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1.
Jennifer B. Saunders Marian P. Jarlenski Robert Levy Katy B. Kozhimannil 《Women's health issues》2018,28(2):130-136
Background
Opioid misuse during pregnancy is increasingly common and is associated with preterm birth and neonatal abstinence syndrome. As such, there is increased policy attention on reducing opioid misuse and increasing detection and treatment of opioid use disorder around the time of childbirth.Methods
We conducted a review of peer-reviewed and grey literature to identify policy strategies to address opioid misuse among pregnant women; to describe current federal and state laws that impact women before pregnancy, during pregnancy, at birth, and postpartum; and to identify gaps and challenges related to these efforts.Results
We identify two gaps in current efforts: 1) limited attention to prevention of opioid misuse among reproductive-age women, and 2) lack of policies addressing opioid misuse among postpartum women. We also discuss barriers to accessing care for women who misuse opioids, including provider shortages (e.g., too few addiction medicine specialists accept pregnant women or Medicaid beneficiaries as patients), logistical barriers (e.g., lack of transportation, child care), stigma, and fear of legal consequences.Conclusions
As policymakers pursue strategies to address the opioid epidemic, the unique needs of pregnant and postpartum women and barriers to treatment should be addressed. 相似文献2.
Kriti M. Jain Melissa Davey-Rothwell Norah L. Crossnohere Carl A. Latkin 《Women's health issues》2018,28(3):273-280
Background
Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) prevalence is high, but not well-understood, among women living in urban, impoverished areas. Although previous studies have established social support as an important factor in PTSD development and maintenance, little is known about how perceptions of neighborhood are linked to PTSD. This study examined the relationship between PTSD and social network and neighborhood factors among women with a low socioeconomic status.Methods
We analyzed cross-sectional data collected from a human immunodeficiency virus/sexually transmitted infection peer network study in Baltimore, Maryland (n = 438). We used bivariate analyses to examine the associations between PTSD and social network characteristics and time in neighborhood and satisfaction. We then constructed multivariable regression models that controlled for the following with PTSD: homelessness, cocaine/heroin use, and unemployment.Main Findings
Overall, 30% of women had PTSD symptom severity consistent with a clinical diagnosis. In the multivariable model, dissatisfaction with neighborhood block (odds ratio [OR], 1.80; p = .03) and living in one's neighborhood for more than 5 years (OR, 1.69; p = .03) were associated with PTSD. Social network factors that were significantly associated with PTSD included a higher number of network members in conflict with the participant (OR, 1.28; p = .02), presence of a network member who would let the participant stay with them (OR, 0.4; p = .004), and the number of network members with whom the participant socialized (OR, 0.6; p = .04).Conclusions
In this sample of impoverished urban women with a high prevalence of PTSD, duration of residency, satisfaction with neighborhood, and network characteristics were found to be strongly associated with PTSD symptom severity. 相似文献3.
Introduction
In July 2015, the antiabortion Center for Medical Progress released a covertly filmed video of a Planned Parenthood official discussing the dispensation of postabortion remains for research, a practice the general public was not familiar with. Research shows that people use preexisting frameworks (such as support for or opposition to abortion rights) to make sense of new information. We examine the presence and use of abortion-related movement heuristics, language, and framing in the lay public's engagement with this video and their response to it.Methods
Using modified grounded theory, we analyzed user comments on five online news articles about the video, drawn from sources representing different segments of the spectrum of support for abortion rights, to serve as a proxy for the public conversation.Results
Commenters used language and framing consistent with the abortion rights and antiabortion social movements to debate basic information about this practice (i.e., the language of “fetal tissue” vs “baby parts” and whether the abortion provider profited from the exchange). Discussion of the abortion provider's casual demeanor, however, did not always use movement language and association consistently, with some commenters demonstrating inconsistency between their support for abortion and response to the video.Conclusions
Online commenters largely used language consistent with the contemporary abortion movements’ ideological frames in their engagement about the video. The presence of this language suggests that people may draw on existing frameworks about abortion when they engage with abortion-related information, which could have implications for efforts to address abortion misinformation. 相似文献4.
Background
A large body of research has documented disparities in health and access to care among sexual minority populations, but very little population-based research has focused on the health care needs among pregnant sexual minority women.Methods
Data for this study came from 3,901 reproductive-age (18–44 years) women who identified as lesbian or bisexual and 63,827 reproductive-age women who identified as heterosexual in the 2014–2016 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. Logistic regression models were used to compare health care access, health outcomes, and health behaviors by sexual orientation and pregnancy status while controlling for demographic characteristics and socioeconomic status.Results
Approximately 3% of reproductive-age sexual minority women were pregnant. Pregnant sexual minority women were more likely to have unmet medical care needs owing to cost, frequent mental distress, depression, poor/fair health, activity limitations, chronic conditions, and risky health behaviors compared with pregnant heterosexual women. Nonpregnant sexual minority women were more likely to report barriers to care, activity limitations, chronic conditions, smoking, and binge drinking compared with nonpregnant heterosexual women. Health outcomes were similar between pregnant and nonpregnant sexual minority women, but pregnant sexual minority women were more likely to smoke cigarettes every day compared with other women.Conclusions
This study adds new population-based research to the limited body of evidence on health and access to care for pregnant sexual minority women who may face stressors, discrimination, and stigma before and during pregnancy. More research and programs should focus on perinatal care that is inclusive of diverse families and sexual orientations. 相似文献5.
Charvonne N. Holliday Elizabeth Miller Michele R. Decker Jessica G. Burke Patricia I. Documet Sonya B. Borrero Jay G. Silverman Daniel J. Tancredi Edmund Ricci Heather L. McCauley 《Women's health issues》2018,28(3):205-211
Background
Unintended pregnancy (UIP) is a persistent public health concern in the United States disproportionately experienced by racial/ethnic minorities and women of low socioeconomic status. UIP often occurs with experiences of reproductive coercion (RC) and intimate partner violence (IPV). The purpose of the study was to qualitatively describe and compare contexts for UIP risk between low-income Black and White women with histories of IPV/RC.Study Design
Semistructured interviews were conducted with low-income Black and White women with histories of IPV or RC, ages 18 to 29 years, recruited from family planning clinics in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.Results
Interviews with 10 non-Hispanic Black women and 34 non-Hispanic White women (N = 44) were included in the analysis. Differences between White and Black women emerged regarding IPV/RC experiences, gender roles in intimate relationships, and trauma histories, including childhood adversity. Fatal threats and IPV related to childbearing were most influential among White women. Among Black women, pregnancy was greatly influenced by RC related to impending incarceration, subfertility, and condom nonuse, and decisions about contraception were often dependent on the male. Sexual abuse, including childhood sexual assault, in the context of sexual/reproductive health was more prominent among White women. Childhood experiences of neglect impacted pregnancy intention and love-seeking behaviors among Black women.Conclusions
Racial differences exist in experiences of IPV/RC with regard to UIP even among women with similar economic resources and health care access. These findings provide much-needed context to the persistent racial/ethnic disparities in UIP and illustrate influences beyond differential access to care and socioeconomic status. 相似文献6.
Barrot H. Lambdin Megan Comfort Alex H. Kral Jennifer Lorvick 《Women's health issues》2018,28(5):470-475
Background
Jail is frequently described as a “revolving door,” which can be profoundly destabilizing to people moving in and out of the system. However, there is a dearth of research attempting to understand the impacts of the accumulation of incarceration events on women who use drugs. We examined the association of the frequency of jail incarceration with hardship, perceived health status, and unmet health care need among women who use drugs.Methods
Our community-based sample included women who use heroin, methamphetamine, crack cocaine, and/or powder cocaine (N = 624) in Oakland, California, from 2012 to 2014. Poisson regression models with robust variances were built to estimate adjusted prevalence ratios between the frequency of jail incarcerations and measures of hardship, perceived health, and unmet health care need, adjusting for a set of a priori specified covariates.Results
We observed associations between high levels of jail frequency and higher levels of homelessness (p = .024), feeling unsafe in their living situation (p = .011), stress (p = .047), fair to poor mental health (p = .034), unmet mental health care need (p = .037), and unmet physical health care need (p = .041). We did not observe an association between jail frequency and unmet subsistence needs score or fair to poor physical health.Conclusions
We observed associations between higher levels of jail frequency and a higher prevalence of hardship, poor mental health, and unmet health care need. Our findings suggest areas for additional research to untangle the impacts of frequent incarceration on women's health and well-being. 相似文献7.
Objectives
Screening rates for cervical cancer remain moderate among women over 50 years of age. Because cervical and breast screening interventions can be linked, evaluating screening factors relating to both is important. This study evaluates factors associated with breast and cervical screening participation in women aged 52 to 69.Methods
A cross-sectional study was used to describe characteristics associated with screening behaviors of 1,173,456 eligible women in Ontario, Canada. Overdue for screening was defined as more than 2.5 years from last mammogram or more than 3.5 years from last Pap test. Factors that might influence uptake of mammogram or Pap test were included as covariates in a multivariable multinomial logistic regression model.Results
Overall, 52.4% of eligible women were up-to-date for both, 21.3% were overdue for both, 14.4% were overdue for Pap test but were up-to-date with mammogram, and 11.9% were overdue for mammogram but were up-to-date with Pap test. There was an opposite effect of age on likelihood of being overdue for Pap test only versus mammogram only. Women aged 67 to 69 compared with those 52 to 54 were more likely to be overdue for Pap test only (adjusted odds ratio, 2.3; 95% confidence interval, 2.3–2.4) and less likely to be overdue for mammogram only (adjusted odds ratio, 0.5; 95% confidence interval, 0.5–0.6). A greater proportion of women rostered to a female physician versus a male physician were up-to-date for both (63.7% vs. 51.5%).Conclusions
Comparing screening patterns may provide physician- and patient-directed strategies to increase cervical screening participation by recruiting women who are overdue for Pap test but undergoing breast cancer screening. 相似文献8.
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Shawnita Sealy-Jefferson Michele L. Cote Rowan T. Chlebowski Kathryn M. Rexrode Michael S. Simon 《Women's health issues》2018,28(1):29-34
Background
Associations between a history of cancer and higher subsequent stroke risk have been established. However, whether a history of stroke is associated with higher subsequent cancer risk, especially for cancers with overlapping risk factors for stroke, is unknown. Therefore, we examined whether a history of stroke was associated with subsequent cancer risk and tumor site, by race/ethnicity, among postmenopausal women.Methods
Using data from 145,075 participants in the Women's Health Initiative observational study and clinical trials (1993–2014), we used Cox proportional hazards models to predict cancer risk, comparing women with and without a history of stroke. Bivariate and multivariate models were estimated, accounting for potential confounders and death as a competing risk.Results
Women with a history of stroke survived roughly 3 fewer years than women without such history. The average time between incident stroke and incident cancer was 4.8 years. In adjusted competing risk models, women with a history of stroke had a lower cancer risk compared with women without such a history (adjusted hazard ratio, 0.81; 95% CI, 0.75–0.88). The magnitude of the association between a history of stroke and time to incident cancer was similar across racial/ethnic groups.Discussion
Postmenopausal women with a history of stroke had a significantly lower risk of subsequent cancer compared with women with no history of stroke. Although the risk of certain cancers were greater for African American compared with White women, the association between a stroke history and cancer risk did not vary by race/ethnicity.Conclusions
Postmenopausal women with a history of stroke, who survive long enough to develop cancer, have a lower risk of cancer than women without such a history. Future studies should examine whether behavioral or clinical characteristics explain and/or mediate this association. 相似文献11.
Katy B. Kozhimannil Ifeoma Muoto Blair G. Darney Aaron B. Caughey Jonathan M. Snowden 《Women's health issues》2018,28(3):224-231
Background
In 2011, Oregon implemented a policy that reduced the state's rate of early (before 39 weeks' gestation) elective (without medical need) births.Objective
This analysis measured differential policy effects by race, examining whether Oregon's policy was associated with changes in non-Hispanic Black–White disparities in early elective cesarean and labor induction.Methods
We used Oregon birth certificate data, defining prepolicy (2008–2010) and postpolicy (2012–2014) periods, including non-Hispanic Black and White women who gave birth during these periods (n = 121,272). We used longitudinal spline models to assess policy impacts by race and probability models to measure policy-associated changes in Black–White disparities.Results
We found that the prepolicy Black–White differences in early elective cesarean (6.1% vs. 4.3%) were eliminated after policy implementation (2.8% vs. 2.5%); adjusted models show decreases in the odds of elective early cesarean among Black women after the policy change (adjusted odds ratio, 0.47; 95% confidence interval, 0.22–1.00; p = .050) and among White women (adjusted odds ratio, 0.79; 95% confidence interval, 0.67–0.93; p = .006). Adjusted probability models indicated that policy implementation resulted in a 1.75-percentage point narrowing (p = .011) in the Black–White disparity in early elective cesarean. Early elective induction also decreased, from 4.9% and 4.7% for non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic White women to 3.8% and 2.5%, respectively; the policy was not associated with a statistically significant change in disparities.Conclusions
A statewide policy reduced racial disparities in early elective cesarean, but not early elective induction. Attention to differential policy effects by race may reveal changes in disparities, even when that is not the intended focus of the policy. 相似文献12.
Veronica X. Vela Elizabeth W. Patton Darshak Sanghavi Susan F. Wood Peter Shin Sara Rosenbaum 《Women's health issues》2018,28(2):137-143
Context
Long-acting reversible contraception (LARC) is the most effective reversible method to prevent unplanned pregnancies. Variability in state-level policies and the high cost of LARC could create substantial inconsistencies in Medicaid coverage, despite federal guidance aimed at enhancing broad access. This study surveyed state Medicaid payment policies and outreach activities related to LARC to explore the scope of services covered.Methods
Using publicly available information, we performed a content analysis of state Medicaid family planning and LARC payment policies. Purposeful sampling led to a selection of nine states with diverse geographic locations, political climates, Medicaid expansion status, and the number of women covered by Medicaid.Results
All nine states' Medicaid programs covered some aspects of LARC. However, only a single state's payment structure incorporated all core aspects of high-quality LARC service delivery, including counseling, device, insertion, removal, and follow-up care. Most states did not explicitly address counseling, device removal, or follow-up care. Some states had strategies to enhance access, including policies to increase device reimbursement, stocking and delivery programs to remove cost barriers, and covering devices and insertion after an abortion.Conclusions
Although Medicaid policy encourages LARC methods, state payment policies frequently fail to address key aspects of care, including counseling, follow-up care, and removal, resulting in highly variable state-level practices. Although some states include payment policy innovations to support LARC access, significant opportunities remain. 相似文献13.
Sarah M. Wilson Amie R. Newins Alyssa M. Medenblik Nathan A. Kimbrel Eric A. Dedert Terrell A. Hicks Lydia C. Neal Jean C. Beckham Patrick S. Calhoun 《Women's health issues》2018,28(6):514-523
Objectives
Prenatal smoking is the leading preventable cause of poor obstetric outcomes, yet treatment options are limited. Past reviews of prenatal smoking cessation have often grouped all counseling into a single category, which ignores the fact that psychotherapy is distinct from brief counseling. The objective of this study was to compare the effect sizes of two intensive interventions for prenatal smoking cessation: contingency management (i.e., financial incentives for abstinence) and psychotherapy.Methods
A systematic search for randomized controlled trials testing the efficacy of contingency management or psychotherapy was completed using PubMed, PsycINFO, Web of Science, the Cochrane Library, and EMBASE. Independent raters extracted data and assessed trials for risk of bias. Treatment effects were analyzed for three times points: late pregnancy, early postpartum, and late postpartum.Results
The search yielded 22 studies, and meta-analytic results indicated that interventions (compared with control groups) generally increased the odds of abstinence. Moderator analyses indicated that intervention type (contingency management vs. psychotherapy) accounted for variability in effect sizes. When comparing treatment type, effects of contingency management interventions were significantly greater than those of psychotherapeutic interventions. Although psychotherapy did not affect smoking abstinence, contingency management interventions had significant treatment effects at all three time points.Conclusions
Contingency management seems to be a safe and efficacious prenatal smoking cessation treatment. Although psychotherapy alone did not show an effect on prenatal smoking abstinence, future research may seek to combine this approach with contingency management to promote prenatal smoking cessation. 相似文献14.
Background
Little research documents the self-identified reproductive health priorities and health care experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ)-identified individuals who may be in need of services.Methods
We conducted in-depth interviews with a diverse sample of 39 female-assigned-at-birth individuals (ages 18–44) who also identified as lesbian, bisexual, queer, and/or genderqueer, or transmasculine. Interviews were primarily conducted in person in the Bay Area of California, and Baltimore, Maryland, with 11 conducted remotely with participants in other U.S. locations. We asked participants about their current reproductive health care needs, topics they felt researchers should pursue, and past reproductive health care experiences. Data were analyzed using a framework method, incorporating deductive and inductive thematic analysis techniques.Results
Reproductive health care needs among participants varied widely and included treatment of polycystic ovary syndrome and irregular menses, gender-affirming hysterectomies, and fertility assistance. Many faced challenges getting their needs met. Themes related to these challenges cross-cutting across identity groups included primary focus on fertility, provider lack of LGBTQ health competency relevant to reproductive health priorities and treatment, and discriminatory comments and treatment. Across themes and identity groups, participants highlighted that sexual activity and reproduction were central topics in reproductive health care settings. These topics facilitated identity disclosures to providers, but also enhanced vulnerability to discrimination.Conclusions
Reproductive health priorities of LGBTQ individuals include needs similar to cisgender and heterosexual groups (e.g., abortion, contraception, PCOS) as well as unique needs (e.g., gender affirming hysterectomies, inclusive safer sex guidance) and challenges in pursuing care. Future reproductive health research should pursue health care concerns prioritized by LGBTQ populations. 相似文献15.
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Background
Previous research shows that sexual minority women have higher rates of unintended pregnancy than heterosexual women, but has not considered the wide range of contraceptive method effectiveness when exploring this disparity. We examine contraceptive use effectiveness and desire for pregnancy prevention information among college women across sexual orientation identity as a risk factor for unintended pregnancy.Methods
Using the National College Health Assessment Fall 2015 dataset, restricted to women who reported engaging in vaginal sex and not wanting to be pregnant (N = 6,486), logistic regression models estimated the odds of contraceptive method effectiveness and desire for pregnancy prevention information by sexual orientation.Results
Most women (57%) reported using a moderately effective contraceptive method (e.g., pill, patch, ring, shot) at last vaginal sex. Compared with heterosexual women, bisexual (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 0.48; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.37–0.62), lesbian (aOR, 0.03; 95% CI, 0.02–0.06), pansexual/queer (aOR, 0.38; 95% CI, 0.25-.56), and other (aOR, 0.50; 95% CI, 0.30–0.81) women were significantly less likely to have used a moderately effective method compared with no method. Only 9% of the sample used a highly effective method; asexual (aOR, 0.58; 95% CI, 0.37–0.92) and lesbian (aOR, 0.07; 95% CI, 0.03–0.20) women were significantly less likely than heterosexual women to have used these methods. Pansexual/queer and bisexual women were more likely than heterosexual women to desire pregnancy prevention information.Conclusions
Several groups of sexual minority women were less likely than heterosexual women to use highly or moderately effective contraceptive methods, putting them at increased risk for unintended pregnancy, but desired pregnancy prevention information. These findings bring attention to the importance of patient-centered sexual and reproductive care to reduce unintended pregnancy. 相似文献18.
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Emily M. Johnston Andrea E. Strahan Peter Joski Anne L. Dunlop E. Kathleen Adams 《Women's health issues》2018,28(2):122-129