocumented. UNFPA estimates that 25-50% of maternal deaths in refugee settings are due to complications of unsafe abortion. Barriers to providing abortion services may include internal and external political pressure, legal restrictions, or the religious affiliation of service providers. Women too may be pressured to continue pregnancies and are often unable to express their needs or assert their rights. Abortion advocacy efforts should highlight the specific needs of refugee women and encourage provision of services where abortion is legally indicated, especially in cases of rape or incest, and risk to a woman's physical and mental health. Implementation of existing guidelines on reducing the occurrence and consequences of sexual violence in refugee settings is also important. Including refugee women in international campaigns for expanded access to safe abortion is critical in addressing the specific needs of this population.     

Unsafe Abortion: Unnecessary Maternal Mortality

Every year, worldwide, about 42 million women with unintended pregnancies choose abortion, and nearly half of these procedures, 20 million, are unsafe. Some 68,000 women die of unsafe abortion annually, making it one of the leading causes of maternal mortality (13%). Of the women who survive unsafe abortion, 5 million will suffer long-term health complications. Unsafe abortion is thus a pressing issue. Both of the primary methods for preventing unsafe abortion—less restrictive abortion laws and greater contraceptive use—face social, religious, and political obstacles, particularly in developing nations, where most unsafe abortions (97%) occur. Even where these obstacles are overcome, women and health care providers need to be educated about contraception and the availability of legal and safe abortion, and women need better access to safe abortion and postabortion services. Otherwise, desperate women, facing the financial burdens and social stigma of unintended pregnancy and believing they have no other option, will continue to risk their lives by undergoing unsafe abortions.Key words: Unsafe abortions, Maternal mortality, Postabortion careAccording to the World Health Organization (WHO), every 8 minutes a woman in a developing nation will die of complications arising from an unsafe abortion. An unsafe abortion is defined as “a procedure for terminating an unintended pregnancy carried out either by persons lacking the necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards, or both.”¹ The fifth United Nations Millennium Development Goal recommends a 75% reduction in maternal mortality by 2015. WHO deems unsafe abortion one of the easiest preventable causes of maternal mortality and a staggering public health issue.     

Cost-effectiveness analysis of alternative first-trimester pregnancy termination strategies in Mexico City

Objective  To assess the comparative health and economic outcomes associated with three alternative first-trimester abortion techniques in Mexico City and to examine the policy implications of increasing access to safe abortion modalities within a restrictive setting.
Design  Cost-effectiveness analysis.
Setting  Mexico City.
Population  Reproductive-aged women with unintended pregnancy seeking first-trimester abortion.
Methods  Synthesising the best available data, a computer-based model simulates induced abortion and its potential complications and is used to assess the cost-effectiveness of alternative safe modalities for first-trimester pregnancy termination: (1) hospital-based dilatation and curettage (D&C), (2) hospital-based manual vacuum aspiration (MVA), (3) clinic-based MVA and (4) medical abortion using vaginal misoprostol.
Main outcome measures  Number of complications, lifetime costs, life expectancy, quality-adjusted life expectancy.
Results  In comparison to the magnitude of health gains associated with all safe abortion modalities, the relative differences between strategies were more pronounced in terms of their economic costs. Assuming all options were equally available, clinic-based MVA was the least costly and most effective. Medical abortion with misoprostol provided comparable benefits to D&C, but cost substantially less. Enhanced access to safe abortion was always more influential than shifting between safe abortion modalities.
Conclusions  This study demonstrates that the provision of safe abortion is cost-effective and will result in reduced complications, decreased mortality and substantial cost savings compared with unsafe abortion. In Mexico City, shifting from a practice of hospital-based D&C to clinic-based MVA and enhancing access to medical abortion will have the best chance to minimise abortion-related morbidity and mortality.     

Reconceptualizing safe abortion and abortion services in the age of abortion pills: A discussion paper

At the conference “Developing an Advocacy Agenda for Abortion in the 21st Century and Making Change Happen” held on 5–7 September 2018, Lisbon, Portugal, organized by the International Campaign for Women's Right to Safe Abortion, it was argued that abortion services not only need to be treated as a bona fide form of health care but also completely reconceptualized, particularly because of the influence of medical abortion pills. It emerged, however, that there is no consensus on how this reconceptualization should be configured. Indeed, substantial differences arose, or so it appeared, complicated not only by different exigencies in national settings but also reflecting differing perspectives, specifically, those held primarily by health professionals compared to those held by advocates who felt they spoke for women needing abortions. In the course of these discussions, questions emerged on how much women should be able to do on their own, whether and why services were necessary in every case, where services should be located, what they should offer, who should provide them, and who should be in charge of the process.The biggest discussion was over the extent to which women can safely self-manage use of medical abortion pills for abortion in both the first and second trimester, and to what extent health professional control should be relinquished. Regardless of these arguments, however, since 1988 with the discovery in Brazil that misoprostol is an abortifacient, over-the-counter access to medical abortion (MA) pills began to put self-management of abortion on the map. Today, self-management is happening in almost every country, and we have no idea how many abortions are taking place anymore. Moreover, because of the work of safe abortion information hotlines, there is a growing body of evidence that self-management of abortion by women is safe – or at least far less unsafe than what prevailed in the past.Looking beyond the abortion rights movement, the crux of the issue is whether the state should continue to control abortion, with power over individual decisions delegated to the medical profession – or whether, as has been happening at a snail's pace for the last half century, and as with contraception and emergency contraception too – control can and should be more and more in women's hands.This paper examines these perspectives and attempts to describe what a consensus might look like. It concludes that convincing governments and conservative health professionals to accept a large dose of self-management will not be easy.     

Making Abortions Safe: A Matter of Good Public Health Policy and Practice

Globally, abortion mortality constitutes at least 13% of maternal mortality. Unsafe abortion procedures, untrained abortion providers, restrictive abortion laws and high mortality and morbidity from abortion tend to occur together. Preventing abortion mortality and morbidity in countries where they remain high is a matter of good public health policy, based on good medical practice, and an important part of initiatives to make pregnancy safer. This paper examines the changes in policy and health service provision required to make abortions safe. It is based on a wide-ranging review of published and unpublished sources. In order to be effective, public health measures must take into account the reasons why women have abortions, the kind of abortion services required and at what stages of pregnancy, the types of abortion service providers needed, and training, cost and counselling issues. The transition from unsafe to safe abortions demands: changes at national policy level; abortion training for service providers; the provision of services at the appropriate primary level health service delivery points; and ensuring that women access these services instead of those of untrained providers. Public awareness that abortion services are available is a crucial element of this transition, particularly among adolescent and single women, who tend to have less access to reproductive health services generally.     

Global Abortion Policies Database: A descriptive analysis of the regulatory and policy environment related to abortion

The World Health Organization (WHO) Safe abortion: technical and policy guidance for health systems states that regulatory, policy, and programmatic barriers that hinder access to and timely provision of safe abortion care should be removed. Although some regulatory requirements facilitate access, where they act as barriers, they can deter women from seeking safe abortion care. We use data available in the Global Abortion Policies Database as of February 2019 to review policies related to regulatory requirements identified as access barriers in the Safe abortion guidance. We include only countries where such policies apply, i.e., where abortion is lawful on the woman's request, with no requirement for justification and/or for one or more legal grounds. The results demonstrate the variation that exists in regulatory requirements, but little remains known about how they are implemented in practice and the implications on how women access and how providers offer safe abortion services.     

Reproductive health and human rights.

Reproductive health programs should adopt an approach based on human rights at the levels of clinical management as well as national policy, especially those programs responsible for abortion and post-abortion care. Resource-poor women face greater maternal mortality and morbidity, suffer continuous risk because of a lack of access to adequate reproductive health services, and are likelier than more affluent women to resort to unsafe, inaccessible, and/or unaffordable abortion services. The public health and medical communities are highly effective when providing safe abortion procedures and treatment in the event of complications. Efforts must be continued to develop strategies to prevent unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortions, and abortion-related deaths; to treat abortion complications; to broaden the types of medical and health professionals who are allowed to perform abortions; and to enhance training for abortion providers.     

Exploring the costs and economic consequences of unsafe abortion in Mexico City before legalisation

An assessment of abortion outcomes and costs to the health care system in Mexico City was conducted in 2005 at a mix of public and private facilities prior to the legalisation of abortion. Data were obtained from hospital staff, administrative records and patients. Direct cost estimates included personnel, drugs, disposable supplies, and medical equipment for inducing abortion or treating incomplete abortions and other complications. Indirect patient costs for travel, childcare and lost wages were also estimated. The average cost per abortion with dilatation and curettage was US $143. For manual vacuum aspiration it was US $111 in three public hospitals and US $53 at a private clinic. The average cost of medical abortion with misoprostol alone was US $79. The average cost of treating severe abortion complications at the public hospitals ranged from US $601 to over US $2,100. Increasing access to manual vacuum aspiration and early abortion with misoprostol could reduce government costs by 62%, with potential savings of up to US $1.6 million per year. Reducing complications by improving access to safe services in outpatient settings would further reduce the costs of abortion care, with significant benefits both to Mexico's health care system and women seeking abortion. Additional research is needed to explore whether cost savings have been realised post-legalisation.     

Medical abortion: the possibilities for introduction in the public sector in South Africa

Medical abortion is safe and effective and has been approved for use in early termination of pregnancy in South Africa since 2001. The Department of Health is currently considering its introduction in the public health sector. The attitudes of women seeking abortion and of health care providers towards medical abortion have not previously been described. Data were derived from a quantitative survey of 673 women attending abortion services in the provinces of Gauteng, Mpumalanga and the Western Cape. In-depth interviews in Soweto and Cape Town were conducted with 20 public health doctors, nurses, a social worker and facility managers, and in Cape Town with four provincial policymakers. Although medical abortion was not yet being offered, 21% of women interviewed were early enough in pregnancy (eight weeks or less) to be eligible for medical abortion. Access to health facilities, including those for abortion, was reasonable for urban women but more limited for rural women. Rural women also incurred greater travel costs to reach a facility. Most women thought medical abortion would be acceptable and would have been willing to try it, had it been available. Policymakers and providers were supportive, as they felt medical abortion could relieve the burden on current services. How to increase access to abortion services in rural areas needs to be addressed.