Sexual Orientation Disparities in Cancer-Related Risk Behaviors of Tobacco,Alcohol, Sexual Behaviors,and Diet and Physical Activity: Pooled Youth Risk Behavior Surveys

Objectives. We examined sexual orientation disparities in cancer-related risk behaviors among adolescents.Methods. We pooled data from the 2005 and 2007 Youth Risk Behavior Surveys. We classified youths with any same-sex orientation as sexual minority and the remainder as heterosexual. We compared the groups on risk behaviors and stratified by gender, age (< 15 years and > 14 years), and race/ethnicity.Results. Sexual minorities (7.6% of the sample) reported more risk behaviors than heterosexuals for all 12 behaviors (mean = 5.3 vs 3.8; P < .001) and for each risk behavior: odds ratios (ORs) ranged from 1.3 (95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.2, 1.4) to 4.0 (95% CI = 3.6, 4.7), except for a diet low in fruit and vegetables (OR = 0.7; 95% CI = 0.5, 0.8). We found sexual orientation disparities in analyses by gender, followed by age, and then race/ethnicity; they persisted in analyses by gender, age, and race/ethnicity, although findings were nuanced.Conclusions. Data on cancer risk, morbidity, and mortality by sexual orientation are needed to track the potential but unknown burden of cancer among sexual minorities.A 2011 Institute of Medicine report detailed the lack of national data to estimate cancer incidence and prevalence among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals,1 representing little progress since a 1999 report from the Institute on the health of lesbians that highlighted the absence of cancer data for that group.2 The persistent lack of national surveillance data on cancer among sexual minorities is a significant public health omission. Cancer remains the second most common cause of mortality in the United States, accounting for nearly 1 of every 4 deaths.3 Behaviors that increase the risk for cancer are elevated among sexual minorities, are likely to be apparent at young ages, and may become habitual over the life span by means of behavioral reinforcement and neurobiological reward circuits.     

Mediation by Peer Violence Victimization of Sexual Orientation Disparities in Cancer-Related Tobacco,Alcohol, and Sexual Risk Behaviors: Pooled Youth Risk Behavior Surveys

Objectives. We examined the role of adolescent peer violence victimization (PVV) in sexual orientation disparities in cancer-related tobacco, alcohol, and sexual risk behaviors.Methods. We pooled data from the 2005 and 2007 Youth Risk Behavior Surveys. We classified youths with any same-sex sexual attraction, partners, or identity as sexual minority and the remainder as heterosexual. We had 4 indicators of tobacco and alcohol use and 4 of sexual risk and 2 PVV factors: victimization at school and carrying weapons. We stratified associations by gender and race/ethnicity.Results. PVV was related to disparities in cancer-related risk behaviors of substance use and sexual risk, with odds ratios (ORs) of 1.3 (95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.03, 1.6) to 11.3 (95% CI = 6.2, 20.8), and to being a sexual minority, with ORs of 1.4 (95% CI = 1.1, 1.9) to 5.6 (95% CI = 3.5, 8.9). PVV mediated sexual orientation disparities in substance use and sexual risk behaviors. Findings were pronounced for adolescent girls and Asian/Pacific Islanders.Conclusions. Interventions are needed to reduce PVV in schools as a way to reduce sexual orientation disparities in cancer risk across the life span.The Institute of Medicine recently reviewed the research literature on health disparities between lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals and heterosexuals across the life span.1 It identified the significant role of stigma in the health of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals and areas in need of research, including disparities in cancer between sexual minorities (lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons) and heterosexuals. Behaviors that increase cancer risk (e.g., tobacco and alcohol use, unprotected sexual intercourse) may be initiated during adolescence. For sexual minorities, peer violence victimization (PVV) may partly explain disparities in cancer-related risk behaviors because such disparities between sexual minorities and heterosexuals have been attributed to the differential burden of stigma experienced by sexual minorities.1Certain behaviors place one at risk for cancer, and sexual orientation disparities exist in those cancer-related risk behaviors. Tobacco and alcohol use are risk factors for various types of cancers, such as lung, esophageal, oropharyngeal, and colon.2–8 More sexual minority adults and youths than their heterosexual peers report tobacco and alcohol use.9–18Several sexual risk behaviors (number of partners, early age of first intercourse, concurrent sexual partners, lack of condom use, and substance use during intercourse) are known to increase vulnerability to infection with, for example, human papillomavirus (HPV)19–29 and hepatitis B.30,31 Women who have sex with women have elevated rates of such sexual risk behaviors relative to women who only have sex with men.32–34 Women who only have sex with women are less likely to be screened for sexually transmitted infections,33,35,36 despite the risk of HPV transmission during female-to-female sexual intercourse.37 HPV in men is important because it is linked to anal, oral, and penile cancers.24,38 The risk of cancer-related sexual behaviors may be elevated among sexual minority men, because of the links between anal intercourse, HPV, and anal cancer,39 especially among men who are HIV positive.40 Hepatitis B has been linked to liver cancer41 and increased risk of anal HPV among men.31     

Association of Insurance Status and Age With Cervical Cancer Stage at Diagnosis: National Cancer Database, 2000–2007

Objectives. We examined the relationship of age at diagnosis and insurance status with stage among cervical cancer patients aged 21 to 85 years.Methods. We selected data on women (n = 69 739) diagnosed with invasive cervical cancer between 2000 and 2007 from the National Cancer Database. We evaluated the association between late stage (stage III/IV) and both insurance and age, with adjustment for race/ethnicity and other sociodemographic and clinical factors. We used multivariable log binomial models to estimate risk ratios (RRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs).Results. The proportion of late-stage disease increased with age: from 16.53% (21–34 years) to 42.44% (≥ 70 years). The adjusted relative risk of advanced-stage disease among women aged 50 years and older was 2.2 to 2.5 times that of patients aged 21 to 34 years. Uninsured (RR = 1.44; 95% CI = 1.40, 1.49), Medicaid (RR = 1.37, 95% CI = 1.34, 1.41), younger Medicare (RR = 1.12, 95% CI = 1.06, 1.19), and older Medicare (RR = 1.20, 95% CI = 1.15, 1.26) patients had a higher risk of late-stage disease than did privately insured patients.Conclusions. Screening should be encouraged for women at high risk for advanced-stage disease.The American Cancer Society estimates that 12 710 women will be diagnosed with cervical cancer and 4290 women will die from the disease in 2011.1 Although incidence and mortality from cervical cancer have declined since the introduction of the Papanicolaou (Pap) test, approximately 35% of cervical cancer patients are diagnosed with regional disease and 11% with distant-stage disease.2,3 Prognosis is strongly related to stage: the 5-year relative survival rate is 91.2% for patients with localized disease, but only 57.8% for patients with regional disease and 17.0% for those with distant disease.3Socioeconomic status, race, marital status, and geographic location have been identified as factors related to late stage at diagnosis among cervical cancer patients.4–10 Previous studies also documented older age as a significant predictor of advanced stage, although the effects of insurance and age, which are 2 of the strongest predictors of cervical cancer screening, have not been studied together.11,12 Women without health insurance are less likely to receive cervical cancer and other recommended cancer screening tests, yet few studies have examined the association between insurance status and cervical cancer stage at diagnosis, and the existing studies were limited to elderly (aged ≥ 65 years) Medicare recipients or patients from single-state tumor registries.4,13 We examined the relationship of both age and insurance status with late-stage disease after adjustment for other known risk factors. Ours was the first study to our knowledge to examine this relationship in a large national sample of cancer patients.     

Payer Status,Race/Ethnicity,and Acceptance of Free Routine Opt-Out Rapid HIV Screening Among Emergency Department Patients

Objectives. We estimated associations between payer status, race/ethnicity, and acceptance of nontargeted opt-out rapid HIV screening in the emergency department (ED).Methods. We analyzed data from a prospective clinical trial between 2007 and 2009 at Denver Health. Patients in the ED were offered free HIV testing. Patient demographics and payer status were collected, and we used multivariable logistic regression to estimate associations with HIV testing acceptance.Results. A total of 31 525 patients made 44 765 unique visits: 40% were White, 37% Hispanic, 14% Black, 1% Asian, and 7% unknown race/ethnicity. Of all visits, 10 237 (23%) agreed to HIV testing; 27% were self-pay, 23% state-sponsored, 18% Medicaid, 13% commercial insurance, 12% Medicare, and 8% another payer source. Compared with commercial insurance patients, self-pay patients (odds ratio [OR] = 1.63; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.51, 1.75), state-sponsored patients (OR = 1.64; 95% CI = 1.52, 1.77), and Medicaid patients (OR = 1.24; 95% CI = 1.14, 1.34) had increased odds of accepting testing. Compared with White patients, Black (OR = 1.29; 95% CI = 1.21, 1.38) and Hispanic (OR = 1.17; 95% CI = 1.11, 1.23) patients had increased odds of accepting testing.Conclusions. Many ED patients are uninsured or subsidized through government programs and are more likely to consent to free rapid HIV testing.Despite substantial public health efforts, infection with HIV remains an important cause of preventable death in the United States.1 It is estimated that 230 000 people remain unaware of their infections in the United States and 56 300 new infections occur each year, most of which are attributable to contact with those who remain unaware of their HIV status.2–5In an effort to have a further impact on the epidemiology of HIV infection in the United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) published revised recommendations for HIV testing in health care settings in 2006.6 These recommendations attempted to reduce exceptionalism associated with HIV testing by, in part, advocating the performance of routine (nontargeted) screening with an opt-out consent approach. Unfortunately, at that time, little was known about the effectiveness of this approach in most clinical settings, including emergency departments (EDs).Although our understanding of the impact of performing nontargeted HIV screening in EDs has been improved over the past several years, we still have little understanding of specific individual-level characteristics that may influence the performance of this important preventive intervention. In fact, several studies have reported varying proportions of testing when the testing is performed in an ED environment and have highlighted differences in the proportions of patients who accept HIV testing and those who actually complete testing.7–10 Perceived risk by the patient and the patient''s medical acuity likely contribute to the relatively small proportion of patients who accept HIV testing, and several operational considerations likely prevent many of those who accept testing to actually complete testing. Other considerations that may importantly contribute to patient acceptance of nontargeted HIV screening include the ability to pay, specific demographic characteristics, and socioeconomic status.11The primary goal of this study was to estimate associations between payer status, race/ethnicity, and acceptance of nontargeted opt-out rapid HIV screening when performed in the ED. The secondary goal was to estimate associations between payer status, race/ethnicity, and completion of nontargeted opt-out rapid HIV screening in the ED.     

Drawing the Curtain Back on Injured Commercial Bicyclists

Objectives. We determined the demographic characteristics, behaviors, injuries, and outcomes of commercial bicyclists who were injured while navigating New York City’s (NYC’s) central business district.Methods. Our study involved a secondary analysis of prospectively collected data from a level 1 regional trauma center in 2008 to 2014 of bicyclists struck by motor vehicles. We performed univariable and multivariable logistic regression analyses.Results. Of 819 injured bicyclists, 284 (34.7%) were working. Commercial bicyclists included 24.4% to 45.1% of injured bicyclists annually. Injured commercial bicyclists were more likely Latino (56.7%; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 50.7, 62.8 vs 22.7%; 95% CI = 19.2, 26.5). Commercial bicyclists were less likely to be distracted by electronic devices (5.0%; 95% CI = 2.7, 8.2 vs 12.7%; 95% CI = 9.9, 15.9) or to have consumed alcohol (0.7%; 95% CI = 0.9, 2.5 vs 9.5%; 95% CI = 7.2, 12.3). Commercial and noncommercial bicyclists did not differ in helmet use (38.4%; 95% CI = 32.7, 44.4 vs 30.8%; 95% CI = 26.9, 34.9). Injury severity scores were less severe in commercial bicyclists (odds ratio = 0.412; 95% CI = 0.235, 0.723).Conclusions. Commercial bicyclists represent a unique cohort of vulnerable roadway users. In NYC, minorities, especially Latinos, should be targeted for safety education programs.In the United States in 2012, 726 bicyclists were killed and 49 000 were injured in motor vehicle collisions1–3; these fatalities accounted for 2.2% of motor vehicle–related deaths, but represented a 6.5% increase from 2011.1,2 In New York City (NYC), there were 4207 bicycle collisions in 2012 that resulted in injury, including 20 fatalities.4An estimated 185 000 people bike in NYC daily; of these, 5000 are commercial bicyclists making deliveries.5 Although commercial bicyclists include only 2.7% of bicyclists in NYC, they account for 16% of daily bicycle trips, at an average of 22 trips per day per commercial bicyclist.5 There are an estimated 109 375 food delivery trips made daily across NYC, covering 100 000 miles.5 NYC businesses have been required to provide employee bicyclists with helmets and safety gear, including reflectors, since 2007 and identification cards and reflective vests since 2013.6–9 Following a 10-month safety education initiative for business owners, the NYC Department of Transportation (DOT) increased enforcement of existing commercial bicycling safety laws in April 2013 by deploying inspectors to businesses to issue violations for missing or improper safety equipment and nonadherence to mandatory safety courses.10–12Commercial bicyclists represent a unique population whose characteristics, behaviors, and injuries have not been previously documented. A comprehensive literature search yielded only 3 articles13–15 relevant to the subject matter, emphasizing the need for more data on this population. Furthermore, current New York State and City databases do not identify injured bicyclists as commercial or noncommercial.1,4 Previous work from our trauma center revealed that 43% of injured bicyclists involved in motor vehicle collisions were commercial.16,17 Although commercial bicyclists provide a convenient service in many urban centers, essential information regarding their safety practices, behaviors, and outcomes in the event of injury is lacking. Our hypothesis was that commercial bicyclists represent a distinct cohort of vulnerable roadway users with a high minority representation. The objective of this study was to describe the demographic characteristics, behaviors, injuries, and outcomes of commercial bicyclists who were injured while navigating NYC’s central business district.     

Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Health Care Receipt Among Male Cancer Survivors

Objectives. We examined racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among a nationally representative sample of male cancer survivors.Methods. We identified men aged 18 years and older from the 2006–2010 National Health Interview Survey who reported a history of cancer. We assessed health care receipt in 4 self-reported measures: primary care visit, specialist visit, flu vaccination, and pneumococcal vaccination. We used hierarchical logistic regression modeling, stratified by age (< 65 years vs ≥ 65 years).Results. In adjusted models, older African American and Hispanic survivors were approximately twice as likely as were non-Hispanic Whites to not see a specialist (odds ratio [OR] = 1.78; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.19, 2.68 and OR = 2.09; 95% CI = 1.18, 3.70, respectively), not receive the flu vaccine (OR = 2.21; 95% CI = 1.45, 3.37 and OR = 2.20; 95% CI = 1.21, 4.01, respectively), and not receive the pneumococcal vaccine (OR = 2.24; 95% CI = 1.54, 3.24 and OR = 3.10; 95% CI = 1.75, 5.51, respectively).Conclusions. Racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt are evident among older, but not younger, cancer survivors, despite access to Medicare. These survivors may be less likely to see specialists, including oncologists, and receive basic preventive care.Gender and racial/ethnic disparities in health care utilization are prevalent. Men are less likely than are women to use health care services, including physician office visits and preventive care visits.1,2 Minorities are also less likely to use health care services than are non-Hispanic Whites.3–6 Contributors to these disparities include low socioeconomic status7–10 and lack of health insurance.7,8,11,12 Even after controlling for socioeconomic status and health insurance coverage, racial/ethnic disparities in health care utilization persist.4 These disparities are associated with poorer health and higher mortality rates among minorities and have important implications for survival and well-being for men with serious and chronic health conditions such as cancer.5Although numerous studies have documented racial/ethnic disparities in cancer screening, diagnosis, treatment, and mortality,10,13–18 little is known about how racial/ethnic disparities in health care among posttreatment cancer survivors influence follow-up care. Such care includes monitoring and managing late and long-term effects and follow-up tests to monitor for recurrence and detect second cancers. Management of noncancer comorbidities (e.g., diabetes) and preventive health care19 (e.g., vaccinations) are also recommended for cancer survivors.20–22 Follow-up care may include visits to both primary care and specialist providers.13,23–25 It is strongly recommended that cancer survivors receive lifelong follow-up care because of increased risk of recurrence, morbidity, and mortality.19Prior studies have used administrative data to explore this issue,13,24,26,27 but few of these studies have focused on male cancer survivors and none included younger survivors who are not covered by Medicare. Additionally, it is not known how patterns of health care receipt might differ among men with and without a history of cancer.We assessed racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among adult male cancer survivors and men without cancer using the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS).28 We first wanted to compare cancer survivors to a noncancer group to shed light on whether the disparities are specific to cancer or reflect underlying disparities. We explored (1) racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among cancer survivors compared with men with no cancer history, (2) racial/ethnic disparities in cancer survivors, and (3) the extent to which predisposing, enabling, and need factors explain racial/ethnic disparities in health care receipt among male cancer survivors.     

Assessing the Connection Between Health and Education: Identifying Potential Leverage Points for Public Health to Improve School Attendance

Objectives. We examined multiple variables influencing school truancy to identify potential leverage points to improve school attendance.Methods. A cross-sectional observational design was used to analyze inner-city data collected in Los Angeles County, California, during 2010 to 2011. We constructed an ordinal logistic regression model with cluster robust standard errors to examine the association between truancy and various covariates.Results. The sample was predominantly Hispanic (84.3%). Multivariable analysis revealed greater truancy among students (1) with mild (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.57; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.22, 2.01) and severe (AOR = 1.80; 95% CI = 1.04, 3.13) depression (referent: no depression), (2) whose parents were neglectful (AOR = 2.21; 95% CI = 1.21, 4.03) or indulgent (AOR = 1.71; 95% CI = 1.04, 2.82; referent: authoritative parents), (3) who perceived less support from classes, teachers, and other students regarding college preparation (AOR = 0.87; 95% CI = 0.81, 0.95), (4) who had low grade point averages (AOR = 2.34; 95% CI = 1.49, 4.38), and (5) who reported using alcohol (AOR = 3.47; 95% CI = 2.34, 5.14) or marijuana (AOR = 1.59; 95% CI = 1.06, 2.38) during the past month.Conclusions. Study findings suggest depression, substance use, and parental engagement as potential leverage points for public health to intervene to improve school attendance.Truancy, defined as any intentional unauthorized or illegal absence from school, is associated with a variety of adverse behavioral and health outcomes, including school dropout, crime, violence, incarceration, adolescent pregnancy, and substance abuse.1,2 Truancy is a major problem in the United States. Nationally, 11% of students report skipping school in the past month.3 In California, the truancy rate—the percentage of students who missed more than 30 minutes of instruction without an excuse for 3 or more days in a given school year—was 28% during the 2009–2010 school year.4 Truancy rates are frequently higher among Black and Hispanic youths, as compared with Whites, and among youths from lower-income households.3School truancy is a complex phenomenon often resulting from a variety of factors including (1) community and home environments; (2) social relationships, including relationships with parents, teachers, and peers; (3) school variables such as student-to-teacher ratio, educational style, safety, and disciplinary procedures; and (4) individual characteristics such as students’ level of engagement with learning, academic performance, risk behaviors (e.g., substance abuse), and mental health problems.2,5,6 The multifaceted nature of this phenomenon has attracted a number of researchers, as well as professionals, from different sectors (e.g., criminal justice, education, and community-based organizations) to study this problem. However, public health representation is often missing from this important dialogue. In spite of emerging evidence suggesting the interdependence between education and health, only a paucity of public health authorities have regularly engaged school districts, local law enforcement, or the courts to address this social determinant of health.5,7Despite significant investments by researchers, practitioners, schools, and policymakers to address truancy over the past several decades, there is little evidence that any positive impact has been made to improve school attendance.8 Many non-health sector researchers have called for the use of interdisciplinary models to reduce school truancy. Beyond modifying student factors, these models focus on a broader catchment, to include family, school, and community interventions.9,10 However, in spite of growing interest, much remains unknown about the key steps, design, or program features that are necessary to effectively implement cross-sector strategies. Identifying leverage points where nontraditional, noneducation partners (e.g., public health) can intervene represents a critical need.Although previous research has examined the association between truancy and a variety of modifiable school, student, and health characteristics, most have collected data only on a narrowly defined set of risk factors, independent from one another.3,11,12 Even among studies that have concurrently considered multiple risk factors for truancy, the analyses have often excluded important information about leverage points for nontraditional partners to act.13,14 The present study helps fill these gaps in public health research and practice, examining the relative importance of different school, student, and health-related variables in influencing school truancy. This study focused on inner-city, low-income youths, a group that is particularly vulnerable to being chronically truant, dropping out of school, and experiencing health disparities.4,15     

Body Mass Index and Risk of Death in Asian Americans

Objectives. We investigated the association between body mass index (BMI) and mortality among Asian Americans.Methods. We pooled data from prospective cohort studies with 20 672 Asian American adults with no baseline cancer or heart disease history. We estimated hazard ratios and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) with Cox proportional hazards models.Results. A high, but not low, BMI was associated with increased risk of total mortality among individuals aged 35 to 69 years. The BMI was not related to total mortality among individuals aged 70 years and older. With a BMI 22.5 to < 25 as the reference category among never-smokers aged 35 to 69 years, the hazard ratios for total mortality were 0.83 (95% CI = 0.47, 1.47) for BMI 15 to < 18.5; 0.91 (95% CI = 0.62, 1.32) for BMI 18.5 to < 20; 1.08 (95% CI = 0.86, 1.36) for BMI 20 to < 22.5; 1.14 (95% CI = 0.90, 1.44) for BMI 25 to < 27.5; 1.13 (95% CI = 0.79, 1.62) for BMI 27.5 to < 30; 1.82 (95% CI = 1.25, 2.64) for BMI 30 to < 35; and 2.09 (95% CI = 1.06, 4.11) for BMI 35 to 50. Higher BMI was also related to increased cardiovascular disease and cancer mortality.Conclusions. High BMI is associated with increased mortality risk among Asian Americans.During the past 30 years the prevalence of obesity, defined as a body mass index (BMI, defined as weight in kilograms divided by the square of height in meters) of 30 or greater, increased in all racial or ethnic groups in the United States. Historically, obesity has been uncommon among Asian Americans compared with other racial or ethnic groups in the United States, but the prevalence of obesity in this population is rising. Between 1991 and 2008, the prevalence of obesity increased from 13.9% to 28.7% among US-born Asians and from 9.5% to 20.7% among Asian immigrants.1Substantial epidemiological data have defined the dose–response association between BMI and mortality among Whites in the United States,2 and to a lesser degree among US Blacks.3 However, data for Asian Americans, a fast-growing racial group in the United States, are sparse.4 Recently, a pooled analysis among East Asians residing in Asia, including Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans, showed that the association between BMI and total mortality was nonlinear, in that BMIs greater than 25 and less than 22.6 were both associated with increased mortality.5 It was interesting that the increased mortality associated with a high BMI in East Asians was not observed among Indians and Bangladeshis in Asia.5Asian Americans share an environment with US Whites and Blacks, which differs markedly from that of their counterparts in Asia. It is unclear whether this change in context results in different susceptibility to obesity and obesity-related diseases between Asian Americans and Asians residing in Asia, or whether a shared genetic background contributes to a similar association between obesity and disease. To investigate the association between BMI and risk of mortality among Asian Americans in the largest sample to date, we pooled data from 10 prospective cohort studies in the United States.6–15     

Physical Activity and Dietary Determinants of Weight Loss Success in the US General Population

Objectives. I studied lifestyle behaviors of long-term weight losers in a nationally representative sample.Methods. I categorized the dietary and physical activity data of 8012 adults from the 2009–2012 National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys into (1) long-term weight losers (≥ 10% loss for ≥ 1 year), (2) recent weight losers (≥ 10% loss within past year), and (3) overweight or obese individuals who never lost 10% or more of their weight.Results. Long-term weight losers consumed fewer calories (2072; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 2011, 2134 kcal vs 2211; 95% CI = 2173, 2249 kcal; P < .001) and were more likely to report any vigorous leisure activity (24.5% vs 20.3%; P = .027) than did overweight or obese individuals. Among those engaging in vigorous leisure activity, long-term weight losers reported a greater quantity (188; 95% CI = 159, 223 min × wk^–1 vs 156; 95% CI = 142, 172 min × wk^–1; P = .047). Recent weight losers did not differ from overweight or obese individuals on absolute calorie intake but reported less fat (79; 95% CI = 75, 83 g vs 84; 95% CI = 82, 86 g; P = .016) and more activity.Conclusions. Balanced calorie restriction from all macronutrients and physical activity are important behaviors for successful long-term weight loss in the general population.Approximately 17% of children and adolescents and 35% of adults in the United States are obese.1 The societal costs of obesity are staggering, with direct and indirect costs rising in a curvilinear fashion with body mass index (BMI; defined as weight in kilograms divided by the square of height in meters).2 On an individual level, obesity is associated with numerous deleterious health outcomes, including type II diabetes, cancer, coronary artery disease, sleep apnea, and cognitive dysfunction.3As a result of these overwhelming societal and individual costs, much attention has been paid to evaluating the efficacy of various weight loss interventions. Randomized trials of diet and physical activity interventions demonstrate that substantial weight loss can be achieved by most individuals, especially during the initial 6 months of an intervention.4,5 Randomized trials of weight loss, however, are somewhat limited by the expense and difficulty of including extended follow-up periods. In addition, weight loss usually begins to regress toward baseline after a year or more,5,6 which suggests that some of the interventions used may not be optimal for long-term weight loss maintenance. Furthermore, the individuals included in these trials represent a small segment of the general population (e.g., educated non-Hispanic White women are often overrepresented),4–6 preventing inferences about the success or failure of these interventions on a larger scale.In light of these limitations of randomized trials, observational studies have attempted to characterize lifestyle behaviors of populations that have lost a substantial amount of weight.7–11 Although these investigations provide insight into some of the behaviors associated with successful weight loss, they have either used convenience sampling11 or failed to report extensive information on dietary nutrient intakes and physical activity patterns.7–10 Consequently, the findings from these investigations apply only to a select portion of the general population or lack detail on the specific dietary and physical activity patterns used by the most successful weight losers.The National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) uses a complex sampling design to achieve a representative sample of the noninstitutionalized US population. NHANES assesses the health status and lifestyle behaviors of Americans through interviews, examinations, and laboratory tests. Information on dietary intake is collected through standardized 24-hour recalls, and participants report physical activity participation and weight history. As a result, NHANES provides an opportunity to examine dietary nutrient intakes and physical activity patterns among Americans who have successfully lost weight as well as among those who have successfully maintained weight loss for a prolonged period.I compared the dietary and physical activity patterns of overweight or obese individuals with those who have maintained substantial weight loss for more than 1 year as well as those who have lost weight within the past year.     

Hispanic Men in the United States: Acculturation and Recent Sexual Behaviors With Female Partners, 2006–2010

Objectives. We examined Hispanic men’s recent risky and protective sexual behaviors with female partners by acculturation.Methods. Using the 2006–2010 National Survey of Family Growth, we performed bivariate analyses to compare acculturation groups (Hispanic Spanish-speaking immigrants, Hispanic English-speaking immigrants, Hispanic US natives, and non-Hispanic White men) by demographics and recent sexual behaviors with women. Multivariable logistic regression models for sexual behaviors by acculturation group were adjusted for demographics.Results. Compared with Hispanic Spanish-speaking immigrants, non-Hispanic White men were less likely to report exchange of money or drugs for sex (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.3; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.1, 0.9), but were also less likely to report condom use at last vaginal (AOR = 0.6; 95% CI = 0.4, 0.8) and anal sex (AOR = 0.4; 95% CI = 0.3, 0.7). Hispanic US natives were less likely to report condom use at last vaginal sex than were Spanish-speaking immigrants (AOR = 0.6; 95% CI = 0.4, 0.8). English- and Spanish-speaking immigrants did not differ in risky or protective sexual behaviors.Conclusions. Our findings suggest that targeted interventions focusing on unique sexual risks and sociodemographic differences by acculturation level, particularly nativity, may be helpful for preventing sexually transmitted infections.In the United States, Hispanics are one of the subpopulations disproportionately affected by sexually transmitted infections (STIs).1 In 2010, reported cases of chlamydia were 2.7 times higher for Hispanics than for non-Hispanic Whites.1 Similarly, primary and secondary syphilis cases were 2.2 times higher for Hispanics than for non-Hispanic Whites, an increase of 9.5% since 2009.1 Reported gonorrhea rates were also 2.2 times higher for Hispanics than for non-Hispanic Whites. Regarding gender, the racial/ethnic disparity in gonorrhea rates was higher for men (48.7 per 100 000 for Hispanics vs 19.5 per 100 000 for non-Hispanic Whites) than for women (51.1 per 100 000 for Hispanics vs 26.6 per 100 000 for non-Hispanic Whites).1 Among young adult men (18–26 years), STI disparities were even greater; among Hispanic men, the prevalence of chlamydia and gonorrhea was 5.3 and 4.1 times higher than for non-Hispanic White men, respectively.2Research has shown that Hispanics face many unique challenges that increase their risks for STIs, including immigration-related challenges, living apart from their spouse or regular partner, language barriers, racism, social isolation, and limited access to health care.1,3–5 Compared with non-Hispanic Whites, Hispanics often also have higher poverty, unemployment, and high school dropout rates, and are younger.1,4,6 From 2000 to 2010, the Hispanic population in the United States increased by more than 15.2 million (an increase of 43%), contributing to half of the total population growth in the country.7 Because of the growing Hispanic population, the disproportionate burden of STIs, and the numerous barriers and challenges increasing their risk for STIs, an assessment of the sexual behaviors of Hispanics, including risk and protective behaviors, are of public health importance.An epidemiological concept known as the Hispanic paradox posits that health outcomes for Hispanics tend to be more similar to those of non-Hispanic Whites than those of non-Hispanic Blacks because of less acculturation, or “Americanization,” among Hispanics, which has been shown to be associated with lower sexual risk behaviors and better health outcomes.8–10 Some research suggests that the Hispanic paradox is variable and fluid or may not exist at all.11,12 Although many studies have examined the relationship between acculturation and sexual risk behaviors that are related to STI transmission, most of this research has focused on Hispanic women, adolescents, or men who have sex with men.13–22 Fewer studies have examined differences among Hispanic men in their sexual behaviors with female partners in terms of acculturation group. One study found that low-income, recent-immigrant Hispanic men (living in the United States less than 5 years) were more likely to commercially exchange sexual services and less likely to have a main sex partner than established immigrants (living in the United States for more than 5 years).23 Conversely, established Hispanic immigrant men were more likely to report unprotected sexual intercourse and multiple sex partners than recent immigrants.23 For protective behaviors, condom use at last sex did not significantly differ by acculturation among Hispanic men, although condom use is positively associated with acculturation for women.18,24,25 All of these studies were restricted to specific local areas.Acculturation of Hispanics has been measured in many ways—the use of a single variable, a combination of variables, or scales developed to capture the various aspects of acculturation. Complex measures of acculturation include attitudinal and behavioral factors focused on cultural values.10 More intricate scales of acculturation include heritage and mainstream scales with measures of attitude, behavior, and social relations.10,26 However, it is difficult to include comprehensive measures of acculturation in national surveys that have limited space and competing interests. Measures such as language, country of origin, nativity, and length of time in the country are considered proxy measures of acculturation.11,13,19,27–29 The most frequently used variable to measure acculturation is language of interview (English or Spanish) or the language spoken at home.3,13,14,17,19,21,22,24,27–33 Although acculturation is a multifaceted concept, research suggests that language preference may be a reliable proxy for more complex acculturation measures of Hispanics living in the United States.17For an examination of differences in Hispanic men’s sexual behaviors with female partners by level of acculturation, a national-level examination is useful given the diversity of the Hispanic population in the United States, where origin (Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central American, etc.) differs by geography.34 Using data from a national survey, we analyzed the recent sexual behaviors of acculturation groups of Hispanic men (categorized by language of interview and nativity) and compared them with those of non-Hispanic White men. Specifically, we sought to examine differences in recent risky and protective sexual behaviors with female partners among acculturation groups using the 2006–2010 National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG).     

Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Hypertension Prevalence: Reconsidering the Role of Chronic Stress

Objectives. We investigated the association between anticipatory stress, also known as racism-related vigilance, and hypertension prevalence in Black, Hispanic, and White adults.Methods. We used data from the Chicago Community Adult Health Study, a population-representative sample of adults (n = 3105) surveyed in 2001 to 2003, to regress hypertension prevalence on the interaction between race/ethnicity and vigilance in logit models.Results. Blacks reported the highest vigilance levels. For Blacks, each unit increase in vigilance (range = 0–12) was associated with a 4% increase in the odds of hypertension (odds ratio [OR] = 1.04; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.00, 1.09). Hispanics showed a similar but nonsignificant association (OR = 1.05; 95% CI = 0.99, 1.12), and Whites showed no association (OR = 0.95; 95% CI = 0.87, 1.03).Conclusions. Vigilance may represent an important and unique source of chronic stress that contributes to the well-documented higher prevalence of hypertension among Blacks than Whites; it is a possible contributor to hypertension among Hispanics but not Whites.Racial and ethnic disparities in hypertension are some of the most widely studied and consequential sources of social disparities in health in the United States.1–3 For example, recent prevalence estimates show that roughly 40% of Black adults but only 30% of White adults have hypertension.4 In addition, the incidence of hypertension occurs at younger ages for Blacks than Whites.1 These disparities are reflected in the larger burden of hypertension-related health and economic costs carried by non-White than White Americans. For example, mortality rates attributable to hypertension are roughly 15 deaths per 100 000 people for White men and women; the mortality rate for Black women is 40 per 100 000 and more than 50 per 100 000 for Black men.5 Among all health conditions, hypertension accounts for the greatest portion of disparities in years of lost life.6 Economically speaking, if Black Americans had the hypertension prevalence of White Americans, about $400 million would be saved in out-of-pocket health care expenses, about $2 billion would be saved in private insurance costs, and $375 million would be saved from Medicare and Medicaid—per year.7Despite the tremendous amount of research devoted to clarifying the factors that generate these disparities, most studies find that they persist after adjustment for a wide range of socioeconomic, behavioral, and biomedical risk factors.8 In fact, although disparities exist for several of these risk factors (e.g., socioeconomic status), numerous studies have shown no disparities in many others (e.g., smoking, obesity for men, lipid profile).2 Despite substantial investment in interventions to eliminate hypertension disparities, evidence suggests that these disparities have actually grown over the past few decades,9 suggesting that numerous unknown factors drive disparities in hypertension.3     

Impaired-Driving Prevalence Among US High School Students: Associations With Substance Use and Risky Driving Behaviors

Objectives. We examined the prevalence of impaired driving among US high school students and associations with substance use and risky driving behavior.Methods. We assessed driving while alcohol or drug impaired (DWI) and riding with alcohol- or drug-impaired drivers (RWI) in a nationally representative sample of 11th-grade US high school students (n = 2431). We examined associations with drinking and binge drinking, illicit drug use, risky driving, and demographic factors using multivariate sequential logistic regression analysis.Results. Thirteen percent of 11th-grade students reported DWI at least 1 of the past 30 days, and 24% reported RWI at least once in the past year. Risky driving was positively associated with DWI (odds ratio [OR] = 1.25; P < .001) and RWI (OR = 1.09; P < .05), controlling for binge drinking (DWI: OR = 3.17; P < .01; RWI: OR = 6.12; P < .001) and illicit drug use (DWI: OR = 5.91; P < .001; RWI: OR = 2.29; P = .05). DWI was higher for adolescents who drove after midnight (OR = 15.7), drove while sleepy or drowsy (OR = 8.6), read text messages (OR = 11.8), sent text messages (OR = 5.0), and made cell phone calls (OR = 3.2) while driving.Conclusions. Our findings suggest the need for comprehensive approaches to the prevention of DWI, RWI, and other risky driving behavior.Motor vehicle crashes are the leading cause of mortality for US adolescents.1 In general, alcohol and drug use impairs driving performance in proportion to the amount consumed and contributes significantly to motor vehicle crashes,2,3 particularly among younger drivers.4 In 2008, 31% of young drivers who were killed in motor vehicle crashes had been drinking5; in 2009, half of the child passengers who died in crashes involving alcohol were riding with an alcohol-impaired driver.6 Illicit drug use also contributes to a large portion of fatal motor vehicle crashes involving adolescents and adults.7–10 Despite downward trends among adolescents in rates of drinking and driving (from 17% in 1991 to 10% in 2009) and riding with drinking drivers (from 40% in 1991 to 28% in 2009), rates remain alarmingly high.11 Therefore, better understanding of the current prevalence, variability, and determinants of adolescent driving while intoxicated (DWI) and riding with alcohol- or drug-impaired drivers (RWI) is needed to guide the development of prevention strategies.Adolescence, the transition period from childhood to emerging adulthood, is a time of increased sensation seeking and risk behavior.12,13 During this transition, learning to drive and obtaining a license are major rites of passage for entering adulthood. However, adolescent drivers have high crash rates and tend to drive in a deliberately risky manner, typified by speeding, close following, sharp cornering, and hard stops.14–18 At the same time, drinking and drug use increase during adolescence, and vehicles become a primary means of transportation and provide a somewhat private place for adolescents to drink and use illicit drugs.19,20Previous research indicates that the prevalence of DWI and RWI among adolescents is higher for male than female adolescents and for Latinos than Whites.21–24 Concurrent and longitudinal research has shown that drinking, binge drinking, cigarette use, and marijuana use are associated with adolescent DWI and RWI.20,25–28 Similarly, drinking, drug use, and traffic violations are associated with adolescent risky driving.17,26 It has been shown in a few regional studies that risky driving covaries with other problem behaviors,17,26,29 but no national studies have reported associations between risky driving and DWI and RWI among adolescents.Using a national probability sample, we examined the following: (1) the variability in the prevalence of DWI and RWI among adolescents by demographic factors; (2) the association between risky driving and DWI and RWI; and (3) the independent contribution of binge drinking, illicit drug use, and risky driving to DWI and RWI.     

Flavored Alcoholic Beverage Use,Risky Drinking Behaviors,and Adverse Outcomes Among Underage Drinkers: Results From the ABRAND Study

Objectives. We examined associations between consumption of different types of flavored alcoholic beverages (FABs) and risky drinking and drinking-related harms among underage drinkers.Methods. For the Alcohol Brand Research among Underage Youth study, we applied multivariable logistic regression analyses to data from underage drinkers (n = 1031, aged 13–20 years), recruited from a national Internet panel in 2011 to 2012, to estimate associations between consumption of malt-based drinks; spirits-based, premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails; and supersized alcopops, alone or in combination, and alcohol-related outcomes.Results. After adjustment for confounding variables, the exclusive consumption of alcopops was associated with episodic heavy drinking (odds ratio [OR] = 4.35; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.24, 15.31; P < .05) and alcohol-related injuries (OR = 6.25; 95% CI = 1.34, 29.10; P < .05). Exclusive consumption of cocktails was associated with episodic heavy drinking (odds ratio [OR] = 2.61; 95% CI = 1.26, 5.41; P < .05) and injuries requiring medical attention (OR = 6.50; 95% CI = 2.09, 20.17; P < .001. Exclusive consumption of 2 or more FABs was associated with episodic heavy drinking (OR = 2.78; 95% CI = 1.25, 6.16; P < .05), fighting (OR = 3.30; 95% CI = 1.46, 7.47; P < .001), and alcohol-related injuries (OR = 2.83; 95% CI = 1.43, 5.58; P < .001).Conclusions. FABs present an emerging public health problem among youths.Alcohol continues to be the most commonly used drug among youths in the United States and is responsible for more than 4300 annual deaths among underage drinkers.1 Approximately 33% of eighth graders and 70% of 12th graders have consumed alcohol, and 13% of eighth graders and 40% of 12th graders drank during the past month.2 Close to 200 000 emergency department visits by persons younger than 21 years are reported annually for injuries and other conditions linked to alcohol.3 An important trend in underage drinking is the popularity of flavored alcoholic beverages (FABs).4–12 Despite their popularity, little is known about associations between FAB consumption, risky drinking behaviors, and related harms among underage drinkers.FAB brands can be classified into 3 categories: malt-based beverages; spirits-based, premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails; and supersized alcopops.4 Although these products are widely classified as FABs, distinctions between them are important because these beverages differ in serving size (e.g., the supersized alcopops can contain 2 to 3 times the alcohol volume of other brands) and average alcohol content by volume (malt beverages, 7.8%; premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails, 14.2%; supersized alcopops, 10.8%).4We used ABRAND (Alcohol Brand Research among Underage Youth) data collected by GfK Knowledge Networks13 to analyze the brands of alcoholic beverages a national sample of youth drinkers aged 13 to 20 years reported consuming and found that nearly half of young drinkers (n = 515) had consumed FABs in the past 30 days.4 These results roughly matched those of the 2012 Monitoring the Future report, which found that more than half (57.5%) of students in grades 8, 10, and 12 who reported past 30-day alcohol use had consumed at least 1 FAB during that time.2 The ABRAND data also showed that 43% of drinkers aged 13 to 15 years, 48.9% of those aged 16 to 18 years, and 52% of those aged 19 to 20 years consumed FABs.4 Consumption prevalence was greatest for malt beverages (33.8%), followed by premixed- or ready-to-drink cocktails (23.9%) and supersized alcopops (8.6%). Almost one quarter of respondents (24.5%) had consumed at least 1 FAB during a heavy-drinking episode (defined as consuming ≥ 5 drinks in a row).4FABs'' high alcohol content, low price, sweet flavoring, attractive packaging, and targeted marketing strategies have caused concern that FAB consumption might disproportionately contribute to alcohol-related emergency department visits by underage drinkers.5 One case study found that consumption of supersized alcopops such as Four Loko contributed to alcohol-related emergencies involving drinkers as young as 13 years.14We used the ABRAND sample of underage drinkers to examine the relationship between consumption of different types and combinations of FABs and risky drinking behaviors and adverse outcomes among youths aged 13 to 20 years.     

The Montana Radon Study: Social Marketing via Digital Signage Technology for Reaching Families in the Waiting Room

Objectives. I tested a social marketing intervention delivered in health department waiting rooms via digital signage technology for increasing radon program participation among priority groups.Methods. I conducted a tri-county, community-based study over a 3-year period (2010–2013) in a high-radon state by using a quasi-experimental design. We collected survey data for eligible participants at the time of radon test kit purchase.Results. Radon program participation increased at the intervention site (t₃₈ = 3.74; P = .001; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 4.8, 16.0) with an increase in renters (χ²_1,228 = 4.3; P = .039), Special Supplementary Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children families (χ²_1,166 = 3.13; P = .077) and first-time testers (χ²_1,228 = 10.93; P = .001). Approximately one third (30.3%; n = 30) attributed participation in the radon program to viewing the intervention message. The intervention crossover was also successful with increased monthly kit sales (t₃₇ = 2.69; P = .01; 95% CI = 1.20, 8.47) and increased households participating (t₂₃ = 4.76; P < .001; 95% CI = 3.10, 7.88).Conclusions. A social marketing message was an effective population-based intervention for increasing radon program participation. The results prompted policy changes for Montana radon programming and adoption of digital signage technology by 2 health departments.Indoor radon exposure accounts for 21 000 deaths (15% of lung cancer deaths) in the United States each year and is the second leading cause of lung cancer behind smoked tobacco.1 Radon causes 100 times more deaths than carbon monoxide poisoning2 and is the leading environmental cause of cancer in North America.3 Although lung cancer can be treated, the survival rate is one of the lowest for all cancer types. The estimate that Americans spend more than 90% of their time indoors further underscores the need to reduce residential exposures.4Montana, like other states in the Rocky Mountain Region, is a high-radon geographic area with all but 7 of Montana’s 56 counties designated by the Environmental Protection Agency as having the most serious radon risk (i.e., Zone 1).5 Although 49 of Montana’s 56 counties share the Zone 1 designation, only 4 have a Montana Department of Environmental Quality–funded radon program. Started in 1993, these state funds were appropriated to the health departments in the 4 fastest-growing counties in the state: Gallatin, Ravalli, Flathead, and Missoula counties. Health department administrators used these funds to purchase radon test kits, provide education and outreach, and manage a database of reported radon concentrations.A recent evaluation of the Gallatin County radon program showed that participants were predominantly nonsmoking, older, well-educated, and middle-class homeowners.6 A social marketing campaign was identified as a potential way to expand radon program participation to other high-priority groups. Social marketing is a strategy that has been effective across a wide range of topics, settings, and audiences including sexual health,7,8 asthma in older adults,9 and fruit and vegetable consumption in Special Supplementary Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) participants.10 Health department WIC clinics were identified as an ideal place to reach younger, lower-income families with children, and renters—subgroups not well represented among baseline radon program participants. In support of the goal to expand radon program participation to priority groups, the aim of the Montana Radon Study (MRS) was to test the efficacy of a social marketing intervention for increasing radon program participation by lower-income families, first-time testers, and families who rented their homes. Although current and former smokers are the groups at greatest risk of radon-related lung cancer, they were not specifically addressed in this intervention message designed to appeal to all residents of high-radon counties.     

Racial Differences in Breast Cancer Stage at Diagnosis in the Mammography Era

Objectives. We assessed racial differences in breast cancer mortality by stage at diagnosis, since mammography became available.Methods. We calculated adjusted odds of distant (versus local or regional) tumors for 143 249 White and 13 571 Black women aged 50 to 69 years, diagnosed with breast cancer between 1982 and 2007 and living in a Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results region. We compared linear trends in stage at diagnosis before and after 1998.Results. Distant-stage cancer was diagnosed in 5.8% of White and 10.2% of Black participants. The Black–White disparity in distant tumors narrowed until 1998 (1998 adjusted difference = 0.65%), before increasing. Between 1982 and 1997, the proportion of distant tumors decreased for Blacks (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]/y = 0.973; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.960, 0.987) and Whites (AOR/y = 0.978; 95% CI = 0.973, 0.983), with no racial differences (P = .47). From 1998 to 2007, the odds of distant versus local or regional tumors increased for Blacks (AOR/y = 1.036; 95% CI = 1.013, 1.060) and Whites (AOR/y = 1.011; 95% CI = 1.002, 1.021); the rate of increase was greater for Blacks than Whites (P = .04).Conclusions. In the mammography era, racial disparities remain in stage at diagnosis.Despite a lower incidence of invasive breast cancer, Black women in the United States are more likely than are White women to die of the disease.1,2 Since 1992, although breast cancer deaths have declined in both White and Black women, the overall disparity in mortality has increased.3 Stage at diagnosis is the strongest predictor of survival in breast cancer,4–6 and Black women are more often diagnosed with advanced-stage disease than are White women.7–10Mammography is an important tool in the early detection of breast cancer.11–13 First introduced in the United States in the early 1980s,14 mammography was initially most prevalent among White women. Racial disparities in mammography rates narrowed by the mid-1990s,12,15 and Black women had rates equivalent to or greater than those of White women between 1996 and 2000.10,15,16 From 2000 to 2005, mammography use declined nationally in women aged 50 to 64 years (78.6% to 71.8%), with a slightly larger decrement for White (−4.0%) than Black (−3.3%) women.13The survival benefit of any screening program, including mammography, is related to its ability to detect tumors at earlier stages. Meta-analyses continue to find mortality benefit for mammography, although uncertainty remains regarding both the appropriate target population and the optimal screening interval.11,17,18 Consistent with the expected effect of screening, an observational cohort analysis found that improvements in screening rates for both Black and White women during the 1990s contributed to diagnosis at an earlier stage in both groups.10Nevertheless, despite generally equivalent rates of mammography for the past 15 years, the racial disparity in breast cancer mortality between Black and White women persists. Although previous meta-analyses suggested a mortality benefit for mammography, randomized controlled data regarding the efficacy of screening programs in minority populations are limited.18,19 Because stage at diagnosis is an important predictor of survival in breast cancer, we assessed temporal changes in the distribution of stage at diagnosis between 1982 and 2007, in both Black and White women, adjusting for covariates known to affect stage at diagnosis.     

Implementing Rapid HIV Testing With or Without Risk-Reduction Counseling in Drug Treatment Centers: Results of a Randomized Trial

Objectives. We examined the effectiveness of risk reduction counseling and the role of on-site HIV testing in drug treatment.Methods. Between January and May 2009, we randomized 1281 HIV-negative (or status unknown) adults who reported no past-year HIV testing to (1) referral for off-site HIV testing, (2) HIV risk-reduction counseling with on-site rapid HIV testing, or (3) verbal information about testing only with on-site rapid HIV testing.Results. We defined 2 primary self-reported outcomes a priori: receipt of HIV test results and unprotected anal or vaginal intercourse episodes at 6-month follow-up. The combined on-site rapid testing participants received more HIV test results than off-site testing referral participants (P < .001; Mantel-Haenszel risk ratio = 4.52; 97.5% confidence interval [CI] = 3.57, 5.72). At 6 months, there were no significant differences in unprotected intercourse episodes between the combined on-site testing arms and the referral arm (P = .39; incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 1.04; 97.5% CI = 0.95, 1.14) or the 2 on-site testing arms (P = .81; IRR = 1.03; 97.5% CI = 0.84, 1.26).Conclusions. This study demonstrated on-site rapid HIV testing’s value in drug treatment centers and found no additional benefit from HIV sexual risk-reduction counseling.There are approximately 50 000 new HIV infections in the United States each year, with incidence remaining stable between 2006 and 2009.1 Among the more than 1 million people living with HIV in the United States, approximately one fifth do not know they are infected.2 This has led to expanded efforts to increase HIV testing, as recently outlined in the US National HIV/AIDS Strategy.3 In 2006, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommended routine HIV screening of all adults and adolescents in health care settings,4 with other medical groups following with similar recommendations.5,6Medical care settings and community-based testing sites are where most testing occurs,7 but the CDC and others have called for expanded testing in other locales serving high-risk persons, including drug treatment programs.4 Previous studies have shown that, despite high HIV prevalence in drug treatment programs (ranging from more than 3% in noninjection drug users [non-IDUs] to 27% in IDUs8,9) and the well-established link among substance use, sexual risk behaviors, and HIV, fewer than half of US drug treatment programs offer HIV testing on site.10–12The role of risk-reduction counseling in the HIV testing process remains a central question, because of both questions of efficacy in reducing HIV infection rates and its implications for the time and personnel required for the recommended scale-up of testing. In a major policy shift, the 2006 CDC testing guidelines specify that risk-reduction counseling should only be required for persons who test HIV-positive.In the era of rapid HIV testing, the effectiveness of brief risk-reduction counseling for reducing risk behavior in persons who test HIV-negative is unknown. The seminal US trial, Project RESPECT13 demonstrated that two 20-minute counseling sessions in conjunction with conventional HIV testing for sexually transmitted disease (STD) clinic patients including IDUs14 significantly increased self-reported condom use and reduced STD incidence. However, in the 15 years since RESPECT, the context for HIV testing has changed dramatically: rapid testing is now widespread, effective treatment has greatly reduced HIV-related morbidity and mortality, and many people report having been tested for HIV at least once.To examine the efficacy of on-site rapid testing and risk-reduction counseling in increasing receipt of results and reducing HIV risk behaviors in drug treatment program patients, the National Drug Abuse Treatment Clinical Trials Network (CTN) conducted the HIV Rapid Testing and Counseling Study (CTN 0032). The aims were to quantify the degree to which available on-site rapid HIV testing increases testing and receipt of results, and to determine whether counseling affects testing acceptance and reduces HIV risk behaviors.     

Route Infrastructure and the Risk of Injuries to Bicyclists: A Case-Crossover Study

Objectives. We compared cycling injury risks of 14 route types and other route infrastructure features.Methods. We recruited 690 city residents injured while cycling in Toronto or Vancouver, Canada. A case-crossover design compared route infrastructure at each injury site to that of a randomly selected control site from the same trip.Results. Of 14 route types, cycle tracks had the lowest risk (adjusted odds ratio [OR] = 0.11; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.02, 0.54), about one ninth the risk of the reference: major streets with parked cars and no bike infrastructure. Risks on major streets were lower without parked cars (adjusted OR = 0.63; 95% CI = 0.41, 0.96) and with bike lanes (adjusted OR = 0.54; 95% CI = 0.29, 1.01). Local streets also had lower risks (adjusted OR = 0.51; 95% CI = 0.31, 0.84). Other infrastructure characteristics were associated with increased risks: streetcar or train tracks (adjusted OR = 3.0; 95% CI = 1.8, 5.1), downhill grades (adjusted OR = 2.3; 95% CI = 1.7, 3.1), and construction (adjusted OR = 1.9; 95% CI = 1.3, 2.9).Conclusions. The lower risks on quiet streets and with bike-specific infrastructure along busy streets support the route-design approach used in many northern European countries. Transportation infrastructure with lower bicycling injury risks merits public health support to reduce injuries and promote cycling.Bicycling is an active mode of transportation with a range of individual and public health benefits.1–5 However, bicycling is underused for transportation in Australia, Canada, Ireland, the United States, and the United Kingdom, constituting an estimated 1% to 3% of trips, compared with 10% to 27% of trips in Denmark, Germany, Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden.6–8 The reasons for low bicycle share of trips are multifaceted, but safety is one of the most frequently cited deterrents.9–11 These concerns are well founded: bicycling injury rates are higher in countries where cycling for transportation is less common.8,12,13To reduce bicycling injuries, the first step is to understand the determinants of risk. Studies in many English-speaking countries have focused on head injury reductions afforded by helmets.14–17 However, helmet use cannot explain the risk difference because helmets are rarely used in the European countries with lower injury rates.8,18,19 Typical route infrastructure (physical transportation structures and facilities) in countries with low bicycle share of trips differs from that in countries with high trip shares. In Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands, bicycle-specific infrastructure is frequently available,20 so this is a promising avenue for investigating injury risks. In a review of route infrastructure and injury risk,21 we found some evidence that bicycle-specific infrastructure was associated with reduced risk. However, the studies reviewed had problems that have compromised confidence in the results: grouping of route categories that may have different risks, unclear definitions of route infrastructure, and difficulty controlling for characteristics of cyclists and for exposure to various route types. Debates continue about the contribution of route design to safety and about the safety of various route types.12,13,20,21Here we present a study designed to overcome these limitations.22 We examined injury risk of 14 route types using a case-crossover design in which injured participants served as their own controls. The design compared route characteristics at the location where the injury event occurred to those at a randomly selected point on the same trip route where no injury occurred. By randomly selecting the control site in this way, the probability that a specific infrastructure type would be chosen was proportional to its relative length on the trip (e.g., on a 4-km trip, there would be a 25% chance of selecting a control site on a 1-km section that was on a bike path). Because comparisons were within-trip, personal characteristics such as age, gender, and propensity for risk-taking behavior were matched, as were trip conditions such as bicycle type, clothing visibility, helmet use, weather, and time of day. This allowed the comparisons to focus on between-site infrastructure differences.     

Buffering Syndemic Effects in a Sexual Risk-Reduction Intervention for Male Clients of Female Sex Workers: Results From a Randomized Controlled Trial

Objectives. We sought to test the efficacy of a sexual risk intervention for male clients of female sex workers (FSWs) and examine whether efficacy was moderated by syndemic risk.Methods. From 2010 to 2014, we conducted a 2-arm randomized controlled trial (60-minute, theory-based, safer sex intervention versus a didactic time-equivalent attention control) that included 400 male clients of FSWs on the US–Mexico border with follow-up at 4, 8, and 12 months. We measured 5 syndemic risk factors, including substance use and depression. Primary outcomes were sexually transmitted infections incidence and total unprotected sex with FSWs.Results. Although participants in both groups became safer, there was no significant difference in behavior change between groups. However, baseline syndemic risk moderated intervention efficacy. At baseline, there was a positive association between syndemic risk and unprotected sex. Then at 12 months, longitudinal analyses showed the association depended on intervention participation (B = −0.71; 95% confidence interval [CI] = –1.22, –0.20; P = .007). Among control participants there still existed this modest association (B = 0.36; 95% CI = –0.49, 1.22; P = .09); among intervention participants there was a significant negative association (B = −0.35; 95% CI = –0.63, –0.06; P = .02).Conclusion. A brief intervention might attenuate syndemic risks among clients of FSWs. Other populations experiencing syndemic problems may also benefit from such programs.Male clients of female sex workers (FSWs) represent a “bridge population” that has the potential to transmit HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs) between higher-risk groups (FSWs) and lower-risk groups (e.g., their wives).1–3 Globally, male clients of FSWs exhibit high-risk sexual behaviors,4–8 as well as higher STI incidence compared with other men.9 Unfortunately, little intervention work has targeted male clients.In 2007, Lowndes et al. implemented a behavioral intervention focusing on condom promotion among male clients of FSWs in Cotonou, Benin.10 Results suggested that male clients of FSWs in a resource-constrained country can reduce their sexual risk behavior through participation in a targeted behavioral intervention. However, this study lacked randomization and a control condition, precluding the ability to evaluate efficacy to reduce sexual risk behavior. A recent review of randomized trials and quasi-randomized trials of behavioral HIV prevention interventions among sex workers and clients did not identify a single randomized controlled trial targeted for male clients.11In Tijuana, Mexico, a border city along San Diego, California, there are an estimated 6000 to 10 000 FSWs offering sexual services to men from both countries.12 Tijuana has an HIV prevalence that is double the national average, and HIV is highest among high-risk groups including FSWs (approximately 6%).12–14In 2008, we conducted pilot research with 400 male clients of FSWs in Tijuana.13 HIV prevalence among clients was similar to that of FSWs (approximately 5%). Clients reported sex with an FSW an average of 26 times in the past year, once every 2 weeks in the past 4 months, and half reported recent unprotected sex with FSWs. Data were used to develop the first sexual risk-reduction intervention for male clients of FSWs. Herein, we aim to first evaluate the efficacy of our brief intervention, using the rigor of a randomized controlled trial. Whereas evaluating an intervention’s efficacy is a necessary step for HIV prevention, scientists must also examine for whom or under what conditions an intervention is efficacious (i.e., test moderators) to best inform prevention strategies both practically and theoretically.In addition to demonstrating risky sexual behavior, our pilot research with male clients in Tijuana showed that history of drug use was prevalent (88% reporting lifetime drug use) and was associated with unprotected sex with FSWs. These data also showed that the clients were more likely to engage in risky sex if they consumed alcohol at hazardous levels.15 Finally, our qualitative data suggested that vulnerability to HIV was associated with mental health problems like depression or loneliness.16,17 These findings are consistent with previous research on syndemic theory.Research has demonstrated the multiple co-occurrence of psychosocial problems (e.g., substance use, violence) and their additive effect on HIV risk behavior, called “syndemics.”18–21 While the specific factors that are included in the operationalization of a syndemic differ and depend on the specific population and region,21,22 studies have essentially found a dose–response relationship such that individuals who report more psychosocial problems are more likely to engage in higher sexual risk behavior or are more likely to be infected with HIV.23 The second aim of the current research was to examine syndemics as a potential moderator of intervention efficacy. In light of the important role that syndemics play in HIV across high-risk populations, and based on our pilot data, we hypothesized that men who experienced more syndemic problems at baseline would be more likely to benefit from the intervention than men who experienced fewer syndemic problems. Although our sexual risk-reduction intervention was not designed to directly address syndemic problems, it was based on cognitive behavioral therapy, social cognitive theory, and the theory of reasoned action, and we included in the intervention theoretical elements and motivational interviewing techniques designed to promote safer sex behavior by addressing perceived barriers to safer sex.