Posttraumatic stress disorder and HIV risk among poor, inner-city women receiving care in an emergency department

Objectives. We examined the associations between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and HIV risk behaviors among a random sample of 241 low-income women receiving care in an urban emergency department.Methods. We recruited participants from the emergency department waiting room during randomly selected 6-hour blocks of time. Multivariate analyses and propensity score weighting were used to examine the associations between PTSD and HIV risk after adjustment for potentially confounding sociodemographic variables, substance use, childhood sexual abuse, and intimate partner violence.Results. A large majority of the sample self-identified as Latina (49%) or African American (44%). Almost one third (29%) of the participants met PTSD criteria. Women who exhibited symptoms in 1 or more PTSD symptom clusters were more likely than women who did not to report having had sex with multiple sexual partners, having had sex with a risky partner, and having experienced partner violence related to condom use in the preceding 6 months.Conclusions. The high rate of PTSD found in this sample and the significant associations between PTSD symptom clusters and partner-related risk behaviors highlight the need to take PTSD into account when designing HIV prevention interventions for low-income, urban women.The relationship between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and HIV risk behaviors remains relatively underresearched. However, several studies have shown that PTSD is associated with sexual HIV risk behaviors and HIV seropositive status.^1–3 Emergency departments have been identified as the first and primary source of medical treatment of many women infected with or at high risk for HIV^4–6 and for those with high rates of interpersonal violence and trauma, including those suffering from PSTD.^7–11Hutton et al. found that, after adjustment for potentially confounding factors, a PTSD diagnosis was associated with engaging in anal intercourse and exchanging sex for money or drugs in a sample of 177 female inmates.¹² High rates of PTSD have also been found among HIV-positive women,^3,13,14 many of whom have experienced repeated traumas associated with PTSD, such as childhood sexual abuse and intimate partner violence (IPV).^3,13,14 In a study of HIV-positive women, 35% of those with a trauma history met the criteria for PTSD,¹⁵ a rate far exceeding both the lifetime PTSD rate (10.4%) among women in the general population¹⁶ and the PTSD rate (4.6%) in a nationally representative sample of female crime victims.¹⁷The relationship between PTSD and HIV risk behaviors has been found to vary according to the presence of different PTSD symptoms (avoidance, hyperarousal, and reexperiencing trauma). In their study of 64 HIV-positive women and men, Gore-Felton and Koopman found that moderate to severe reexperiencing symptoms were associated with multiple sexual partners and unprotected sex during the preceding 3 months.¹⁸ Individuals with avoidant symptoms were less likely to have engaged in unprotected sex, possibly as a result of deficits in establishing and maintaining intimate partnerships.¹⁸ The presence of hyperarousal symptoms may trigger individuals to seek sexual stimulation and engage in riskier sex, and they may experience difficulty in problem solving and negotiating safe sex.¹⁹The research just described highlights mechanisms of how different PTSD symptom clusters may increase the likelihood of engaging in HIV risks. However, it should also be acknowledged that the relationship may be bidirectional: a traumatic experience (e.g., forced unprotected sex) associated with a risk of HIV may lead to PTSD.Furthermore, research suggests that the relationship between PTSD and HIV risk may be mediated by several factors, including childhood sexual abuse, IPV, and substance abuse. Those who have experienced childhood sexual abuse are at increased risk of developing PTSD,^20–22 engaging in subsequent sexual HIV risk behaviors, and HIV transmission.^3,23 Similarly, IPV has been found to increase the risk of both developing PTSD and engaging in a range of HIV risk behaviors, including unprotected sex,^24–38 sexual practices leading to a high risk of sexually transmitted infections,^6,32,39–42 sex with multiple partners,^31,32,43 trading of sex for money or drugs,^40,44 sex with risky partners,^38,45 and sex with HIV-positive partners.³⁸ Finally, substantial research indicates that drug and alcohol dependencies are associated with both PTSD^46,47 and engaging in a range of HIV risk behaviors.^48–51We examined the relationship between PTSD (and the symptom clusters of avoidance, reexperiencing trauma, and hyperarousal) and sexual HIV risk behaviors in a random sample of 241 women attending an emergency department in a low-income neighborhood of the Bronx, New York. We hypothesized that women who met the criteria for PTSD and the symptom clusters of hyperarousal, reexperiencing trauma, or avoidance would be more likely than women who did not meet these criteria to engage in sexual HIV risk behaviors after adjustment and matching for potentially confounding factors such as sociodemographic characteristics, childhood sexual abuse, substance abuse, and IPV.     

Relation of Childhood Sexual Abuse,Intimate Partner Violence,and Depression to Risk Factors for HIV Among Black Men Who Have Sex With Men in 6 US Cities

Objectives. We assessed the relation of childhood sexual abuse (CSA), intimate partner violence (IPV), and depression to HIV sexual risk behaviors among Black men who have sex with men (MSM).Methods. Participants were 1522 Black MSM recruited from 6 US cities between July 2009 and December 2011. Univariate and multivariable logistic regression models were used.Results. Participants reported sex before age 12 years with someone at least 5 years older (31.1%), unwanted sex when aged 12 to 16 years (30%), IPV (51.8%), and depression (43.8%). Experiencing CSA when aged 12 to 16 years was inversely associated with any receptive condomless anal sex with a male partner (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.50; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.29, 0.86). Pressured or forced sex was positively associated with any receptive anal sex (AOR = 2.24; 95% CI = 1.57, 3.20). Experiencing CSA when younger than 12 years, physical abuse, emotional abuse, having been stalked, and pressured or forced sex were positively associated with having more than 3 male partners in the past 6 months. Among HIV-positive MSM (n = 337), CSA between ages 12 and 16 years was positively associated with having more than 3 male partners in the past 6 months.Conclusions. Rates of CSA, IPV, and depression were high, but associations with HIV sexual risk outcomes were modest.Despite significant medical advances, the HIV epidemic remains a health crisis in Black communities. The Black population represents only 14% of the total US population but accounted for 44% of all new HIV infection (68.9 of 100 000) in 2010.1 Black men who have sex with men (MSM) are disproportionately impacted by HIV compared with other racial/ethnic groups of MSM.1,2 Male-to-male sexual contact accounted for 72% of new infections among all Black men.1 Young Black MSM (aged 13–24 years) have a greater number of new infections than any other age or racial group among MSM.1 Researchers have been challenged with developing HIV prevention strategies for Black MSM.3–7 Higher frequencies of sexual risk behaviors, substance use, and nondisclosure of sexual identities do not adequately explain this disparity.8,9 High rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), which facilitate HIV transmission, and undetected or late diagnosis of HIV infection only partially explain disproportionate HIV rates.8Researchers have begun to examine a constellation of health factors that may contribute to HIV among MSM. For example, syndemic theory or the interaction of epidemics synergistically, such as intimate partner violence (IPV) and depression, may help explain HIV-related sexual risk behaviors among Black MSM.9 Childhood sexual abuse (CSA), IPV, and mental health disorders including depression may comprise such a constellation and warrant further exploration.Experiences of CSA have been identified as being associated with negative sexual health outcomes, with MSM reporting higher CSA rates than the general male population.10–12 Men with CSA experiences are more likely than men without CSA experiences to engage in high-risk sexual behaviors,13–21 have more lifetime sexual partners,13–16 use condoms less frequently,13,14,16 and have higher rates of STIs,13,14,17 exchanging sex for drugs or money,13,14,17 HIV,13,14 alcohol and substance use,13–21 and depression.13–15,18,21 Such findings suggest that sexual risk reduction counseling may need to be tailored for MSM with CSA experiences.15Childhood sexual abuse histories have also been correlated with sexual revictimization, including IPV.22–24 One study with population-based estimates of CSA found that gay and bisexually identified men had higher odds of reporting CSA (9.5 and 12.8, respectively) compared with heterosexual men.25 For sexual minority men, CSA histories were associated with higher HIV and STI incidence.25 However, research examining CSA, revictimization, and sexual risk behaviors is lacking among Black MSM.In one existing study, Black and Latino MSM with CSA histories identified their trauma experiences as influencing their adult sexual decision-making.26 Among Black MSM in 2 additional studies, emotional distress and substance use were attributed to having CSA experiences (Leo Wilton, PhD, written communication, October 2, 2013).27 In an ethnically diverse sample of 456 HIV-positive MSM, CSA was associated with insertive and receptive condomless anal sex.19Similar to CSA, IPV has not been extensively examined among MSM or Black MSM,28 but may be associated with sexual risk behaviors. Intimate partner violence is defined as a pattern of controlling, abusive behavior within an intimate relationship that may include physical, psychological or emotional, verbal, or sexual abuse.29 Little research exists on IPV among same-sex couples despite incidence rates being comparable to or greater than that of heterosexual women.28,30–34 Important IPV information comes from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, a nationally representative survey for experiences of sexual violence, stalking, and IPV among men and women in the United States.28 Among men who experienced rape, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate partner, perpetrator differences by gender were found among gay, bisexual, and heterosexual men; 78% of bisexual and 99.5% of heterosexual men reported having only female perpetrators, and 90.7% of gay men reported having only male perpetrators.28 Being slapped, pushed, or shoved by an intimate partner during their lifetime was reported by gay (24%), bisexual (27%), and heterosexual (26.3%) men.28Intimate partner violence has been linked to condomless anal sex, HIV infection, substance use, CSA, and depression.35–37 Being an HIV-positive MSM has been linked with becoming a victim of IPV.38,39 Welles et al. found that being an African American MSM who initially disclosed having male partners and early life sexual abuse experiences was associated with IPV victimization.39 Wilton found that a high percentage of Black MSM reported IPV histories: emotional abuse (48.3%), physical abuse (28.3%), sexual abuse (21.7%), and stalking abuse (29.2%; Leo Wilton, PhD, written communication, October 2, 2013). Such findings lend to the importance of exploring, both independently and together, the association of CSA and IPV with sexual risk behaviors.Some studies have reported the influence of mental health (e.g., depression) on sexual risk behaviors among MSM,9,40,41 whereas others have not corroborated such findings.42 Greater rates of depression among MSM than among non-MSM samples43–45 and elevated rates of depression and anxiety among Black MSM have been reported.46 The Urban Men’s Health Study, a cross-sectional sample of MSM in 4 US cities, did not find a significant relationship between high depressive symptoms and condomless anal sex.42 However, the EXPLORE study, a randomized behavioral intervention for MSM in 6 US cities, supported the association between moderate depressive symptoms and an increased risk for HIV infection.47 Moderate levels of depression and higher rates of sexual risk were also reported for HIV-infected MSM over time.48 Another study conducted with 197 Black MSM found that moderate depressive symptoms were associated with having condomless anal sex with a serodiscordant casual partner.49 These mixed findings support the need to better understand the relationship between the severity of depression (i.e., moderate vs severe) and HIV risk behaviors.The HIV Prevention Trials Network 061 study, also known as the BROTHERS (Broadening the Reach of Testing, Health Education, Resources, and Services) Project, was a multisite study to determine the feasibility and acceptability of a multicomponent intervention for Black MSM. The current analysis aims to assess the prevalence of CSA, IPV, and depressive symptomology, and examine the relationships between these factors and insertive and receptive condomless anal sex and number of sexual partners in a large cohort of Black MSM.     

STD Prevalence, Risky Sexual Behaviors, and Sex With Women in a National Sample of Chinese Men Who Have Sex With Men

We describe the behavioral characteristics and sexually transmitted disease (STD) prevalence of Chinese men who have sex with men (MSM) (n = 41) from a national probability sample of men (n = 1861). Most MSM were partnered with females (97%) and had a low rate of consistent condom use (7%). More MSM than heterosexual men self-reported a prior STD and risky sexual behaviors. MSM may act as a bridge for HIV transmission to female partners. Targeted interventions may help prevent a generalized HIV epidemic in China.In some parts of China, HIV prevalence has exceeded 1% of the general population.^1,2 Men who have sex with men (MSM) accounted for 7.3% of HIV infections³ and 11% of new HIV infections in 2007.⁴ The proportion of HIV infections among MSM is likely to grow, as studies have documented increasing HIV prevalence and high prevalence of risky sexual behaviors and of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) among this population.^5–12MSM may serve as a bridge population for transmitting HIV to the general population. Empirical data have shown that a large proportion of Chinese MSM are either married or have female sex partners.^5,13 High-risk sexual behaviors with both male and female partners among MSM are also common. Surveys have documented extremely high rates of inconsistent condom use with female partners.^13–15 We report the sociodemographic and sexual behavioral characteristics and the STD prevalence of a national probability sample of Chinese heterosexual men and men who had homosexual experiences.     

Hombres Sanos: evaluation of a social marketing campaign for heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women

Objectives. We evaluated the effectiveness of Hombres Sanos [Healthy Men] a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexually identified Latino men, especially among heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women (MSMW).Methods. Hombres Sanos was implemented in northern San Diego County, California, from June 2006 through December 2006. Every other month we conducted cross-sectional surveys with independent samples of heterosexually identified Latino men before (n = 626), during (n = 752), and after (n = 385) the campaign. Respondents were randomly selected from 12 targeted community venues to complete an anonymous, self-administered survey on sexual practices and testing for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. About 5.6% of respondents (n = 98) were heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.Results. The intervention was associated with reduced rates of recent unprotected sex with both females and males among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. The campaign was also associated with increases in perception of HIV risk, knowledge of testing locations, and condom carrying among heterosexual Latinos.Conclusions. Social marketing represents a promising approach for abating HIV transmission among heterosexually identified Latinos, particularly for heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Given the scarcity of evidence-based HIV prevention interventions for these populations, this prevention strategy warrants further investigation.In the United States, adult and adolescent Latino males represent 5.6% of the total population¹ but 18.7% of HIV/AIDS cases.² Low rates of condom use^3–5 and limited HIV testing^5–7 likely contribute to the risk for infection and transmission among Latinos.Sex between men continues to account for the majority of new HIV infections in the United States.² HIV prevention efforts have traditionally targeted gay and bisexual men. However, individuals’ self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to their sexual behavior,^8–12 and recent research has been focused on men who self-identify as heterosexual but have sex with men. The results of studies on men who have sex with both men and women (MSMW) suggest that, regardless of sexual identity, this population is at greater risk for HIV than are men who exclusively have sex with men; likewise, MSMW are at greater risk than are men who exclusively have sex with women (MSW).^11,13–16 Reasons for greater risk among MSMW may include lower rates of condom use^11,16 and having sexual partners who engage in high-risk sexual practices.¹¹Previous studies have suggested that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual sexual behavior^9,11,17,18 but less likely than are White men to self-identify as gay or bisexual or to disclose their sexual orientation.^19–23 Cultural factors such as homophobia, social stigma related to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism may inhibit Latino men from self-identifying as homosexual or bisexual.^{10,13,23–26} The degree to which Latinos integrate same-sex sexual practices into their sexual identities may influence their risk for HIV infection.²⁷ Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may perceive that they are at lower risk for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men, and Latino MSMW may thus be less likely to use condoms to protect themselves or their partners. Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.^19,27Nondisclosure of same-sex sexual practices among MSMW also has significant implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^9,17 More than 70% of Latinas living with HIV/AIDS in the United States were infected via heterosexual contact.² Most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with partners who use injection drugs,²⁸ but unprotected sex with men who have multiple partners, including MSMW, has likely contributed to a subset of HIV cases among Latina women.^2,29Social marketing involves applying the principles and techniques of commercial marketing to the promotion of behavioral change for the good of a target audience.^30,31 Social marketing has been successfully used for HIV prevention with gay and bisexual males,^32,33 racial and ethnic minorities,³⁴ and youths.^35–38 Interventions using social marketing have been associated with improvements in HIV/STI testing^32,34 and condom use.^36,37,39,40 To our knowledge, no social marketing campaigns have been designed to reduce HIV risk among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Because of the secrecy of their sexual practices and the perceived association of HIV infection with homosexuality,^24,41,42 heterosexually identified Latino MSMW are difficult to reach with HIV prevention efforts. This population is not likely to be exposed to prevention messages or programs targeted to the gay and bisexual communities.¹⁸ Moreover, interventions requiring active recruitment of heterosexually identified MSMW may fail to reach sufficient numbers or may not reach those who are most secretive about their same-sex sexual practices.⁴¹ We sought to evaluate the effectiveness of a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexual Latino men in northern San Diego County, California, with a special emphasis on heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.     

The Interaction of Sexual Identity With Sexual Behavior and Its Influence on HIV Risk Among Latino Men: Results of a Community Survey in Northern San Diego County,California

Objectives. We examined the sexual behavior, sexual identities, and HIV risk factors of a community sample of Latino men to inform efforts to reduce Latinos'' HIV risk.Methods. In 2005 and 2006, 680 Latino men in San Diego County, California, in randomly selected, targeted community venues, completed an anonymous, self-administered survey.Results. Most (92.3%) respondents self-identified as heterosexual, with 2.2%, 4.9%, and 0.6% self-identifying as bisexual, gay, or other orientation, respectively. Overall, 4.8% of heterosexually identified men had a lifetime history of anal intercourse with other men. Compared with behaviorally heterosexual men, heterosexually identified men who had sex with both men and women were more likely to have had a sexually transmitted infection, to have unprotected sexual intercourse with female partners, and to report having sex while under the influence of alcohol or other drugs. Bisexually identified men who had sex with men and women did not differ from behaviorally heterosexual men in these risk factors.Conclusions. Latino men who have a heterosexual identity and bisexual practices are at greater risk of HIV infection, and efforts to reduce HIV risk among Latinos should target this group.Latinos and sexual minorities are disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS. Latinos represented 14% of the US population in 2005,¹ but they accounted for 18% of HIV/AIDS cases diagnosed in 2006.² Although an estimated 6% to 9% of the US population has a lifetime history of homosexual sex,^3,4 men who have sex with men accounted for 49% of all HIV/AIDS cases diagnosed in the United States in 2006.² Sexual risk for HIV varies considerably by sexual orientation, with gay-identified and bisexually identified men generally at greater risk.^5,6 However, a person''s self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to his or her sexual behavior.^7–9Within Latino culture, it is possible for a man to have sex with men while maintaining a heterosexual identity and protecting his sense of masculinity.^10–13 For Latino men, sexual identity appears to be contingent upon certain behavioral and contextual factors, such as whether they have female sexual partners, are primarily attracted to women, adopt an insertive role in sexual practices, have sex with effeminate men, or have sex with men when under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Homophobia, social stigma attached to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism are commonly found throughout Latino culture and may inhibit Latino men who have sex with men from self-identifying as gay or bisexual.^9,10,14–16 Research suggests that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual behavior (i.e., to have sex with both men and women)^8,17,18 but are less likely than are White men to disclose a nonheterosexual orientation.^16,19,20Among men, bisexual behavior appears to be more prevalent than bisexual identity. Although approximately 1% to 2% of the US male population identifies as bisexual,^3,4 rates of male bisexual behavior in national samples have ranged from 1% to 5%.^4,21,22 However, these estimates are questionable because of differences in sampling methods and varying definitions of bisexuality.²³ Recent research conducted in the United States suggests that men who have sex with men and women (MSMW) are at greater risk of HIV infection than men who have sex with men (MSM) exclusively and men who have sex with women (MSW) exclusively.^24–26 By contrast, investigators in Mexico have found that MSMW who self-identify as bisexual practice less risky sexual behaviors with their male partners than do exclusively gay men.⁶It has been difficult to quantify the population of heterosexually identified Latino MSMW because of the secretive nature of their sexual practices. In a homophobic cultural context, the fear of social rejection encourages people to hide their same-sex sexual behavior and lead a double life.¹⁰ A study involving a large population of HIV-positive MSM found that 15% of the Latino sample identified as heterosexual had a history of same-sex intercourse,²⁷ whereas a survey of 455 men recruited from gay-oriented publications and venues in 12 US cities found that 17% (n = 26) of Hispanic respondents (as per terminology used in the original survey) reported being “on the down low”.⁹ Although these results may not generalize to community-based US samples of Latino men, they suggest that a substantial proportion of heterosexually identified Latino men have a history of sex with men. Similarly, a household probability survey in Mexico City found that 73% of men with a lifetime history of bisexual practices identified as heterosexual, as did 29% of those with a lifetime history of having sex only with men.⁶Men''s nondisclosure of sexual practices with men has implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^8,17 In the United States in 2006, Latinas accounted for 23.7% of HIV infections among Hispanics; of these, an estimated 51.7% were infected through heterosexual contact.² Although most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with injection drug users,²⁸ women who have unprotected sex with heterosexually identified MSMW are also at risk and are likely a subset of this population.Although there is some evidence of greater HIV risk among MSMW than among MSM or MSW,^24–26 previous research has not examined the roles that both sexual behavior and sexual identity play in HIV risk among Latino men in particular. Sexual identity may influence HIV risk among Latino MSMW because a man who identifies as heterosexual may perceive that he is at lower risk of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men and may thus take fewer measures to protect himself or his partner. MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.²⁹Our goal was to learn more about the sexual practices of Latino men and to better understand the interactions among sexual behaviors and sexual identities in this population so as to inform efforts to reduce HIV risk among Latinos. Using survey data, we examined the sexual behavior of a community sample of Latino men; determined the proportions of MSM, MSW, and MSMW among them; elicited any discrepancies between their sexual behavior and their sexual identity; and searched for differences in HIV risk by sexual orientation.     

Sexual Orientation Disparities in Sexually Transmitted Infection Risk Behaviors and Risk Determinants Among Sexually Active Adolescent Males: Results From a School-Based Sample

Objectives. We examined disparities in risk determinants and risk behaviors for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) between gay-identified, bisexual-identified, and heterosexual-identified young men who have sex with men (YMSM) and heterosexual-identified young men who have sex with women (YMSW) using a school-based sample of US sexually active adolescent males.Methods. We analyzed a pooled data set of Youth Risk Behavior Surveys from 2005 and 2007 that included information on sexual orientation identity, sexual behaviors, and multiple STI risk factors.Results. Bisexual-identified adolescents were more likely to report multiple STI risk behaviors (number of sex partners, concurrent sex partners, and age of sexual debut) compared with heterosexual YMSW as well as heterosexual YMSM and gay-identified respondents. Gay, bisexual, and heterosexual YMSM were significantly more likely to report forced sex compared with heterosexual YMSW.Conclusions. Our results provide evidence that sexual health disparities emerge early in the life course and vary by both sexual orientation identity and sexual behaviors. In particular, they show that bisexual-identified adolescent males exhibit a unique risk profile that warrants targeted sexual health interventions.Several studies have documented an elevated risk of acquiring sexually transmitted infections (STIs), including HIV/AIDS, among young men who have sex with men (YMSM).1 In recent years, HIV/AIDS infection rates have actually increased among this population.2,3 To develop more effective and targeted STI prevention programs, researchers have suggested using multiple measures of sexual minority status when examining disparities in STI risk by sexual orientation.4–8 Existing research on sexual health disparities among adolescents often uses community-based samples that rarely yield large enough sample sizes to examine multiple sexual minority statuses in any given study.6,9 This gap in the literature is particularly problematic given the documented incongruence between sexual orientation identity and sexual behaviors among sexual minority adolescents.10–12 Thus, although studies have demonstrated that both YMSM1,13–15 and bisexual- and gay-identified male adolescent16,17 are more likely to report a variety of STI risk factors, to our knowledge, no studies to date have used both indicators of sexual orientation identity and sexual behaviors to examine disparities in STI risk factors among adolescents.Elevated rates of STI among sexual minority adolescent males are due to a variety of factors, including social conditions, sexual networks, and, in particular, the excess biological risk associated with anal sex.1,18 Elevated STI risk, however, has also been attributed to sexual orientation disparities in a variety of risk behaviors, including earlier age of sexual debut, more sex partners,14,17,19 higher rates of substance use during sex,15 and lower rates of condom use.13,20 These disparities have been documented through use of sexual behaviors1,13–15 or sexual orientation identity16,17 to capture sexual minority status. As a result, STI risk interventions based on studies that use sexual orientation identity alone may not reach adolescents who engage in same-sex behavior but identify as heterosexual.1 Alternatively, focusing exclusively on sexual behavior obscures potentially important differences across social identities, which are critical for understanding and eliminating disparities in STIs.5 Studies that use either sexual orientation identity or behavior are therefore likely to capture different populations and provide an incomplete portrait of STI risk among sexual minority adolescents.21To develop appropriate STI intervention strategies, it is also critical to understand what factors might lead to risk-taking behaviors among sexual minority populations. Studies have shown that sexual minority adolescent males are more likely to report multiple sources of victimization, including forced sex16,22 and intimate partner violence (IPV),23–25 compared with their sexual nonminority peers. Forced sex may directly expose young men to STIs, but it also may have long-lasting implications for the development of sexual self-efficacy, safe sex communication skills, and normative attitudes surrounding sexual risk behaviors.26,27 IPV has been identified as a significant barrier to effective communication about safer sex behaviors and is linked to elevated STI risk among adolescents.28 Similar to the literature on STI risk behaviors, existing studies on forced sex and IPV among sexual minorities rely on single indicators of sexual orientation—either sexual orientation identity16,23 or the sex of sex partners.25 Given the stigma associated with gay or bisexual identity, sexual minority–identified respondents may be more likely to be targeted for victimization than YMSM who identify as heterosexual.Understanding which aspects of sexual minority status (e.g., sexual orientation identity, sex of sex partners) are related to STI risk factors during adolescence is critical for developing targeted prevention efforts to curb rising STI infection rates. New evidence suggests that STI risk varies by both sexual orientation identity and behaviors among young adult men.4 It is unclear whether similar patterns in STI risk behaviors and risk behavior determinants emerge during adolescence. Using a school-based sample of adolescent males, we aimed to determine whether sexual risk behaviors, including age of sexual debut, number of sex partners, concurrent sex partners, condom use, and drug and alcohol during sex, as well 2 indicators of risk behavior determinants (forced sex and IPV) vary at the intersection of sexual orientation identity and sexual behaviors.     

Sexual Partner Selection and HIV Risk Reduction Among Black and White Men Who Have Sex With Men

Objectives. We examined differences in sexual partner selection between Black and White men who have sex with men (MSM) to better understand how HIV status of participants'' sexual partners and related psychosocial measures influence risk taking among these men.Methods. We collected cross-sectional surveys from self-reported HIV-negative Black MSM and White MSM attending a gay pride festival in Atlanta, Georgia.Results. HIV-negative White MSM were more likely than were HIV-negative Black MSM to report having unprotected anal intercourse with HIV-negative men, and HIV-negative Black MSM were more likely than were HIV-negative White MSM to report having unprotected anal intercourse with HIV status unknown partners. Furthermore, White MSM were more likely to endorse serosorting (limiting unprotected partners to those who have the same HIV status) beliefs and favorable HIV disclosure beliefs than were Black MSM.Conclusions. White MSM appear to use sexual partner–related risk reduction strategies to reduce the likelihood of HIV infection more than do Black MSM. Partner selection strategies have serious limitations; however, they may explain in part the disproportionate number of HIV infections among Black MSM.Men who have sex with men (MSM) continue to make up the majority of people who are HIV infected in the United States. About one third of US HIV infections among MSM occur in Black men¹; however, Black men account for only 13% of the US male population.² Several published reports of HIV risks that stratify risk behavior by race do not demonstrate elevated risk behavior among Black MSM as compared with White MSM.^3,4 For example, Black MSM overall report fewer sexual partners and similar rates of unprotected anal intercourse when compared with White MSM. Because rates of risk behaviors fail to explain the racial disparities in HIV infections, contextual factors may offer important information for explaining the disproportionate HIV infections. Alarming rates of HIV among Black MSM have led this group to be among the top priority HIV prevention populations in the United States.⁵ Thus, a comprehensive understanding of HIV risk factors relevant to this population is warranted.Multiple contextual factors potentially drive disparities in HIV/AIDS between Black MSM and White MSM. Perceived HIV prevention strategies such as selecting unprotected sexual partners thought to have the same HIV status, or serosorting, may play a role in explaining racial disparities in HIV infections. Many HIV-infected and non–HIV-infected men believe serosorting makes HIV transmission less likely and, thus, condom use unnecessary.^6,7 This relationship may stem from the tendency for people to dislike using condoms^8–10 and to practice alternative behaviors they believe are protective, such as serosorting. As a result, partner HIV serostatus is often a determining factor in sexual risk decision making.^11,12 Several studies have found that MSM commonly use serosorting in general, but less is known about serosorting among MSM of various ethnicities.^7,13–15Data on the effectiveness of serosorting are somewhat mixed, but it is known that serosorting can lead to HIV exposure.¹⁶ Although some studies have noted the potential for serosorting to reduce overall HIV rates,^17,18 limitations of this practice, including infrequent HIV testing, lack of open communication about HIV status, and acute HIV infection place MSM who serosort at risk for HIV transmission.^19,20There are at least 2 factors that directly influence whether or not an individual is motivated to serosort. First, individuals who serosort likely do so to lower their perceived risk for HIV infection, that is, to make them feel safe while not using condoms. In this sense, serosorting can reduce HIV transmission anxiety. Hence, the perception that serosorting makes unprotected sex safer is most likely driving sexual behavior risk taking. Notably, risk perceptions have been previously demonstrated to play an important role in predicting other health-related behaviors.^21–23 Second, serosorting requires explicit verbal discussion about HIV status. As such, those who engage in serosorting need to be capable of discussing their own and their partners'' HIV status.⁷ When serosorting, merely assuming the HIV status of a partner is often substituted for explicit disclosure²⁰; however, serosorting cannot be effective under these conditions.We sought to examine partner selection practices that potentially contribute to disparate HIV infection rates among Black MSM and White MSM. First, we examined the sexual behavior of Black MSM versus that of White MSM. On the basis of previous studies, we hypothesized that Black MSM and White MSM would report similar numbers of unprotected anal intercourse partners. However, because the HIV status of partners men choose may drive the differences in HIV infection rates, we hypothesized that Black MSM would report more partners of unknown or positive HIV status than would White MSM and that White MSM would report more partners of negative HIV status than would Black MSM. In keeping with these hypotheses, we also predicted that Black MSM would report less favorable beliefs about serosorting and HIV status disclosure. Finally, we predicted that Black MSM would report higher HIV perceived risk because of their choosing serodiscordant partners.     

Differences in the social networks of African American men who have sex with men only and those who have sex with men and women

Objectives. We compared social network characteristics of African American men who have sex with men only (MSMO) with social network characteristics of African American men who have sex with men and women (MSMW).Methods. Study participants were 234 African American men who have sex with men who completed a baseline social network assessment for a pilot behavioral HIV prevention intervention in Baltimore, Maryland, from 2006 through 2009. We surveyed the men to elicit the characteristics of their social networks, and we used logistic regression models to assess differences in network characteristics.Results. MSMO were significantly more likely than were MSMW to be HIV-positive (52% vs 31%). We found no differences between MSMO and MSMW in the size of kin networks or emotional and material support networks. MSMW had denser sexual networks, reported more concurrent and exchange partners, used condoms with more sexual partners, and reported interaction with a larger number of sexual partners at least once a week.Conclusions. Although there were many similarities in the social and sexual network characteristics of MSMO and MSMW, differences did exist. HIV prevention interventions should address the unique needs of African American MSMW.Recent epidemiological data suggest that the highest rates of HIV infection in the United States are found among African American men who have sex with men (MSM).¹ According to the National HIV Behavioral Surveillance survey in 2004–2005, among 5 cities studied, Baltimore, Maryland, had the highest HIV rates among African American MSM, with a prevalence of 51% and an estimated incidence rate of 8% per year.² African American MSM are also more likely than are MSM of other racial/ethnic groups to report bisexual identity.^3–9Some studies have focused on men who have sex with men and women (MSMW) as a potential bridge group to heterosexual transmission.^10,11 Several investigators have found that MSMW have lower HIV rates than do men who have sex with men only (MSMO).^11–13 Some studies have found that MSMW report more sexual partners than do MSMO,^11,14 although another has found that not to be true.¹⁵Social network factors have been linked to transmission of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections.^16–18 Indeed, there is evidence that network structural characteristics, such as network density (the extent to which social network members know one another) and partner concurrency, may lead to high rates of sexually transmitted infectious diseases.^19–21 Network dynamics have also been used to explain the greater burden of HIV and AIDS among African Americans compared with other racial groups in the United States.²² Network characteristics such as network size, composition, and density have been found to be associated with HIV risk behaviors, such as sharing injection equipment,^23–27 having multiple partners, engaging in unprotected sex, and exchanging sex for money or drugs.^28–31Social network analysis is a useful method to assess amounts, types, and sources of emotional and instrumental social support³² without assuming that social support is derived from specific role relationships, such as spouse, coworker, main sexual partner, or friend. In different populations, specific role relationships may not exist, or the same role may provide different types of social support. Few studies have examined the social networks of MSM,^33,34 and there is even less information on the social networks of African American MSM. Miller et al.³⁵ conducted in-depth interviews with 21 African American MSM and inquired about the composition of their social networks. They found that African American MSM listed twice as many non-MSM male friends as MSM friends. Few listed MSM friends with whom they did not have sex. A study of HIV-positive men and women reported that African American MSM received more social support from friends and health care providers than they did from family members.³⁶ It has been suggested that some African American MSM perceive that their community consists of their social network members rather than a physical location.³⁷We examined differences in social network composition between African American MSMO and African American MSMW. Examining social network composition is critical not only for assessing the dynamics of transmission of HIV but also for assessing the social and economic support available to people with HIV. Support issues are especially important among impoverished urban populations. Understanding social network composition is also critical for developing and sustaining appropriate HIV prevention and care programs. In these analyses we were specifically interested in examining the sources and functions of social support within participants'' social networks, the sexual risk behaviors participants engaged in with network members, and the overlap between social support networks and sexual networks. We anticipated that MSMO would report more dense social networks than MSMW but less social support.     

Sexual Minority Women and Depressive Symptoms Throughout Adulthood

Objectives. We examined the associations between depressive symptoms and sexual identity and behavior among women with or at risk for HIV.Methods. We analyzed longitudinal data from 1811 participants in the Women’s Interagency HIV Study (WIHS) from 1994 to 2013 in Brooklyn and the Bronx, New York; Chicago, Illinois; Washington, DC; and Los Angeles and San Francisco, California, by comparing depressive symptoms by baseline sexual identity and ongoing sexual behavior. We controlled for age, socioeconomic status, violence history, and substance use.Results. In separate analyses, bisexual women and women who reported having sex with both men and women during follow-up had higher unadjusted odds of depressive symptoms compared with heterosexuals and women who reported only having male sexual partners (adjusted odd ratio [AOR] = 1.36; 95% confidence interval [CI]  = 1.10, 1.69 and AOR = 1.21; 95% CI = 1.06, 1.37, respectively). Age was a significant effect modifier in multivariable analysis; sexual minority women had increased odds of depressive symptoms in early adulthood, but they did not have these odds at midlife. Odds of depressive symptoms were lower among some sexual minority women at older ages.Conclusions. Patterns of depressive symptoms over the life course of sexual minority women with or at risk for HIV might differ from heterosexual women and from patterns observed in the general aging population.Depression is a major health concern for women. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 10% of US women reported any depression and 5% reported major depression in the previous 2 weeks.1 Depression has been reported in 19% to 62%2–4 of HIV-infected women and is associated with reduced cognitive function,5 decreased adherence to highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART),6 higher rates of unprotected sex among substance users,7 and increased mortality.2,6Women with or at risk for HIV are often exposed to factors such as poverty,8 substance use, and violence,9–11 which can independently and jointly contribute to depression. A recent study found that any combination of intimate partner violence (IPV), substance use, and HIV infection increased the odds of depression.12 Lower socioeconomic status (SES) in women12 and HIV infection4,5 were also independently associated with depression. However, studies showed no association among HIV stage, HAART use,4,8 CD4 count,8,13 or viral load and depression.4,8,13There is a strong association between sexual minority status (i.e., women who identify as lesbian or bisexual or have female sex partners) and poor mental health. In a US survey, lifetime major depression was reported by 42% of lesbians, 52% of bisexuals, and 27% of heterosexual women (P < .01); in the same study, major depression was reported by 15% of women who have sex with women (WSW), 51% of women who have sex with men and women (WSMW), and 27% of women who have sex with men (WSM; P < .01).14 In this study, we examined 2 aspects of sexual orientation15–17: sexual identity and sexual behavior. Although sexual attraction is also considered part of an individual’s sexual orientation, data on attraction was not collected in the original study.Despite the strong association between sexual minority status and depression, it is unknown whether sexual minority status acts as an independent predictor or effect modifier of depressive symptoms among women affected by HIV, substance use, and violence. Our original hypothesis was that lesbian, bisexual, and WSMW (but not WSW) would have higher odds of depression, with race/ethnicity acting as a potential effect modifier.     

Preparing for Rectal Microbicides: Sociocultural Factors Affecting Product Uptake Among Potential South American Users

Objectives. We examined views on rectal microbicides (RMs), a potential HIV prevention option, among men who have sex with men and transgender women in 3 South American cities.Methods. During September 2009 to September 2010, we conducted 10 focus groups and 36 in-depth interviews (n = 140) in Lima and Iquitos, Peru, and Guayaquil, Ecuador, to examine 5 RM domains: knowledge, thoughts and opinions about RM as an HIV prevention tool, use, condoms, and social concerns. We coded emergent themes in recorded and transcribed data sets and extracted representative quotes. We collected sociodemographic information with a self-administered questionnaire.Results. RM issues identified included limited knowledge; concerns regarding plausibility, side effects, and efficacy; impact on condom use; target users (insertive vs receptive partners); and access concerns.Conclusions. Understanding the sociocultural issues affecting RMs is critical to their uptake and should be addressed prior to product launch.The first phase 2 clinical trial of a rectal microbicide (RM) candidate—a tenofovir-based, reduced-glycerin variant of the vaginal gel evaluated in CAPRISA-0041—is under way in men who have sex with men (MSM) and transgender women (TGW) at 5 international sites.2 If this product is found to be safe and acceptable, efficacy trials could begin by 2015,3 leading to a new prevention option for people at risk for HIV infection during unprotected receptive anal intercourse. Especially for MSM and TGW, an HIV prevention option specifically for this type of intercourse is urgently needed. Despite a worldwide decrease in new HIV infections,4 the epidemic continues to expand in MSM across all income levels globally,5 and a recent meta-analysis placed the odds ratio for TGW being infected with HIV relative to all adults of reproductive age at 48.8.6In addition to myriad social, cultural, and political factors that make MSM and TGW more vulnerable to HIV infection,7 unprotected receptive anal intercourse itself is 10% to 20% riskier than unprotected vaginal intercourse.8,9 As Beyrer et al. note, if the transmission probability of unprotected receptive anal intercourse were similar to that of unprotected vaginal intercourse, the 5-year cumulative HIV incidence in MSM would drop by 80% to 90%.5 Even partially efficacious RMs could play an important role in preventing new HIV infections,10 but their effectiveness will rely on users finding such products acceptable and using them correctly and consistently.11,12 Thus a body of acceptability research has emerged to examine the factors that may affect RM use, such as different product formulations (e.g., gels and lubricants,13–16 suppositories,17 and douches18–20), the maximum volume of rectally applied product that users find tolerable,21 frequency of use, cost effectiveness, and side effects.22Overall, acceptability research has demonstrated interest in a safe and effective RM among MSM and TGW22–25; however, knowledge gaps remain. Particularly important to understand is how potential users see themselves interacting with RMs, including social, cultural, and political factors, all of which may affect the adoption of an HIV prevention technology.26 We examined views of RMs among potential users in 3 South American cities to understand the sociocultural issues that could affect their uptake.     

Learning From Successful Interventions: A Culturally Congruent HIV Risk�CReduction Intervention for African American Men Who Have Sex With Men and Women

Few HIV prevention interventions have been developed for African American men who have sex with men or who have sex with both men and women. Many interventions neglect the historical, structural or institutional, and sociocultural factors that hinder or support risk reduction in this high-risk group.We examined ways to incorporate these factors into Men of African American Legacy Empowering Self, a culturally congruent HIV intervention targeting African American men who have sex with men and women.We also studied how to apply key elements from successful interventions to future efforts. These elements include having gender specificity, a target population, a theoretical foundation, cultural and historical congruence, skill-building components, and well-defined goals.AFRICAN AMERICAN MEN WHO have sex with men (MSM) or who have sex with both men and women (MSMW) have the highest HIV prevalence among African Americans and among other racial/ethnic groups of MSM.^1–3 However, HIV risk behaviors alone do not explain the disproportionate HIV rates among African American MSM.^4,5 Attention to the sociocultural challenges facing African American MSM is needed.Only 1 published HIV behavioral intervention targets African American MSM⁶; none specifically target African American MSMW. Inclusion of culture is believed to improve the ability of public health programs to meet members'' needs.^7–9 However, inherent abstractness and a lack of operationalized definitions and cultural competency pose challenges for those designing and implementing interventions.^10–14 Understanding the experiences of African American MSM requires attention to definitions of what it means to be African American and of male sexuality that are rooted in African American history and culture. Choices regarding identification with gay or bisexual labels and disclosure of Black same-gender sexual activities must be contextualized within African American communities.^15–17Health improvement among African American MSM requires attention to racism; gender role expectations; connection to partners, families, and communities; and HIV-related stigma.^18–22 Double minority status is made worse by high HIV rates and perceived responsibility for spreading HIV.^23–25 Even if family and community provide social support, homophobia and racism can deter African American MSM from disclosing their sexuality and seeking HIV prevention and care.²⁶ Interventions must engage protective factors and address structural or institutional and sociocultural barriers to prevention.     

Childbearing Intentions of HIV-Positive Women of Reproductive Age in Soweto,South Africa: The Influence of Expanding Access to HAART in an HIV Hyperendemic Setting

Objectives. We investigated whether the intention to have children varied according to HIV status and use of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) among women in Soweto, South Africa.Methods. We used survey data from 674 women aged 18 to 44 years recruited from the Perinatal HIV Research Unit in Soweto (May through December 2007); 217 were HIV-positive HAART users (median duration of use = 31 months; interquartile range = 28, 33), 215 were HIV-positive and HAART–naive, and 242 were HIV negative. Logistic regression models examined associations between HIV status, HAART use, and intention to have children.Results. Overall, 44% of women reported intent to have children, with significant variation by HIV status: 31% of HAART users, 29% of HAART-naive women, and 68% of HIV-negative women (P < .001). In adjusted models, HIV-positive women were nearly 60% less likely to report childbearing intentions compared with HIV-negative women (for HAART users, adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.40; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.23, 0.69; for HAART-naive women, AOR = 0.35; 95% CI = 0.21, 0.60), with minimal differences according to use or duration of HAART.Conclusions. Integrated HIV, HAART, and reproductive health services must be provided to support the rights of all women to safely achieve their fertility goals.In sub-Saharan Africa, women of childbearing age comprise 61% of people living with HIV, accounting for over 12 million women.¹ In many regions, HIV incidence is increasing most dramatically among young women aged 18 to 30 years,^1,2 which coincides with their peak reproductive years.³ Globally, a plethora of evidence indicates that many women living with HIV continue to desire children,^4–8 become pregnant,^5,6,9 and give birth^5,6,10 after knowing their HIV-positive status.Childbearing decision making can be complex regardless of HIV seropositivity¹¹; among HIV-infected women, however, reproduction introduces additional personal, public health, and clinical care issues.¹² The vast majority of conceptions occur without the use of reproductive technologies such as sperm washing and artificial insemination.¹³ Thus, the unprotected sexual activity required for conception carries a risk of HIV transmission to uninfected sexual partners.¹⁴ Reproduction among HIV-positive women also carries a risk of vertical transmission during pregnancy and labor and through breastfeeding.^15,16 Moreover, HIV-positive women have a lower life expectancy than HIV-negative women,¹⁷ increasing the risk of maternal orphanhood.¹⁸ In light of these concerns, early reproductive guidelines for people living with HIV were dissuasive,¹⁹ and HIV-positive women who express a desire to have children continue to encounter the disapproval of the community and of health care workers.^4,20Nonetheless, although the potential health risks may have dampened the fertility intentions of some HIV-positive women, stigma associated with childlessness in many societies²¹ and the strong personal desires for biological parenthood⁴ remain potent drivers of childbearing intentions, despite an HIV-positive status. Indeed, in some cultural contexts, remaining childless can be a violation of societal norms more stigmatizing than the HIV infection itself.^4,22Expanding access to highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) is changing the landscape of childbearing decision making for people living with HIV.²³ HAART increases life expectancy,^24–26 decreases morbidity,^25,27 and dramatically reduces the risks of vertical²⁸ and horizontal^29,30 transmission. In this era of expanding access to HAART, the significant reduction in health risks and barriers to reproduction among people living with HIV has coincided with increased calls for a rights- and evidenced-based approach to reproduction.^31,32 Since childbearing intentions are among the strongest predictors of eventual childbearing,³³ creating effective and responsive sexual and reproductive health services for HIV-positive women in the context of expanding access to HAART requires a clear understanding of expressed childbearing intentions.Existing evidence concerning the influence of expanding access to HAART on childbearing intentions is largely incomplete. Although recent regional studies have shown that HAART use is associated with higher childbearing intentions, these studies neglected to consider the duration of HAART use^6,7 and tended only to compare the childbearing intentions of HIV-positive women without conducting a comparison with HIV-negative women from the same community.^6–8 Moreover, the lack of an HIV-negative control group precludes the opportunity to assess whether HAART users begin to resemble HIV-negative women in their childbearing intentions, particularly as HIV is increasingly recognized as a manageable chronic disease.Given the high HIV prevalence among women of reproductive age in Soweto, South Africa,¹ we aimed to assess the prevalence of childbearing intentions and to determine whether they varied according to HIV status and HAART use among women. We hypothesized that HIV-positive women would have lower childbearing intentions than would HIV-negative women. In addition, we hypothesized that HIV-positive women receiving HAART would have higher childbearing intentions than would HIV-positive HAART-naive women, with increasing duration of HAART treatment associated with incrementally higher childbearing intentions. Overall, we hypothesized that HAART use would narrow the measurable differences in childbearing intentions between HIV-positive and HIV-negative women.²³     

Correlates of Sexual HIV Risk Among African American Men Who Have Sex With Men

Objectives. We examined correlates of condomless anal intercourse with nonmain sexual partners among African American men who have sex with men (MSM).Methods. We recruited social networks composed of 445 Black MSM from 2012 to 2014 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Cleveland, Ohio; and Miami Beach, Florida. Participants reported past-3-month sexual behavior, substance use, and background, psychosocial, and HIV-related characteristics.Results. Condomless anal intercourse outside main concordant partnerships, reported by 34.4% of MSM, was less likely in the case of no alcohol and marijuana use in the past 30 days, and higher risk-reduction behavioral intentions. High frequency of condomless anal intercourse acts with nonmain partners was associated with high gay community participation, weak risk-reduction intentions, safer sex not being perceived as a peer norm, low condom-use self-efficacy, and longer time since most recent HIV testing.Conclusions. Condomless anal intercourse with nonmain partners among Black MSM was primarily associated with gay community participation, alcohol and marijuana use, and risk-reduction behavioral intentions.HIV infection in the United States falls along sharp lines of disparity related to sexual orientation and race. Every year since HIV surveillance began, men who have sex with men (MSM) have accounted for the majority of the country’s HIV cases.1 The disease also disproportionately affects African Americans, who constitute 12% of the American population but carry 44% of its HIV infection burden.1 Yet, the starkest disparity emerges from the combined impact of race and sexual orientation. Black MSM represent only a fraction of a percent of the American population but accounted for more than 25% of the country’s new HIV infections in 2010,1 with HIV rates much higher among Black than White MSM.2 HIV incidence among racial-minority MSM in some cities ranges from 24% to 29%.3,4 Considerable attention is being given to biomedical strategies such as early initiation of antiretroviral therapy (ART) and preexposure ART prophylaxis for HIV prevention.5,6 However, the impact of these promising strategies will depend upon ART coverage and adherence, neither of which is likely to be quickly attained or complete. For this reason, integrated HIV prevention approaches are needed, including improved interventions to reduce risk behavior among racial-minority MSM.Previous research has examined but has generally failed to establish differences in individual-level risk practices between Black and White MSM.7–10 However, sexual network characteristics, high rates of undiagnosed and untreated HIV infection, high sexually transmitted infection (STI) prevalence, and unsuppressed viral load among HIV-positive African American MSM are believed to contribute to HIV disparities.9–16Black MSM are not a monolithic population,17–20 and multiple factors may influence extent of HIV vulnerability within the community of racial-minority MSM. These include risk-related sexual behavior norms, attitudes, and intentions21–25; substance use12,26–30; poverty and disadvantage19,20; and psychosocial domains including internalized homonegativity or homophobia,31–34 self-perceived masculinity,35,36 HIV conspiracy beliefs or mistrust,37,38 religiosity,39 and resilience.40,41 It is important to ascertain the relative importance of these and other factors to properly tailor HIV prevention interventions for racial-minority MSM.In this study, we recruited social networks of African American MSM and sought to determine the relationships of 4 types of factors with the riskiness of men’s sexual behavior practices: (1) social, economic, and demographic background characteristics; (2) substance use; (3) HIV risk–specific knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and intentions; and (4) psychosocial domains including internalized homonegativity, self-ascribed masculinity, AIDS conspiracy beliefs, resilience, religiosity, and gay community participation. We examined HIV risk–specific characteristics because they are proximal to adopting protective actions according to many behavioral science theories.42–44 We examined psychosocial domains because broader personal and contextual life experiences may also potentiate risk. We sought to identify characteristics related not only to some men’s high-risk behavior but also the adoption of very safe behavior by other African American MSM, a strengths-based question that has been insufficiently explored.     

Male Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence and Involvement in Abortions and Abortion-Related Conflict

Men aged 18 to 35 years (n = 1318) completed assessments of perpetration of intimate partner violence (IPV), abortion involvement, and conflict regarding decisions to seek abortion. IPV was associated with greater involvement by men in pregnancies ending in abortion and greater conflict regarding decisions to seek abortion. IPV should be considered within family planning and abortion services; policies requiring women to notify or obtain consent of partners before seeking an abortion should be reconsidered; they may facilitate endangerment and coercion regarding such decisions.Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health issue that affects the lives and health of approximately 20% to 25% of adolescent and adult US women,^1,2 with women of reproductive age at greatest risk.^3,4 Major reproductive health concerns associated with experiences of IPV include unintended⁵ and rapid repeat pregnancies.^6–8 Given that unintended and unwanted pregnancies are the primary reason for seeking abortion,^7,9 abused women are thought to be more likely to experience abortion than are their nonabused counterparts.^10–12 Recent qualitative research suggests there is a broad role played by abusive male partners in controlling women''s reproductive health,^13–15 including attempts to control abortion-related decisions.^13,15 However, quantitative data on this issue have primarily been collected from women attending abortion services, which therefore precludes comparisons to women with no abortion history.^10–12 Given the increasing recognition of the role of male partners in controlling a woman''s reproductive health and decision-making, coupled with the continuing public debate concerning both women''s access to abortion and the role of family members in decisions regarding abortion (e.g., spousal consent),¹⁶ it is critical to understand to what extent abuse from male partners may relate to both women''s seeking abortion and coercion regarding abortion-related decisions. We examined the association of young adult men''s reports of perpetration of IPV and their participation in pregnancies ending in abortion as well as conflict surrounding abortion-related decisions.     

Sexual Risk Behaviors Among HIV-Positive Black Men Who Have Sex With Women, With Men, or With Men and Women: Implications for Intervention Development

Objectives. We compared demographics and sexual and drug risk behaviors among HIV-positive Black men who have sex with women only, with men only, or with men and women to assess differences among and between these groups.Methods. We analyzed cross-sectional data from the Supplement to HIV and AIDS Surveillance Project for 2038 HIV-positive Black men who reported being sexually active. We classified the participants by their reported sexual behaviors in the past year: intercourse with women (n = 1186), with men (n = 741), or with men and women (n = 111).Results. Respondents whose sexual partners were both men and women reported more noninjection drug use, sexual exchange, and sexual partners than did the other 2 groups. Bisexual respondents were also more likely than were heterosexuals to report unprotected intercourse with a steady female partner and were more likely than were both other groups to report having steady partners of unknown HIV serostatus and using drugs during their last sexual episode.Conclusions. HIV-positive Black men with both male and female sexual partners engaged in more sexual and drug risk behaviors than did their heterosexual and homosexual peers. More information concerning the prevention needs of behaviorally bisexual HIV-positive Black men is needed.Epidemiological studies consistently show that Black men are disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS.¹ Although non-Hispanic Black men composed approximately 6% of the US population, they accounted for 29.2% of the estimated number of adults and adolescents living with HIV/AIDS at the end of 2005.^1,2 Surveillance data show that unprotected male–male sexual intercourse and injection drug use are the primary modes of HIV transmission among Black men. Behavioral studies examining sexual risk show that some HIV-positive persons, including HIV-positive Black men, continue to engage in unprotected sexual intercourse with male and female partners of negative and unknown HIV serostatus.^3–8Considerable research has examined sexual and drug risk behaviors, partner characteristics, and sociodemographics of HIV-positive men. Factors such as use of alcohol or drugs during last episode of sexual intercourse,^9–12 partnership status (steady or nonsteady),^13,14 number of partners,¹⁵ partner''s HIV status (negative, positive, or unknown),^16–18 poverty,¹⁹ and sexual exchange (paying or receiving goods or money for sexual intercourse)^20,21 have all been associated with high-risk sexual behaviors among HIV-positive persons. Many of these studies included relatively few Black men, or Black homosexual and bisexual men were combined into 1 group, or Black men were compared with high-risk men of other race/ethnicity. Although all of these studies have produced pieces of a puzzle for understanding issues associated with HIV transmission among Black men living with HIV/AIDS, they have not specifically focused on behaviorally different groups of HIV-positive Black men.Rates of HIV seropositivity are high among Black men, and HIV infections are spreading throughout Black communities. We therefore sought to examine differences in self-reported sexual behavior between HIV-positive Black men who have sex with men (MSM), with women (MSW), or with men and women (MSMW) without regard to self-reported sexual orientation. In particular, we examined differences in sexual risk behavior between MSW and MSMW and between MSM and MSMW in the past year. Our data may identify factors contributing to the spread of HIV in Black communities, assist researchers to develop interventions to reduce and eliminate high-risk behaviors in these populations, and ultimately help reduce and prevent the transmission of HIV.     

Correlates of incarceration among young methamphetamine users in Chiang Mai, Thailand

Objectives. We examined correlates of incarceration among young methamphetamine users in Chiang Mai, Thailand in 2005 to 2006.Methods. We conducted a cross-sectional study among 1189 young methamphetamine users. Participants were surveyed about their recent drug use, sexual behaviors, and incarceration. Biological samples were obtained to test for sexually transmitted and viral infections.Results. Twenty-two percent of participants reported ever having been incarcerated. In multivariate analysis, risk behaviors including frequent public drunkenness, starting to use illicit drugs at an early age, involvement in the drug economy, tattooing, injecting drugs, and unprotected sex were correlated with a history of incarceration. HIV, HCV, and herpes simplex virus type 2 (HSV-2) infection were also correlated with incarceration.Conclusions. Incarcerated methamphetamine users are engaging in behaviors and being exposed to environments that put them at increased risk of infection and harmful practices. Alternatives to incarceration need to be explored for youths.Over the past decade, methamphetamine use has increased exponentially and reached epidemic proportions, particularly in North America¹ and Southeast Asia.² The methamphetamine epidemic has been concentrated among adolescents and young adults and has significant public health implications² because methamphetamine use has been associated with high-risk behaviors including multiple sexual partners, contractual sex, polydrug use, and aggression.^3,4Thailand has experienced a steadily increasing methamphetamine epidemic since 1996.⁵ By 2003, an estimated 3 500 000 Thais had ever used methamphetamines.⁶ In 1996, Thailand criminalized methamphetamines, treating the trafficking, possession, and use of methamphetamines with the same severity as heroin-related offenses.⁷ In 2003 the government began a “war on drugs” in an attempt to control the epidemic.^8,9 In combination, these events led to a doubling in the number of incarcerated individuals between 1996 and 2004.^7,10 In 2005, 64% of Thai inmates were drug offenders,¹¹ and in 2006, 75% of drug-related arrests and charges were related to methamphetamines.¹² Treatment for methamphetamine use is limited. Institutional management of methamphetamine users includes the use of rehabilitation centers, military-style boot camps, compulsory drug treatment centers, and prisons.¹¹A history of incarceration has been associated with negative health outcomes, including sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and blood-borne viruses, particularly syphilis,¹³ herpes,¹⁴ HIV,^10,15,16 hepatitis b (HBV),^17,18 and HCV.^18–21 The prevalence of these pathogens has been found to be much higher in prisons than in the general population.^22–26 Although these infections may be a result of a high-risk lifestyle leading to incarceration, it is also clear that the prison system exposes individuals to environments and behaviors that increase their risk of acquiring these infections, such as tattooing,^{10,18,21,27–29} unprotected sex as a result of limited condom availability,²⁷ and using shared needles to inject drugs.^27,30,31With so many young methamphetamine users entering the judicial system, it is important to understand the characteristics of this group so that appropriate public health interventions can be designed. Young methamphetamine users need to be diverted away from the judicial system to decrease high-risk behaviors that may impact their own well-being and that of the community.As part of a randomized controlled trial to reduce the risks associated with methamphetamine use among youths in Chiang Mai, Thailand, we investigated behavioral and viral correlates of incarceration among a sample of 1189 young adults aged 18 to 25 years.     

Suicidal Behavior Among Female Sex Workers in Goa, India: The Silent Epidemic

Objectives. We sought to study suicidal behavior prevalence and its association with social and gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors among female sex workers in Goa, India.Methods. Using respondent-driven sampling, we recruited 326 sex workers in Goa for an interviewer-administered questionnaire regarding self-harming behaviors, sociodemographics, sex work, gender disadvantage, and health. Participants were tested for sexually transmitted infections. We used multivariate analysis to define suicide attempt determinants.Results. Nineteen percent of sex workers in the sample reported attempted suicide in the past 3 months. Attempts were independently associated with intimate partner violence (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.70; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.38, 5.28), violence from others (AOR = 2.26; 95% CI = 1.15, 4.45), entrapment (AOR = 2.76; 95% CI = 1.11, 6.83), regular customers (AOR = 3.20; 95% CI = 1.61, 6.35), and worsening mental health (AOR = 1.05; 95% CI = 1.01, 1.11). Lower suicide attempt likelihood was associated with Kannad ethnicity, HIV prevention services, and having a child.Conclusions. Suicidal behaviors among sex workers were common and associated with gender disadvantage and poor mental health. India''s widespread HIV-prevention programs for sex workers provide an opportunity for community-based interventions against gender-based violence and for mental health services delivery.Suicide is a public health priority in India. Rates of suicide in India are 5 times higher than in the developed world,^1,2 with particularly high rates of suicide among young women.^3–5 Verbal autopsy surveillance from southern India suggests that suicide accounts for 50% to 75% of all deaths among young women, with average suicide rates of 158 per 100 000.²Common mental disorders such as depressive and anxiety disorders, and social disadvantage such as gender-based violence and poverty, are major risk factors for suicide among women.^1,3,6–8 Although research from high-income countries shows that common mental disorders are a major contributor to the risk of suicidal behavior, their role is less clear in low- and middle-income countries in which social disadvantage has been found to be at least as important.^1,3,6–8 Gender disadvantage is increasingly seen as an important contributing factor to the high rates of suicide seen among women in Asia.^1,3,6,7 Gender-based violence is a common manifestation of gender disadvantage and has been linked with common mental disorders and suicide in population-based studies of women and young adults in Goa, India.^4,5,9 Lack of autonomy, early sexual debut, limited sexual choices, poor reproductive health, and social isolation are other manifestations of gender disadvantage.Sex work in India is common. An estimated 0.6% to 0.7% of the female adult urban population are engaged in commercial sexual transactions.¹⁰ Studies from developed nations have found a high prevalence of self-harming behaviors in people engaged in transactional sexual activity.¹¹ There is also growing evidence suggesting that HIV-positive individuals from traditionally stigmatized groups report higher rates of violence exposure and suicidal ideation.^12,13 Female sex workers in India are a traditionally stigmatized group, with high prevalence of HIV¹⁰ and levels of stigma and violence that relate to the context of their work.¹⁴ Yet, despite substantial investigation of their reproductive and sexual health needs, there is virtually no information on suicide and its determinants among female sex workers from low- and middle-income countries.¹⁵As demonstrated in the hierarchical conceptual framework outlined in Figure 1,^4,5,9 we hypothesized that gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors together with factors indicative of social disadvantage are distal determinants of female sex workers'' vulnerability to suicidal behaviors,^4,5,9,15 the effects of which would be mediated though poor mental health.³ We studied the burden of suicidal behaviors in a cross-sectional sample of female sex workers in Goa, India. We explored the association of sociodemographic factors, type of sex work, sexual health, and gender disadvantage, with and without measures of poor mental health, on suicide attempts in the past 3 months.Open in a separate windowFIGURE 1A conceptual framework for social risk factors for suicide among female sex workers in India.Note. STI = sexually transmitted infection.     

Social support, exposure to violence and transphobia, and correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work

Objectives. We determined racial/ethnic differences in social support and exposure to violence and transphobia, and explored correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW).Methods. A total of 573 THSW who worked or resided in San Francisco or Oakland, California, were recruited through street outreach and referrals and completed individual interviews using a structured questionnaire.Results. More than half of Latina and White participants were depressed on the basis of Center For Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale scores. About three quarters of White participants reported ever having suicidal ideation, of whom 64% reported suicide attempts. Half of the participants reported being physically assaulted, and 38% reported being raped or sexually assaulted before age 18 years. White and African American participants reported transphobia experiences more frequently than did others. Social support, transphobia, suicidal ideation, and levels of income and education were significantly and independently correlated with depression.Conclusions. For THSW, psychological vulnerability must be addressed in counseling, support groups, and health promotion programs specifically tailored to race/ethnicity.The term “transgender” has been used as an umbrella term, capturing people who do not conform with a binary male–female gender category.¹ In this study, we use the term “transgender women” or “male-to-female transgender women” to describe individuals who were born biologically male but self-identify as women and desire to live as women.² Although transgender persons or those who identify their gender other than male or female have been historically reported in many cultures around the world, their social roles, status, and acceptance have varied across time and place.³ In the United States, as part of the gay rights movement in the 1970s, a transgender civil rights movement emerged to advocate for transgender people''s equal rights and to eradicate discrimination and harassment in their daily lives.⁴ However, transphobia—institutional, societal, and individual-level discrimination against transgender persons—is still pervasive in the United States and elsewhere. It often takes the form of laws, regulations, violence (physical, sexual, and verbal), harassment, prejudices, and negative attitudes directed against transgender persons.^5–7Studies have reported that transgender persons lack access to gender-sensitive health care^6,8,9 and often experience transphobia in health care and treatment.^5,9 Transgender persons are frequently exposed to violence, sexual assault, and harassment in everyday life, mainly because of transphobia.^5–7,9–11 Physical and sexual assaults and violence, and verbal and nonphysical harassment, derive from various perpetrators (e.g., strangers, acquaintances, partners, family members, and police officers). Transgender persons suffer from assaults, rape, and harassment at an early age, and these experiences persist throughout life.¹ A number of studies have examined violence and harassment against sexual minorities, although these have mainly focused on gay men.^12–15 A limited literature has described the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and health disparities among transgender persons.^7–9Psychological indicators such as depression and suicidal ideation and attempts have been reported among transgender persons.^{5,6,10,16–18} Transgender women of color, such as African Americans, Latinas, and Asians/Pacific Islanders (APIs), are at high risk for adverse health outcomes because of racial/ethnic minority status and gender identity,⁶ as well as for depression through exposure to transphobia.¹⁹ Although transgender persons have reported relatively high rates of using basic health care services,²⁰gender-appropriate mental health services are needed,⁵ particularly among African Americans.²¹ A lack of social support, specifically from the biological family, is commonly reported among transgender persons and is associated with discomfort and lack of security and safety in public settings.²² Sparse research exists on social support among transgender persons, although such support could ameliorate adverse psychological consequences associated with transphobia and also mitigate racial discrimination for transgender persons of color.Because of relatively high rates of unemployment, lack of career training and education, and discrimination in employment, many transgender women engage in sex work for survival.^23,24 Sex work is linked to high-risk situations, including substance abuse, unsafe sex, and sexual and physical abuse.²⁵ Physical abuse, social isolation, and the social stigma associated with sex work exacerbate transgender women''s vulnerability to mental illness and HIV risk.^5,17 High HIV seroprevalence rates among transgender women have been reported,^5,20,26–28 particularly among racial/ethnic minorities,⁵ substance users,²⁷ and sex workers.^{20,24,25,29–31} Transgender women of color face multiple adversities, such as racial and gender discrimination; transphobia; economic challenges including unemployment, substance abuse, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections; and mental illness. However, few studies have investigated racial/ethnic differences in psychological status among transgender women of color in relation to social support and exposure to transphobia.To develop culturally appropriate and transgender specific mental health promotion programs, we describe the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and social support in relation to racial/ethnic background among transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW). We also investigated the role of social support and exposure to transphobia on participants’ levels of depression.