Off-Premise Alcohol Sales Policies, Drinking, and Sexual Risk Among People Living With HIV

Drinking among HIV-positive individuals increases risks of disease progression and possibly sexual transmission. We examined whether state alcohol sales policies are associated with drinking and sexual risk among people living with HIV. In a multivariate analysis combining national survey and state policy data, we found that HIV-positive residents of states allowing liquor sales in drug and grocery stores had 70% to 88% greater odds of drinking, daily drinking, and binge drinking than did HIV-positive residents of other states. High-risk sexual activity was more prevalent in states permitting longer sales hours (7% greater odds for each additional hour). Restrictive alcohol sales policies may reduce drinking and transmission risk in HIV-positive individuals.More than 1 million people in the United States are living with HIV,¹ and about 56 000 people are newly infected each year.² Approximately one half of those who have had positive test results for HIV drink alcohol; about 1 in 6 regularly binge drinks.³ Drinking in this population is associated with poor treatment adherence,^4,5 disease progression,^6–8 and spread of the virus through risky sexual activity.^9–12Thus, reducing drinking and problem drinking among HIV-positive individuals is an important public health goal. Alcohol sales policies may be 1 tool for accomplishing this. Research has linked geographic variations in off-premise alcohol sales practices (e.g., regulations regarding the sale of alcohol in stores) to drinking and drinking problems in the general population.¹³ Other types of alcohol regulation have been linked to sexual health.^14–16 Sales policies may influence drinking and sexual activity by making purchases inconvenient or affecting where and when people drink.^17–20 We investigated (1) whether findings linking off-premise sales policies to drinking extend to those living with HIV (who have unique demographic characteristics, drinking patterns, and life circumstances) and (2) whether off-premise sales policies predict sexual risk behavior in this group.     

Alcohol Environments and Disparities in Exposure Associated With Adolescent Drinking in California

Objectives. We investigated sociodemographic disparities in alcohol environments and their relationship with adolescent drinking.Methods. We geocoded and mapped alcohol license data with ArcMap to construct circular buffers centered at 14 595 households with children that participated in the California Health Interview Survey. We calculated commercial sources of alcohol in each buffer. Multivariate logistic regression differentiated the effects of alcohol sales on adolescents'' drinking from their individual, family, and neighborhood characteristics.Results. Alcohol availability, measured by mean and median number of licenses, was significantly higher around residences of minority and lower-income families. Binge drinking and driving after drinking among adolescents aged 12 to 17 years were significantly associated with the presence of alcohol retailers within 0.5 miles of home. Simulation of changes in the alcohol environment showed that if alcohol sales were reduced from the mean number of alcohol outlets around the lowest-income quartile of households to that of the highest quartile, prevalence of binge drinking would fall from 6.4% to 5.6% and driving after drinking from 7.9% to 5.9%.Conclusions. Alcohol outlets are concentrated in disadvantaged neighborhoods and can contribute to adolescent drinking. To reduce underage drinking, environmental interventions need to curb opportunities for youth to obtain alcohol from commercial sources by tightening licensure, enforcing minimum-age drinking laws, or other measures.Despite federal, state, and local interventions, underage drinking continues to be a serious problem. A national survey found that 17.6% of adolescents drank alcohol in the past 30 days, 11.1% were binge drinkers, and 2.7% were heavy drinkers.¹ Health and social problems associated with youths'' drinking include motor vehicle crashes,^2,3 violence,⁴ risky sexual behaviors,^5,6 assault and rapes,⁷ and brain impairment.^8–11 Adolescent alcohol use has substantial societal costs.¹² Drinking at an early age also increases the risk of addiction and other alcohol-related problems in adulthood.^13–15 In 2007, the surgeon general responded to this problem in the Call to Action to Prevent and Reduce Underage Drinking, which emphasized environmental contributions to the problem.¹⁶Underage drinkers obtain their alcoholic beverages from a variety of sources, including parents'' stocks, friends, parties, and commercial outlets.¹⁷ In 1 study, buyers who looked underage were able to purchase alcohol with high success rates from both on-site (for consumption on the premises, such as bars and restaurants) and off-site (for consumption elsewhere, such as liquor stores) establishments.^18,19 Sales to minors have been found to be significantly associated with the percentage of Hispanic residents in a neighborhood and with population density.²⁰As long as adolescents can obtain alcohol from commercial sources, neighborhood outlets are likely to play a role in underage drinking. Rhee et al. argued that environment plays an essential role in drinking initiation and that genetics are important in developing alcohol dependence.²¹ Perceived alcohol availability was significantly associated with higher levels of alcohol consumption among young men²² and with drinking in public locations for adolescent girls.²³ Density of outlets for alcohol in cities was associated with youths'' drinking and driving and with riding in a car driven by a person under the influence of alcohol.²⁴Differences in alcohol environments may exacerbate health disparities across sociodemographic groups. LaVeist and Wallace found that in Baltimore, MD, predominantly Black and low-income census tracts have more liquor stores per capita than do tracts of other race and income groups.²⁵ Gorman and Speer found retail liquor outlets abundantly located in poor and minority neighborhoods in a city in New Jersey.²⁶ Only 1 national study has been published, and it reported higher densities of liquor stores in zip codes with higher percentages of Blacks and lower-income non-Whites.²⁷ That study covered all urban areas in the United States, but the urban zip codes had a mean land area of 40.1 square miles and a mean population of 21 920 persons,²⁷ arguably too large to represent neighborhoods. Even census tracts may be too large and too dissimilar to capture neighborhood effects: in Los Angeles County they can range from 0.04 square miles to 322 square miles.The objectives of this study were (1) to describe the quantity and geographic pattern of alcohol retailers in small areas around individual homes and (2) to examine relationships between alcohol environments and adolescent drinking. We analyzed data from the entire state of California to investigate the effects of spatial accessibility on alcohol sales to adolescents.     

Life-Course Socioeconomic Position and Incidence of Diabetes Mellitus Among Blacks and Whites: The Alameda County Study, 1965�C1999

Objectives. We examined associations between several life-course socioeconomic position (SEP) measures (childhood SEP, education, income, occupation) and diabetes incidence from 1965 to 1999 in a sample of 5422 diabetes-free Black and White participants in the Alameda County Study.Methods. Race-specific Cox proportional hazard models estimated diabetes risk associated with each SEP measure. Demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and potential pathway components (physical inactivity, body composition, smoking, alcohol consumption, hypertension, depression, access to health care) were included as covariates.Results. Diabetes incidence was twice as high for Blacks as for Whites. Diabetes risk factors independently increased risk, but effect sizes were greater among Whites. Low childhood SEP elevated risk for both racial groups. Protective effects were suggested for low education and blue-collar occupation among Blacks, but these factors increased risk for Whites. Income was protective for Whites but not Blacks. Covariate adjustment had negligible effects on associations between each SEP measure and diabetes incidence for both racial groups.Conclusions. These findings suggest an important role for life-course SEP measures in determining risk of diabetes, regardless of race and after adjustment for factors that may confound or mediate these associations.Diabetes mellitus is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in the United States.^1,2 Type 2 diabetes disproportionately affects Hispanics, as well as non-Hispanic Black Americans, American Indians/Alaska Natives, and some Asian/Pacific Islander groups. In the United States, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are almost twice as likely to develop or have type 2 diabetes than are non-Hispanic Whites.^2–5 Significant racial and ethnic differences also exist in the rates of diabetes-related preventive services, quality of care, and disease outcomes.^6–10Researchers have attempted to determine why, relative to Whites, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are disproportionately affected by diabetes. For example, compared with White Americans, Black Americans are presumed to have stronger genetic^5,11 or physiological^11–13 susceptibility to diabetes, or greater frequency or intensity of known diabetes risk factors, such as obesity, physical inactivity, and hypertension.^14–17Black Americans also are more likely than are White Americans to occupy lower socioeconomic positions.¹⁸ Low socioeconomic position (SEP) across the life course is known to influence the prevalence^19–24 and incidence^3,19,25–30 of type 2 diabetes. The risk of diabetes also is greater for people who are obese,^3,17,31 physically inactive,^3,32 or have hypertension,^33,34 all of which are conditions more common among people with lower SEP.^16,35–37Several studies have focused on the extent to which socioeconomic factors, body composition (i.e., weight, height, body mass index, and waist circumference), and behaviors explain the excess risk of diabetes attributed to race.^4,12,19,30 For example, 2 separate studies, one with data from the Health and Retirement Study¹⁹ and the other with data from the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study,³⁰ used race to predict diabetes incidence. Attempting to separate the direct and indirect effects of race on diabetes,³⁸ these studies assessed, via statistical adjustment, which socioeconomic measures and diabetes-related risk factors, when adjusted, could account for the excess risk among Black participants relative to White participants.^19,30 Adjustment for education lessened the effect of Black race on diabetes incidence in the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study.³⁰ In the Health and Retirement Study, excess risk attributed to Black race was not explained by early-life socioeconomic disadvantage, but it was reduced after adjustment for education and later-life economic resources.¹⁹ The validity of this analytic approach has been challenged, however, because the socioeconomic measures used were assumed to have the same meaning across all racial/ethnic groups, a questionable assumption³⁸ in the United States, especially in 1965.We sought to explore the predictive effects of several life-course socioeconomic factors on the incidence of diabetes among both Black and White Americans. We examined demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and diabetes risk factors (obesity, large waist circumference, physical inactivity, high blood pressure, depression, access to health care) as possible mediators of the observed associations between SEP and incident diabetes (i.e., the development of new cases of diabetes over time).     

The association between perceived discrimination and obesity in a population-based multiracial and multiethnic adult sample

Objectives. We examined whether perceived chronic discrimination was related to excess body fat accumulation in a random, multiethnic, population-based sample of US adults.Methods. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression and logistic regression analyses to examine the relationship between interpersonal experiences of perceived chronic discrimination and body mass index and high-risk waist circumference.Results. Consistent with other studies, our analyses showed that perceived unfair treatment was associated with increased abdominal obesity. Compared with Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who did not experience perceived chronic discrimination, Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who perceived chronic discrimination were 2 to 6 times more likely to have a high-risk waist circumference. No significant relationship between perceived discrimination and the obesity measures was found among the other Whites, Blacks, or Hispanics.Conclusions. These findings are not completely unsupported. White ethnic groups including Polish, Italians, Jews, and Irish have historically been discriminated against in the United States, and other recent research suggests that they experience higher levels of perceived discrimination than do other Whites and that these experiences adversely affect their health.It is estimated that 2 of every 3 adults in the United States are overweight or obese.^1,2 Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic health conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, hypertension, stroke, some forms of cancer, and osteoarthritis.³ Although it is widely accepted that high-fat diets and physical inactivity are preventable risk factors,⁴ obesity continues to increase.^1,2,5There is a growing interest in the relationship between psychosocial risk factors and excess body fat accumulation.^6–16 In particular, some evidence suggests that psychosocial stressors may play a role in disease progression in general and in excess body fat in particular.^7,8,17 The key factors underlying physiological reactions to psychosocial stress have not been completely elucidated, but McEwen and Seeman¹⁷ and others^7,18,19 posit that the continued adaptation of the physiological system to external challenges alters the normal physiological stress reaction pathways and that these changes are related to adverse health outcomes.^8,17,18,20 For example, in examining the association between psychosocial stress and excess body fat accumulation, Björntorp and others have suggested that psychosocial stress is linked to obesity, especially in the abdominal area.^7,8Perceived discrimination, as a psychosocial stressor, is now receiving increased attention in the empirical health literature.^21–24 Such studies suggest perceived discrimination is inversely related to poor mental and physical health outcomes and risk factors, including hypertension,^24,25 depressive symptoms,^26–28 smoking,^29–31 alcohol drinking,^32,33 low birthweight,^34,35 and cardiovascular outcomes.^36–38Internalized racism, the acceptance of negative stereotypes by the stigmatized group,³⁹ has also been recognized as a race-related psychosocial risk factor.⁴⁰ Recent studies have also suggested that race-related beliefs and experiences including perceived discrimination might be potentially related to excess body fat accumulation. Three of these studies^9,13,41 showed that internalized racism was associated with an increased likelihood of overweight or abdominal obesity among Black Caribbean women in Dominica⁴¹ and Barbados¹³ and adolescent girls in Barbados.⁹ These researchers posit that individuals with relatively high levels of internalized racism have adopted a defeatist mindset, which is believed to be related to the physiological pathway associated with excess body fat accumulation. However, Vines et al.¹⁶ found that perceived racism was associated with lower waist-to-hip ratios among Black women in the United States. Although the assessment of race-related risk factors varied across these studies, the findings suggest that the salience of race-related beliefs and experiences may be related to excess body fat accumulation.Collectively, the results of these studies are limited. First, because they examined the relationship between race-related beliefs and experiences and excess body fat only among women, we do not know if this relationship is generalizable to men.^13,16,41 Second, these studies only examined this relationship among Blacks, even though perceived unfair treatment because of race/ethnicity has been shown to be adversely related to the health of multiple racial/ethnic population groups in the United States^42–49 and internationally.^27,50–55 Third, none of the studies have examined the relationship between excess body fat accumulation and perceived nonracial/nonethnic experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Some evidence suggests that the generic perception of unfair treatment or bias is adversely related to health, regardless of whether it is attributed to race, ethnicity, or some other reason.^45,55,56 Fourth, none of these studies included other measures of stress. We do not know if the association between race-related risk factors and obesity is independent of other traditional indicators of stress.Using a multiethnic, population-based sample of adults, we examined the association of perceived discrimination and obesity independent of other known risk factors for obesity, including stressful major life events. Additionally, because reports of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and non-racial/ethnic discrimination vary by racial/ethnic groups^24,45,46,57 and because Whites tend to have less excess body fat than do Blacks and Hispanics,^1,3 we examined the relationships between perceived discrimination and excess body fat accumulation among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, and non-Hispanic Blacks.     

Intergenerational relationships between the smoking patterns of a population-representative sample of US mothers and the smoking trajectories of their children

Objectives. We assessed intergenerational transmission of smoking in mother-child dyads.Methods. We identified classes of youth smoking trajectories using mixture latent trajectory analyses with data from the Children and Young Adults of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (n = 6349). We regressed class membership on prenatal and postnatal exposure to maternal smoking, including social and behavioral variables, to control for selection.Results. Youth smoking trajectories entailed early-onset persistent smoking, early-onset experimental discontinued smoking, late-onset persistent smoking, and nonsmoking. The likelihood of early onset versus late onset and early onset versus nonsmoking were significantly higher among youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus either postnatally alone or unexposed. Controlling for selection, the increased likelihood of early onset versus nonsmoking remained significant for each exposure group versus unexposed, as did early onset versus late onset and late onset versus nonsmoking for youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus unexposed. Experimental smoking was notable among youths whose mothers smoked but quit before the child''s birth.Conclusions. Both physiological and social role-modeling mechanisms of intergenerational transmission are evident. Prioritization of tobacco control for pregnant women, mothers, and youths remains a critical, interrelated objective.Women who smoke during pregnancy are more likely to have offspring who become adolescent smokers.^1–7 Studies link mother''s smoking during pregnancy with youths'' earlier smoking initiation,^3,7–9 greater persistence in regular smoking,^3,7 and stronger nicotine dependency.^6,8,10,11Hypothesized physiological pathways for mother-to-child transmission of smoking are reviewed elsewhere^12–14 and may include inherited susceptibility to addiction alone or in combination with in utero neurodevelopmental exposure and scarring that activates nicotine susceptibility. Furthermore, because few women who smoke during pregnancy quit after delivery^15,16 higher rates of smoking among offspring may reflect role modeling of maternal smoking behavior. Notably, parental smoking is hypothesized to demonstrate pro-smoking norms and solidify pro-smoking attitudes.^17,18Studies considering both smoking during pregnancy and subsequent maternal smoking outcomes have sought to distinguish between these proposed social and physiological transmission pathways.^{1–4,6,7,9,19} Similarly, studies controlling for family sociodemographic factors^{1,2,4,5,7,8,10,11,19,20} or maternal propensity for health or risk taking^1,2,9,10 have sought to further distinguish direct physiological or social transmission from selection. Studies considering children''s cognitive and behavioral outcomes have shown that selection by maternal social and behavioral precursors to smoking during pregnancy strongly biases findings on smoking during pregnancy^21,22; however, it remains unclear whether this is also the case for youth smoking. Some studies^2,3,5,6,19 have observed that smoking during pregnancy operates independently of subsequent maternal smoking. A few have found that smoking during pregnancy is only independently associated in select analyses (e.g., for initiation but not frequency or number of cigarettes^6,9 or only among females^7,20). Several have found that smoking during pregnancy does not operate independently of subsequent maternal smoking behavior,^1,4 and the remaining studies do not address postnatal maternal smoking.^8,9,11We explored whether these inconsistencies in findings supporting social or physiological mechanisms for intergenerational transmission can be accounted for by more comprehensively examining maternal and child smoking behavior. Previous work has established the advantages of statistical models for youth smoking trajectories that capture initiation, experimentation, cessation, or continued use.^23–28 Studies focusing on parental smoking concurrent with youth smoking suggest that postnatal exposures may differentially predispose youths for specific smoking trajectories.^24,26–28 Only 3 known studies have considered whether smoking during pregnancy influences youth smoking progression, and these have shown greater likelihood of early regular use^3,11 and telescoping to dependence.⁸ However, limitations of sample selectivity and measurement and modeling of maternal and youth smoking outcomes restrict the generalizability and scope of these findings.²⁹ To specifically address these limitations and more comprehensively assess hypothesized intergenerational transmission pathways, we used US population–representative data, latent variable techniques, and a rich set of data on maternal and youth smoking and social and behavioral selection factors. We characterized trajectories of youth smoking from adolescence through young adulthood and considered exposure to various maternal smoking patterns from prebirth to the child''s early adolescence.     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

Effect of Depression on Risky Drinking and Response to a Screening,Brief Intervention,and Referral to Treatment Intervention

We assessed alcohol consumption and depression in 234 American Indian/Alaska Native women (aged 18–45 years) in Southern California. Women were randomized to intervention or assessment alone and followed for 6 months (2011–2013). Depression was associated with risk factors for alcohol-exposed pregnancy (AEP). Both treatment groups reduced drinking (P < .001). Depressed, but not nondepressed, women reduced drinking in response to SBIRT above the reduction in response to assessment alone. Screening for depression may assist in allocating women to specific AEP prevention interventions.Women who consume alcohol and do not practice effective contraception are at risk for an alcohol-exposed pregnancy (AEP). AEPs can lead to fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, the leading known cause of developmental disabilities.1–3 Prepregnancy drinking, particularly heavy episodic or binge drinking, is a robust predictor of AEP.4 Depression has been linked to problem alcohol consumption in women5–7 and appears to predate8,9 and perhaps predict10 alcohol problems. Among American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) women, studies have linked depression to problem drinking.11–13 However, risk factors for an AEP and interventions to reduce risk for AEP have not been well studied in AI/AN women.14 This is further complicated by variability among AI/AN populations in the prevalence of alcohol consumption11,15–20 and depression.13,21–23One approach to prevention of AEPs is screening, brief intervention, and referral to treatment (SBIRT).24,25 We previously tested the effectiveness of an SBIRT intervention in AI/AN women and found that whether women received an assessment followed by the SBIRT intervention or assessment alone, they reported a significant reduction in alcohol use. We examined depression as a predictor of vulnerability to having an AEP and explored whether depressed AI/AN women respond differently than nondepressed women to an SBIRT intervention.     

A nationwide analysis of US racial/ethnic disparities in smoking behaviors, smoking cessation, and cessation-related factors

Objectives. We used nationally representative data to examine racial/ethnic disparities in smoking behaviors, smoking cessation, and factors associated with cessation among US adults.Methods. We analyzed data on adults aged 20 to 64 years from the 2003 Tobacco Use Supplement to the Current Population Survey, and we examined associations by fitting adjusted logistic regression models to the data.Results. Compared with non-Hispanic Whites, smaller proportions of African Americans, Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders, and Hispanics/Latinos had ever smoked. Significantly fewer African Americans reported long-term quitting. Racial/ethnic minorities were more likely to be light and intermittent smokers and less likely to smoke within 30 minutes of waking. Adjusted models revealed that racial/ethnic minorities were not less likely to receive advice from health professionals to quit smoking, but they were less likely to use nicotine replacement therapy.Conclusions. Specific needs and ideal program focuses for cessation may vary across racial/ethnic groups, such that approaches tailored by race/ethnicity might be optimal. Traditional conceptualizations of cigarette addiction and the quitting process may need to be revised for racial/ethnic minority smokers.Racial/ethnic minorities in the United States experience a disproportionate burden of smoking-related diseases, including cancer and heart disease, despite having larger proportions of light and intermittent smokers and generally lower adult smoking prevalence rates than non-Hispanic Whites.^1–3 Racial/ethnic minorities are also less likely to quit smoking successfully than are non-Hispanic Whites.^4–8 For example, rates of successful smoking cessation among African American smokers are lower than they are among non-Hispanic Whites, despite reports citing lower cigarette consumption.^2,5,7,9 Similarly, Hispanics/Latinos do not experience higher rates of successful quitting than non-Hispanic Whites, despite being more likely to be light and intermittent smokers.^2,9 There is currently no evidence indicating that Asian Americans quit at higher rates than non-Hispanic Whites in the United States.¹⁰ The examination of racial/ethnic disparities in smoking behaviors, successful quitting, and factors associated with quitting can provide valuable information for focusing strategies for groups currently experiencing lower rates of successful smoking cessation, and can lead to decreases in smoking-related disease rates across all racial/ethnic populations.Previous research on population-level data has found several factors to be associated with successful smoking cessation. For example, banning smoking in one''s home can greatly increase the chances of successfully quitting smoking. The presence of a complete ban on smoking in one''s home is associated with being quit for at least 90 days¹¹ and with being a former smoker.¹² However, an analysis of national data found that smaller percentages of non-Hispanic Whites (64.0%) and African Americans (64.4%) have a complete home smoking ban than do Hispanics/Latinos (78.0%) and Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders (79.2%).¹³ Being advised to quit smoking by health care professionals, especially physicians, has also been associated with increased rates of smoking cessation.^14–17 Despite progress in smokers being advised to quit by health care practitioners in the past 5 years, African American and Hispanic/Latino smokers remain less likely than non-Hispanic Whites to be advised to quit.^16,18 Finally, although evidence of the effectiveness of nicotine replacement therapy (NRT) at the population level has been challenged recently,^19,20 there is evidence that NRT can aid successful cessation.^17,21–23 There is substantial evidence that racial/ethnic minorities are less likely to be prescribed NRT^14,15,18 and to use NRT to quit smoking.^23–25The Tobacco Use Supplements to the Current Population Surveys (TUS-CPS) have provided invaluable data for the examination of various smoking-related issues at the national level.^11,13 In 2003, the TUS-CPS included a special supplement that focused heavily on smoking cessation. This supplement was the first TUS-CPS with this focus (and is the only one to date), and it provides arguably the richest representative national-level data on smoking cessation in the United States. This special supplement thus presented a unique opportunity to examine in detail the disparities between racial/ethnic groups in smoking cessation and important related factors.For our study, we hypothesized the following: (1) African Americans would experience less success in quitting smoking than would non-Hispanic Whites, (2) Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders and Hispanics/Latinos would be more likely to have a complete home smoking ban than would non-Hispanic Whites, (3) African Americans and Hispanics/Latinos would be less likely than would non-Hispanic Whites to report being advised by a health professional to quit smoking, and (4) racial/ethnic minorities would be less likely to use NRT than would non-Hispanic Whites.To examine these hypotheses, we conducted a secondary data analysis of the 2003 TUS-CPS to assess smoking cessation rates and examine how factors associated with successful smoking cessation differed across racial/ethnic groups among adults in the United States. Findings from this report may provide insight into optimal design of targeted smoking cessation interventions for members of specific racial/ethnic groups.     

Promoters and Barriers to Fruit, Vegetable, and Fast-Food Consumption Among Urban, Low-Income African Americans��A Qualitative Approach

To identify promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption, we interviewed low-income African Americans in Philadelphia. Salient promoters and barriers were distinct from each other and differed by food type: taste was a promoter and cost a barrier to all foods; convenience, cravings, and preferences promoted consumption of fast foods; health concerns promoted consumption of fruits and vegetables and avoidance of fast foods. Promoters and barriers differed by gender and age. Strategies for dietary change should consider food type, gender, and age.Diet-related chronic diseases—the leading causes of death in the United States^1,2—disproportionately affect African Americans^3–7 and those having low income.^8–10 Low-income African Americans tend to have diets that promote obesity, morbidity, and premature mortality^3,4,11,12; are low in fruits and vegetables^13–18; and are high in processed and fast foods.^19–23Factors that may encourage disease-promoting diets include individual tastes and preferences, cultural values and heritage, social and economic contexts, and systemic influences like media and marketing.^24–30 Because previous research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has largely come from an etic (outsider) perspective, it has potentially overlooked community-relevant insights, missed local understanding, and failed to identify effective sustainable solutions.³¹ Experts have therefore called for greater understanding of an emic (insider) perspective through qualitative methods.³¹ However, past qualitative research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has been limited, focusing mostly or exclusively on ethnic considerations,^28,29 workplace issues,¹⁰ women,^32–38 young people,^38,39 or only those with chronic diseases^34,36,39,40 and neglecting potentially important differences by age and gender.^31,41–43To build on prior research, we conducted interviews in a community-recruited sample using the standard anthropological technique of freelisting.^44–46 Our goals were (1) to identify the promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption most salient to urban, low-income African Americans and (2) to look for variation by gender and age.     

Impact of individual-, environmental-, and policy-level factors on health care utilization among US farmworkers

Objectives. We examined individual-, environmental-, and policy-level correlates of US farmworker health care utilization, guided by the behavioral model for vulnerable populations and the ecological model.Methods. The 2006 and 2007 administrations of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (n = 2884) provided the primary data. Geographic information systems, the 2005 Uniform Data System, and rurality and border proximity indices provided environmental variables. To identify factors associated with health care use, we performed logistic regression using weighted hierarchical linear modeling.Results. Approximately half (55.3%) of farmworkers utilized US health care in the previous 2 years. Several factors were independently associated with use at the individual level (gender, immigration and migrant status, English proficiency, transportation access, health status, and non-US health care utilization), the environmental level (proximity to US–Mexico border), and the policy level (insurance status and workplace payment structure). County Federally Qualified Health Center resources were not independently associated.Conclusions. We identified farmworkers at greatest risk for poor access. We made recommendations for change to farmworker health care access at all 3 levels of influence, emphasizing Federally Qualified Health Center service delivery.US farmworkers face significant disease burden¹ and excessive mortality rates for some diseases (e.g., certain cancers and tuberculosis) and injuries.² Disparities in health outcomes likely stem from occupational exposures and socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities. US farmworkers are typically Hispanic with limited education, income, and English proficiency.³ Approximately half are unauthorized to work in the United States.³ Despite marked disease burden, health care utilization appears to be low.^1,4–9 For example, only approximately half of California farmworkers received medical care in the previous year.⁶ This rate parallels that of health care utilization for US Hispanics, of whom approximately half made an ambulatory care visit in the previous year, compared with 75.7% of non-Hispanic Whites.¹⁰ Disparities in dental care have a comparable pattern.^6,8,11,12 However, utilization of preventive health services is lower for farmworkers^5,7,13,14 than it is for both US Hispanics and non-Hispanic Whites.^15,16Farmworkers face numerous barriers to health care^1,4,17: lack of insurance and knowledge of how to use or obtain it,^6,18 cost,^{5,6,12,13,18–20} lack of transportation,^{6,12,13,19–21} not knowing how to access care,^6,18,20,21 few services in the area or limited hours,^12,20,21 difficulty leaving work,¹⁹ lack of time,^5,13,19 language differences,^6,8,18–20 and fear of the medical system,¹³ losing employment,⁶ and immigration officials.²¹ Few studies have examined correlates of health care use among farmworkers. Those that have are outdated or limited in representativeness.^5,7,14,22,23 Thus, we systematically examined correlates of US health care use in a nationally representative sample of farmworkers, using recently collected data. The sampling strategy and application of postsampling weights enhance generalizability. We selected correlates on the basis of previous literature and the behavioral model for vulnerable populations.²⁴ The behavioral model posits that predisposing, enabling, and need characteristics influence health care use.²⁵ The ecological model, which specifies several levels of influence on behavior (e.g., policy, environmental, intrapersonal),²⁶ provided the overall theoretical framework. To our knowledge, we are the first to extensively examine multilevel correlates of farmworker health care use. We sought to identify farmworkers at greatest risk for low health care use and to suggest areas for intervention at all 3 levels of influence so that farmworker service provision can be improved.     

Exploring Alcohol-Use Behaviors Among Heterosexual and Sexual Minority Adolescents: Intersections With Sex,Age, and Race/Ethnicity

Objectives. We examined sexual orientation status differences in alcohol use among youths aged 13 to 18 years or older, and whether differences were moderated by sex, age, or race/ethnicity.Methods. We pooled data from the 2005 and 2007 Youth Risk Behavior Surveys and conducted weighted analyses, adjusting for complex design effects. We operationalized sexual orientation status with items assessing sexual orientation identity, sexual behavior, sexual attraction, or combinations of these.Results. Compared with exclusively heterosexual youths, sexual-minority youths were more likely to report each of the primary study outcomes (i.e., lifetime and past-month alcohol use, past-month heavy episodic drinking, earlier onset of drinking, and more frequent past-month drinking). Alcohol-use disparities were larger and more robust for (1) bisexual youths than lesbian or gay youths, (2) girls than boys, and (3) younger than older youths. Few differences in outcomes were moderated by race/ethnicity.Conclusions. Bisexual youths, sexual-minority girls, and younger sexual-minority youths showed the largest alcohol-use disparities. Research is needed that focuses on identifying explanatory or mediating mechanisms, psychiatric or mental health comorbidities, and long-term consequences of early onset alcohol use, particularly frequent or heavy use, among sexual-minority youths.Although alcohol consumption by youths has declined in recent years, it remains a major public health problem.1 Underage drinking is associated with a range of physical, academic, and social problems. Youths who drink, especially those who drink heavily, are more likely to engage in delinquent behavior, experience violence and victimization, and commit suicide.1,2 Of great concern is that alcohol consumption is a leading contributor to injury, the main cause of death for people younger than 21 years.1 Early onset drinking is also associated with increased risk for developing an alcohol-use disorder during the lifespan.3Despite the fact that almost all US youths grow up in a culture permeated by alcohol, the prevalence of early and heavy drinking and its consequences vary across demographic groups. For example, considerable variation exists in alcohol consumption between White and racial/ethnic–minority youths; data consistently show the highest rates of drinking and drinking-related problems among White and American Indian or Alaska Native youths, followed by Hispanic/Latino, Black/African American, and Asian youths.4–6 Non-Hispanic White youths generally start drinking at younger ages than their racial/ethnic minority counterparts. Greater percentages of racial/ethnic minority youths abstain or drink very little,7 and significant differences exist in levels of drinking between racial/ethnic minority boys and girls.7 Generally, across racial/ethnic groups, prevalence rates of drinking for boys and girls tend to be similar in younger age groups2; among older adolescents, however, more boys than girls engage in frequent and heavy drinking,2 and boys show higher rates of drinking-related consequences.8Alcohol use and heavy drinking are more prevalent among lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) youths and adults than among their heterosexual counterparts, and this is especially true for LGB girls and women.9–12 Because most research on alcohol use among youths has focused on heterosexual youths or has not assessed sexual orientation, little is known about how sexual orientation interacts with other demographic characteristics to influence drinking patterns. Studies comparing sexual-minority and heterosexual adults suggest that drinking patterns of sexual minorities differ in substantial ways from those of the general population. For example, differences in alcohol-use patterns between lesbian or bisexual women and gay or bisexual men are much smaller than those between heterosexual women and men.12–18 Also, rates and patterns of drinking may be more similar among sexual minorities across racial/ethnic minority statuses, compared with their heterosexual counterparts.19Few studies have examined alcohol-use disparities among subgroups of sexual-minority youths (SMYs; < 18 years). In a meta-analysis, Marshal et al.20 found that SMYs had more than twice the odds of ever drinking alcohol, and 3 of the 4 studies that examined alcohol-related effects for boys and girls separately reported larger alcohol-use disparities among girls than among boys.21–23 Moreover, although studies analyzed by Marshal et al.20 included racially and ethnically diverse samples, none examined the intersecting influences of sexual-minority and racial/ethnic status on substance-use outcomes.The current analyses build on existing literature in 2 ways. First, previous studies with SMYs have examined a limited number of alcohol-use outcomes (e.g., any lifetime drinking).21,22,24 Second, researchers have typically combined subgroups of SMYs25–31 in analyses—often because of small subgroup sample sizes. Because alcohol-use patterns appear to differ on the basis of how sexual orientation is defined—that is, whether data are analyzed on the basis of sexual identity, behavior, attraction, or some combination of these17,32–34—we extended previous work25,35 by examining a variety of sexual-orientation subgroup differences. In addition to our primary goal of examining sexual-orientation differences in alcohol-use patterns, we conducted moderation analyses to determine whether relations between sexual orientation and drinking patterns varied on the basis of sex, age, or race/ethnicity.     

Socioeconomic and ethnic differences in disease burden and disparities in physical function in older adults

Objectives. We investigated whether a greater burden of disease among poorer individuals and ethnic minorities accounted for socioeconomic and racial disparities in self-reported physical functioning among older adults.Methods. We used data from adults aged 60 years or older (n = 5556) in the Third National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, 1988–1994 to test associations between education level, poverty index, and race/ethnicity and limitations in 11 functions. We adjusted for demographic features and measures of disease burden (comorbid conditions, smoking, hemoglobin level, serum albumin level, knee pain, body mass index, and skeletal muscle index).Results. Associations between education and functional limitations were attenuated after adjustment, but those with 0–8 years of education were more likely than those with 13 or more years of education to have limitations in 3 functions. Poverty was associated with a higher likelihood of limitations despite adjustment. The likelihood of limitations among non-Hispanic Blacks and Mexican Americans was similar to that of non-Hispanic Whites after adjustment.Conclusions. Socioeconomic disparities in functional limitations among older Americans exist independent of disease burden, whereas socioeconomic differences and disease burden account for racial disparities.Although the prevalence of disability among older adults in the United States has generally declined over the past decade, this trend has not extended to all segments of the population.^1–4 Disability among ethnic minorities and economically disadvantaged groups has not declined, resulting in widening ethnic and socioeconomic disparities.^5–11 Racial minorities and those who are economically disadvantaged are up to 3 times more likely to experience disability than are Whites and those who are not economically disadvantaged, respectively.^8,10,12,13 Achieving health equity has been a public policy priority, and collective interventions have been proposed.^12,14,15 Functional limitations in older adults are particularly important because of their prognostic and economic implications.¹⁶ Functional limitations predict further future decline in physical function,¹⁷ an increased risk of dementia,¹⁸ loss of independence, institutionalization, and mortality.^19–21According to the Institute of Medicine model of the enabling–disabling process, disability is a product of the complex interactions between a person and his or her psychological, social, and physical environments.²² In this context, functional limitations are partly a consequence of an individual''s burden of disease. Musculoskeletal conditions, chronic neurological and cardiopulmonary disorders, sensory and cognitive deficits, anemia, sarcopenia, and chronic pain may lead to functional limitations and disability. Many of the chronic health conditions that can affect physical functioning are more common among ethnic minorities and economically disadvantaged groups,^5,6,9–12 raising the question of whether a greater burden of disease can primarily explain the higher prevalence of functional limitations and disability in these groups.Previous studies of socioeconomic and ethnic disparities in functional limitations reported unadjusted data or data adjusted only for differences in demographic characteristics.^{10,11,23–27} Few studies have examined the role of differences in comorbid conditions, obesity, or smoking or simultaneously examined a range of indicators of disease burden.^6,9,28 We sought to determine whether socioeconomic and ethnic differences in functional limitations among noninstitutionalized older adults in the United States remain after adjusting for measures of disease burden.     

Health Among Caregivers of Children With Health Problems: Findings From a Canadian Population-Based Study

Objectives. We used population-based data to evaluate whether caring for a child with health problems had implications for caregiver health after we controlled for relevant covariates.Methods. We used data on 9401 children and their caregivers from a population-based Canadian study. We performed analyses to compare 3633 healthy children with 2485 children with health problems. Caregiver health outcomes included chronic conditions, activity limitations, self-reported general health, depressive symptoms, social support, family functioning, and marital satisfaction. Covariates included family (single-parent status, number of children, income adequacy), caregiver (gender, age, education, smoking status, biological relationship to child), and child (age, gender) characteristics.Results. Logistic regression showed that caregivers of children with health problems had more than twice the odds of reporting chronic conditions, activity limitations, and elevated depressive symptoms, and had greater odds of reporting poorer general health than did caregivers of healthy children.Conclusions. Caregivers of children with health problems had substantially greater odds of health problems than did caregivers of healthy children. The findings are consistent with the movement toward family-centered services recognizing the link between caregivers'' health and health of the children for whom they care.Caring for a child with health problems can entail greater than average time demands,^1,2 medical costs,^3,4 employment constraints,^5,6 and childcare challenges.^6–8 These demands may affect the health of caregivers, a notion supported by a variety of small-scale observational studies that have shown increased levels of stress, distress, emotional problems, and depression among caregivers of children with health problems.^1,2,5,9–12Whether these problems are caused by the additional demands of caring for children with health problems or by confounding variables is difficult to answer definitively. The literature reports the identification of a variety of factors purported to be associated with caregiver health, including contextual factors such as socioeconomic status^13–17; child factors such as level of disability,^{1,11,13,18–21} presence of behavior problems,^22–25 and overall child adjustment²⁶; and caregiver-related characteristics such as coping strategies^11,22,27 and support from friends and family.^15,17,28,29 In general, this work has been based on small clinic-based samples^9,30 or specific child populations (e.g., cerebral palsy,^5,25 attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder^31,32), and typically has been hampered by limited generalizability and a lack of careful, multivariate analysis. Furthermore, most studies have focused on caregivers'' psychological health,^1,2,5,9–12 although physical health effects may also exist among caregivers.^5,19,25,33One of the few studies to involve large-scale, population-based data compared the health of 468 caregivers of children with cerebral palsy to the health of a population-based sample of Canadian parents.⁵ The study showed that caregivers of children with cerebral palsy had poorer health on a variety of physical and psychological health measures. Furthermore, the data were consistent with a stress process model,^5,25 which proposes that additional stresses associated with caring for a child with cerebral palsy directly contribute to poorer caregiver health. However, these findings were based on a specific subpopulation of caregivers and univariate comparisons that could not control for potentially important confounders such as variation in caregiver education, income, and other demographic factors.We used population-based data to test the hypothesis that the health of caregivers of children with health problems would be significantly poorer than that of caregivers of healthy children, even after we controlled for relevant covariates. Our approach of using large-scale, population-based data representing a broad spectrum of childhood health problems³⁴ makes 4 key contributions to the current literature. First, our use of population-based data rather than small-scale, clinic-based studies yielded results that are potentially generalizable to a wide group of caregivers caring for children with health problems. Second, our examination of children with and without health problems allowed us to examine caregiver health effects across a wide variety of caregiving situations. Third, consideration of physical health outcomes (in addition to more regularly studied psychological outcomes) increased our knowledge of the breadth of caregiver health issues. Finally, controlling for relevant covariates allowed us to rule out a number of alternative explanations for caregiver health effects.     

First-Trimester Working Conditions and Birthweight: A Prospective Cohort Study

Objectives. We investigated the relationship between women''s first-trimester working conditions and infant birthweight.Methods. Pregnant women (N = 8266) participating in the Amsterdam Born Children and Their Development study completed a questionnaire gathering information on employment and working conditions. After exclusions, 7135 women remained in our analyses. Low birthweight and delivery of a small-for-gestational-age (SGA) infant were the main outcome measures.Results. After adjustment, a workweek of 32 hours or more (mean birthweight decrease of 43 g) and high job strain (mean birthweight decrease of 72 g) were significantly associated with birthweight. Only high job strain increased the risk of delivering an SGA infant (odds ratio [OR] = 1.5; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.1, 2.2). After adjustment, the combination of high job strain and a long workweek resulted in the largest birthweight reduction (150 g) and the highest risk of delivering an SGA infant (OR = 2.0; 95% CI = 1.2, 3.2).Conclusions. High levels of job strain during early pregnancy are associated with reduced birthweight and an increased risk of delivering an SGA infant, particularly if mothers work 32 or more hours per week.Delivery of a low-birthweight or small-for-gestational-age (SGA) infant as a result of fetal growth restriction is one of the principal adverse pregnancy outcomes. In the short term, low birthweight and small size for gestational age are major determinants of infant mortality and morbidity¹ and impaired neonatal development.² In the long term, they increase metabolic and cardiovascular disease risk.^3–5 Prevention of fetal growth restriction is therefore of undisputed clinical and economic importance.Maternal factors, obstetric factors (e.g., placental dynamics), and social factors,⁵ including employment-related factors, can all play a role in fetal growth impairment.^6–24 Although employment in general is associated with enhanced outcomes,^6,20,21 certain working conditions represent potential risk factors for the mother and child. Increased levels of risk resulting from long working hours,^{12,13,17,18,24} high physical workloads,^13–16 prolonged standing,^13,18 and psychosocial job strain^7,9,10,24 have been suggested, but the findings in this area are not unequivocal.^8,11,22,23 So far, 2 reviews have been conducted that focused on physical workload and delivery of an SGA infant. Mozurkewich et al.¹⁶ concluded from their review of 29 studies that physically demanding work is associated with SGA births (pooled odds ratio [OR] = 1.37; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.30, 1.44). Bonzini et al.¹⁹ reached the same conclusion in their study. To our knowledge, job strain has not been considered in any published review.Limitations in research designs,^6,8,19–21 variability in definitions and measurement of work-related factors,^6,18–20 and true variability across countries and cultures may account for the inconsistent results observed to date. Another important limitation of occupational hazard research is the focus on third-trimester exposures.^11,13 Experimental data and emerging theory point to the first rather than the second or third trimester as a crucial period for regulating the relevant fetal hormonal set points, in particular the hypothalamic pituitary axis (HPA).^25–27 Stress-dependent dysregulation of the HPA affects birthweight and a child''s subsequent growth and development.^25–31 From this perspective, employment during pregnancy is perhaps the most prevalent potential stress factor, given that few working women quit their jobs early in pregnancy.In an effort to overcome the limitations of previous studies, we explored the association between infant birthweight and employment-related conditions (e.g., hours worked per week, hours standing or walking, physical demands of work, and job strain) in an unselected urban cohort of pregnant women. We hypothesized that after adjustment for all known major cofactors, first-trimester work-related effects on birthweight would exceed the third-trimester effects reported in previous research.     

Ethnic Density Effects on Birth Outcomes and Maternal Smoking During Pregnancy in the US Linked Birth and Infant Death Data Set

Objectives. We investigated whether mothers from ethnic minority groups have better pregnancy outcomes when they live in counties with higher densities of people from the same ethnic group—despite such areas tending to be more socioeconomically deprived.Methods. In a population-based US study, we used multilevel logistic regression analysis to test whether same-ethnic density was associated with maternal smoking in pregnancy, low birthweight, preterm delivery, and infant mortality among 581 151 Black and 763 201 Hispanic mothers and their infants, with adjustment for maternal and area-level characteristics.Results. Higher levels of same-ethnic density were associated with reduced odds of infant mortality among Hispanic mothers, and reduced odds of smoking during pregnancy for US-born Hispanic and Black mothers. For Black mothers, moderate levels of same-ethnic density were associated with increased risk of low birthweight and preterm delivery; high levels of same ethnic density had no additional effect.Conclusions. Our results suggest that for Hispanic mothers, in contrast to Black mothers, the advantages of shared culture, social networks, and social capital protect maternal and infant health.Numerous studies have shown that living in a socioeconomically deprived neighborhood exerts a contextual effect on the health of individual residents beyond their own socioeconomic status.^1,2 This is likely to have a differential impact on some ethnic minority groups, such as African Americans and Hispanics. (Throughout this paper we have defined “ethnicity” as a global indicator of a person''s heritage including both racial and ethnic origins.) Whereas the majority of poor White people live in nondeprived areas, poor African Americans are concentrated in areas of high poverty.³ Thus, it might be paradoxical to suggest that members of ethnic minority groups might be healthier when they live in areas with a high concentration of people of the same ethnicity.^4,5 However, there is some evidence that living in communities that contain proportionally more people from the same ethnic group is protective for some health outcomes, once material deprivation is accounted for. The evidence for the protective effects of same-ethnic density is strongest for mental health,^4,5 with the evidence for maternal and infant health outcomes more mixed.The majority of studies that have investigated the impact of same-ethnic density on maternal and infant health have focused on African Americans or Black families (in this article, we use whichever term was used in the studies we describe). Two older ecological studies^6,7 found that increasing levels of same-ethnic density for New York City African Americans were associated with increased fetal and neonatal mortality but not postneonatal mortality. Another study found no association between ethnic density measured in US cities and postneonatal mortality.⁸ More recent studies have tended to use multilevel analyses that controlled for individual-level measures of socioeconomic status, and focused on measures of morbidity, such as low birthweight (LBW), with less consistent results.^9–14One study of Chicago neighborhoods found that an increasing proportion of African American residents was associated with a reduced risk of LBW.¹³ Two other studies found that an increasing proportion of Black residents was associated with increased risk of LBW.^11,14 However, other studies have found no significant associations between same-ethnic density and LBW.^9,10,12Five studies have investigated the impact of ethnic density on preterm delivery rates among African Americans.^{9,10,12,15,16} Studies of neighborhoods in Minnesota⁹ and North Carolina¹⁵ found same-ethnic density to be associated with increased risk of preterm delivery after adjustment for individual but not area measures of socioeconomic circumstances. Three other studies found no association between same-ethnic density and preterm delivery in models that included individual-level maternal education and area-level measures of socioeconomic circumstances.^10,12,16We are aware of only 1 study that has investigated the impact of same-ethnic density on maternal smoking during pregnancy, which found that it was associated with reduced risk of maternal smoking after adjustment for both individual and area measures of socioeconomic conditions.¹⁷We found only 2 studies that have investigated the impact of ethnic density on Hispanic maternal and infant health. The first, conducted in the states of Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas, found lower rates of infant mortality for US-born Mexican-origin mothers living in counties with high concentrations of mothers of the same ethnicity.¹⁸ However, this effect was not found for mothers born outside the United States. The second study found no associations between same-ethnic density, as measured in Chicago census tracts, and LBW, preterm delivery, and maternal smoking after adjustment for economic disadvantage, maternal education, and violent crime.¹²Further support for the protective effects of Hispanic density comes from the “Hispanic paradox.”¹⁹ Compared with the White majority population, Hispanic mothers tend to have better or equal pregnancy outcomes and better health-related behaviors despite generally having more disadvantaged socioeconomic circumstances.^20–24 It has been proposed that this “paradox” can be explained by dietary factors, social support and cohesion, and cultural differences in relation to the importance of motherhood.^23,24 However, long-term US residents who move away from ethnic enclaves²⁵ are more likely to adopt Western health behaviors and values²⁶ and may lose any protective effects of Hispanic culture. Thus, the protective effects of Hispanic culture are more likely to be maintained in communities of higher Hispanic density.We hypothesized that maternal smoking during pregnancy, infant mortality, LBW, and preterm birth would be lower for non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic White (hereafter referred to as “Hispanic mothers”) mothers living in counties with a higher percentage of people of the same ethnicity, relative to their counterparts living in counties with a low percentage of people of the same ethnicity.     

Association Between Residential Exposure to Outdoor Alcohol Advertising and Problem Drinking Among African American Women in New York City

We evaluated the association between residential exposure to outdoor alcohol advertising and current problem drinking among 139 African American women aged 21 to 49 years in Central Harlem, New York City. We found that exposure to advertisements was positively related to problem drinking (13% greater odds), even after we controlled for a family history of alcohol problems and socioeconomic status. The results suggest that the density of alcohol advertisements in predominantly African American neighborhoods may add to problem drinking behavior of their residents.Substantial literature shows that alcohol advertisements are disproportionately located in African American neighborhoods.^1–3 Much of this research was conducted in the 1990s, and it was argued that the alcohol industry''s marketing strategies targeted 2 vulnerabilities in the African American community: “high aspirations for upward mobility at one end, and social despair and a general lack of economic vitality at the other.”^4(p454) In the 1980s, given the economic deprivation associated with urban African American enclaves, the proliferation of advertising at that time has been described as a blatant attempt to profit from human misery.⁵ Today, outdoor advertisements promote alcohol as a means to realize social mobility and reproduce stereotypical narratives about African American individuals.⁶ Taken together, the targeted marketing of health-damaging products has been described as a form of institutional racism,⁷ and community activists have resisted their proliferation.⁸Large-scale econometric data on the effects of advertising on alcohol intake are mixed,⁹ but neighborhood-level research suggests that the local alcohol environment affects behavior. Studies have shown that the density of alcohol retail outlets is associated with heavy drinking among college students¹⁰ and negative outcomes, including violence and injury.¹¹ However, to date, researchers have not studied the effects of outdoor advertising on the alcohol intake of residents in African American neighborhoods. We addressed this gap in knowledge by investigating whether exposure to alcohol advertisements is related to problem drinking among African American women.     

Social support, exposure to violence and transphobia, and correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work

Objectives. We determined racial/ethnic differences in social support and exposure to violence and transphobia, and explored correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW).Methods. A total of 573 THSW who worked or resided in San Francisco or Oakland, California, were recruited through street outreach and referrals and completed individual interviews using a structured questionnaire.Results. More than half of Latina and White participants were depressed on the basis of Center For Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale scores. About three quarters of White participants reported ever having suicidal ideation, of whom 64% reported suicide attempts. Half of the participants reported being physically assaulted, and 38% reported being raped or sexually assaulted before age 18 years. White and African American participants reported transphobia experiences more frequently than did others. Social support, transphobia, suicidal ideation, and levels of income and education were significantly and independently correlated with depression.Conclusions. For THSW, psychological vulnerability must be addressed in counseling, support groups, and health promotion programs specifically tailored to race/ethnicity.The term “transgender” has been used as an umbrella term, capturing people who do not conform with a binary male–female gender category.¹ In this study, we use the term “transgender women” or “male-to-female transgender women” to describe individuals who were born biologically male but self-identify as women and desire to live as women.² Although transgender persons or those who identify their gender other than male or female have been historically reported in many cultures around the world, their social roles, status, and acceptance have varied across time and place.³ In the United States, as part of the gay rights movement in the 1970s, a transgender civil rights movement emerged to advocate for transgender people''s equal rights and to eradicate discrimination and harassment in their daily lives.⁴ However, transphobia—institutional, societal, and individual-level discrimination against transgender persons—is still pervasive in the United States and elsewhere. It often takes the form of laws, regulations, violence (physical, sexual, and verbal), harassment, prejudices, and negative attitudes directed against transgender persons.^5–7Studies have reported that transgender persons lack access to gender-sensitive health care^6,8,9 and often experience transphobia in health care and treatment.^5,9 Transgender persons are frequently exposed to violence, sexual assault, and harassment in everyday life, mainly because of transphobia.^5–7,9–11 Physical and sexual assaults and violence, and verbal and nonphysical harassment, derive from various perpetrators (e.g., strangers, acquaintances, partners, family members, and police officers). Transgender persons suffer from assaults, rape, and harassment at an early age, and these experiences persist throughout life.¹ A number of studies have examined violence and harassment against sexual minorities, although these have mainly focused on gay men.^12–15 A limited literature has described the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and health disparities among transgender persons.^7–9Psychological indicators such as depression and suicidal ideation and attempts have been reported among transgender persons.^{5,6,10,16–18} Transgender women of color, such as African Americans, Latinas, and Asians/Pacific Islanders (APIs), are at high risk for adverse health outcomes because of racial/ethnic minority status and gender identity,⁶ as well as for depression through exposure to transphobia.¹⁹ Although transgender persons have reported relatively high rates of using basic health care services,²⁰gender-appropriate mental health services are needed,⁵ particularly among African Americans.²¹ A lack of social support, specifically from the biological family, is commonly reported among transgender persons and is associated with discomfort and lack of security and safety in public settings.²² Sparse research exists on social support among transgender persons, although such support could ameliorate adverse psychological consequences associated with transphobia and also mitigate racial discrimination for transgender persons of color.Because of relatively high rates of unemployment, lack of career training and education, and discrimination in employment, many transgender women engage in sex work for survival.^23,24 Sex work is linked to high-risk situations, including substance abuse, unsafe sex, and sexual and physical abuse.²⁵ Physical abuse, social isolation, and the social stigma associated with sex work exacerbate transgender women''s vulnerability to mental illness and HIV risk.^5,17 High HIV seroprevalence rates among transgender women have been reported,^5,20,26–28 particularly among racial/ethnic minorities,⁵ substance users,²⁷ and sex workers.^{20,24,25,29–31} Transgender women of color face multiple adversities, such as racial and gender discrimination; transphobia; economic challenges including unemployment, substance abuse, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections; and mental illness. However, few studies have investigated racial/ethnic differences in psychological status among transgender women of color in relation to social support and exposure to transphobia.To develop culturally appropriate and transgender specific mental health promotion programs, we describe the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and social support in relation to racial/ethnic background among transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW). We also investigated the role of social support and exposure to transphobia on participants’ levels of depression.