Medicaid and pregnancy: issues in expanding eligibility

Recent federal and state policy has expanded Medicaid eligibility to provide health insurance coverage for pregnant women with family incomes below 133 percent of the federal poverty level. It has yet to be determined how such expanded coverage will affect enrollment in Medicaid or use of prenatal care. Using 1983 data from three states with widely divergent Medicaid programs--including one that already had most of the expanded eligibility options available today--this study found that about 40-60 percent of women who were covered by Medicaid at the time of their deliveries had not been enrolled in the program when they became pregnant. In addition, a large number of women did not receive Medicaid-covered prenatal care early in pregnancy, even though they were enrolled at that time. Almost all women in the study group visited more than one ambulatory care provider at some time during the nine months before birth and one year following birth; 29-51 percent visited more than one hospital outpatient department.     

The effects of variations in AFDC and Medicaid eligibility on prenatal care use.

Despite substantial evidence linking improved pregnancy outcomes with receipt of prenatal care and recent improvements in prenatal care utilization, specific subpopulations continue to receive less than adequate care. The study reported here examined the effects on prenatal care utilization of differences among states in AFDC and Medicaid eligibility policies. The study was based on information obtained from birth certificates and a mailed questionnaire to stratified random samples of all women experiencing live births during specified periods in four states. States were selected to provide comparisons between two states with liberal AFDC and Medicaid eligibility standards--Wisconsin and Colorado--and two states--Maine and Texas--which had more restrictive standards at the time data were collected. Study findings generally indicate that more liberal AFDC/Medicaid eligibility standards improve the adequacy of prenatal care among low income women. They also suggest, however, that the often lengthy eligibility process may actually pose barriers to care.     

Drawing women into prenatal care

Participation in prenatal care services in the United States is low relative to that in many other developed countries, and rates of use are declining among some high risk groups. In 1986, 18 percent of all U.S. infants were born to women who delayed care until the second trimester of pregnancy; four percent, to women who initiated care in the third trimester; and about two percent, to women who obtained no prenatal care at all. Among the major barriers to prenatal care are inadequate insurance coverage, limitations in the Medicaid program, inadequate capacity in the maternity care system, lack of coordination between health and social services for low-income women and inhospitable conditions at some sites where prenatal care is delivered. The personal beliefs, knowledge, attitudes, fears and lifestyles of some pregnant women also constitute obstacles to care. For example, having an unwanted pregnancy, attaching little value to prenatal care and having a tenuous connection to the health care system in general are important predictors of insufficient care. Encouraging universal participation in prenatal care will require a major overhaul of the maternity care system. However, while consensus for fundamental reform builds, several immediate steps should be taken--such as reducing financial barriers to care; expanding the capacity of the maternity care system; improving the policies and practices that shape prenatal services at the site where they are delivered; and increasing public information.     

Health service use and outcomes among disabled Medicaid pregnant women

PURPOSE: We investigated differences in health service use and pregnancy outcomes among women enrolled in Medicaid under eligibility categories for the blind and disabled and those enrolled under other eligibility categories. METHODS: We used Medicaid enrollment and claims data to create episodes of pregnancy- and delivery-related care for women with and without disabilities who had Medicaid-covered deliveries in Florida, Georgia, and New Jersey during 1995 and Texas during 1997. We linked birth certificate information on prenatal care and birth outcomes to the files for Georgia and Texas. We then computed the unadjusted and adjusted odds ratios for the receipt of selected routine prenatal and illness-related services and the occurrence of selected pregnancy outcomes among women with disabilities relative to women without disabilities. FINDINGS: In all states, women with disabilities were more likely than women without disabilities to have had continuous Medicaid coverage from preconception through the postnatal period. Women with disabilities were equally or less likely to have received adequate prenatal care compared to women without disabilities in the two study states with these data. They were also more likely to have had emergency room visits, hospital admissions during pregnancy, cesarean deliveries, and readmissions within 3 months of delivery in all study states. We also found women with disabilities to have been more likely to deliver preterm and low birthweight infants. CONCLUSION: Our results suggest that opportunities exist to improve access to prenatal care among women with disabilities enrolled in Medicaid under blind and disabled eligibility categories who become pregnant.     

Prenatal care use and health insurance status.

Many observers explain the prevalence of inadequate prenatal care in the United States by citing demographic or psychosocial factors. But few have evaluated the barriers faced by women with different health insurance status and socioeconomic backgrounds. In this study of 149 women at six hospitals in Minneapolis, insurance status was significantly related to the source of prenatal care (p less than .0001). Private physicians cared for 52 percent of privately insured, 23 percent of Medicaid-insured, and two percent of uninsured women. Public clinics were the primary source of care for Medicaid and uninsured women, who, compared to privately insured women, experienced longer waiting times (p less than .001) during prenatal visits and were more likely (p less than .01) to lack continuity of care with a provider. Multiple measures, including expanding Medicaid eligibility, may help correct these problems.     

Initiation of prenatal care by low-income Hispanic women in Houston.

OBJECTIVE: To understand why many Hispanic women begin prenatal care in the later stages of pregnancy. METHODS: The authors compared the demographic profile, insurance status, and health beliefs--including the perceived benefits of and barriers to initiating prenatal care--of low-income Hispanic women who initiated prenatal care at different times during pregnancy or received no prenatal care. RESULTS: A perception of many barriers to care was associated with later initiation of care and non-use of care. Perceiving more benefits of care for the baby was associated with earlier initiation of care, as was having an eligibility card for hospital district services. Several barriers to care were mentioned by women on open-ended questioning, including long waiting times, embarrassment the physical examination, and lack of transportation. CONCLUSIONS: Recommendations for practice included decreasing the number of visits for women at low risk for poor pregnancy outcomes while increasing the time spent with the provider at each visit, decreasing the number of vaginal examinations for low risk women, increasing the use of midwives, training lay workers to do risk assessment, emphasizing specific messages about benefits to the baby, and increasing general health motivation to seek preventive care through community interventions.     

Medicaid and pregnant women: who is being enrolled and when

Medicaid eligibility expansions and improved enrollment procedures for pregnant women during the late 1980s are examined in this article. Results show that the number of births financed by Medicaid has increased dramatically, and that women are enrolling earlier in the course of pregnancy. Nevertheless, problems continue to exist. If substantial numbers of women continue to enroll late in pregnancy, the expansions may not promote significantly earlier use of prenatal care.     

Risk status and pregnancy outcome among medicaid recipients

Although Medicaid has increased access to medical care for low-income pregnant women, the Medicaid population remains at high risk for poor pregnancy outcomes. In 1983 the Michigan Department of Public Health conducted 1 week of in-hospital, postpartum interviews addressing risk factors for poor pregnancy outcome among 1,945 women. These births represented over 90% of the births during the study period and constituted a sample of approximately 1.5% of the yearly births in Michigan. Of these women, 24.6% reported receiving Medicaid during pregnancy. The demographic characteristics of the Medicaid women placed them at greater risk for poor pregnancy outcomes than either insured or uninsured women. In terms of medical services, Medicaid recipients began prenatal care later and had fewer visits. In terms of behavioral risks, more Medicaid recipients reported tobacco and alcohol use than did the other mothers. Finally, the infants of Medicaid recipients were 200 g lighter than the other infants. We suggest that the Medicaid program--the major source of prenatal health care for these women--is not adequate to address their risks for poor pregnancy outcomes.     

Health insurance coverage-enrollment and adequacy of prenatal care utilization.

Most studies have concluded that good prenatal care plays an essential role in improving birth outcomes, and numerous reports have documented barriers to adequate prenatal care. The relationship between health care insurance eligibility and enrollment procedures and adequacy of prenatal care, however, has not been suitably investigated. This study used data from a statewide representative sample of recently delivered women in South Carolina to assess (1) patterns of health care insurance source and (2) the independent effects of Medicaid enrollment and application procedures on receipt of prenatal care. Health insurance during pregnancy varied by sociodemographic characteristics. Black women's experiences with Medicaid enrollment and application procedures were associated with less than adequate prenatal care. Programmatic efforts and policies should emphasize further improvement in the systems of health care access and delivery to disadvantaged women.     

Access to neonatal intensive care for low-birthweight infants: the role of maternal characteristics.

OBJECTIVES. This study assessed the impact of mother's race, insurance status, and use of prenatal care on very low birthweight infant delivery in or transfer to hospitals with neonatal intensive care units (ICUs). METHODS. Multivariate analysis of Alabama vital statistics records between 1988 and 1990 for infants weighing 500 to 1499 g was conducted, comparing hospital of birth and maternal and infant transfer status, and controlling for infant birthweight and for maternal pregnancy history and demographic characteristics. RESULTS. With other factors adjusted for, non-White mothers with early prenatal care were more likely than White mothers to deliver their very low birthweight infants in hospitals with neonatal ICUs without transfer. Among the mothers who presented first at hospitals without such facilities, those who had late prenatal care were less likely than those with early care to be transferred to hospitals with neonatal ICUs before delivery. Medicaid coverage increased the likelihood of antenatal transfer for White women. Likelihood of infant transfer was not associated with these maternal characteristics. CONCLUSIONS. Maternal race, prenatal care use, and insurance status may influence the likelihood that very low birthweight infants will have access to neonatal intensive care. Interventions to improve perinatal regionalization should address individual and system barriers to the timely referral of high-risk mothers.     

Prenatal care comparisons among privately insured, uninsured, and Medicaid-enrolled women

Women without health insurance and those covered by Medicaid have been shown to obtain prenatal care later in pregnancy and make fewer visits for care than do women with private insurance. Factors that keep women from obtaining care include inadequate maternity care resources, difficulty in securing financial coverage, and the psychosocial issues of pregnancy. This study identified and compared prenatal care use patterns, insurance coverage changes, and psychosocial factors among 149 women in Minneapolis, MN, with private health insurance, Medicaid, and no health insurance. Little information has been available on the insurance status of women at the start of pregnancy and the paths subsequently taken to obtain financial coverage for prenatal care.     

State efforts to expand Medicaid-funded family planning show promise

The US government provides 90% of the cost of family planning (FP) services to people eligible for Medicaid, while states contribute the rest and set eligibility ceilings. In the past, only families on welfare received Medicaid, but broader eligibility criteria were created to cover low-income pregnant ("expansion") women until 60 days postpartum, and several states received waivers to extend services beyond this limit. Eight states offer expansion women an additional 2-5 years of FP services, one state offers FP services for 2 years to all women losing regular Medicaid, and four states extend FP services to all low-income women not previously covered by Medicaid. In addition, California provides solely state-funded FP services to women and men with incomes below 200% of the poverty level. Some of these approaches pose outreach challenges, and states have adopted different strategies to extend eligibility to the target population. Data on program enrollment indicate that the state efforts have the potential to reach large numbers of women and to support the work of nonprofit FP clinics. The next step, to expand the program to other states, would be facilitated if Congress obviated the need for states to seek an expansion waiver. Rhode Island's program quickly improved birth intervals for women with Medicaid-funded births so that they were virtually identical to those of privately-insured women and prevented 1443 Medicaid-eligible deliveries, saving $14.3 million through a program that cost $5.7 million from 1994 to 1997.     

Low-birth-weight rate reduced by the obstetrical access project.

Obstetrical (OB) access was a Medicaid pilot project that operated in 13 California counties from July 1979 through June 1982. The project goals were to both improve access to care in underserved areas and improve pregnancy outcomes by providing enhanced prenatal care, including psychosocial, health education, and nutrition services. The project registered 6,774 women. The findings were: 87 percent of the registrants started prenatal care during the first or second trimester; 84 percent of the registrants completed care in the project; OB access mothers had a low-birth-weight rate of 4.7 percent, compared with 7.0 percent for a matched control group, suggesting a 33-percent reduction in low birth weight through the project; and the benefit-cost ratio of this program was about 2 to 1 for the short run because of savings in neonatal intensive care services. The State of California approved legislation in 1984 authorizing the project's scope of services for the Medi-Cal recipients on a statewide basis.     

The effect of Medicaid eligibility expansions on fertility

In the United States, pregnant women and children’s eligibility for Medicaid was expanded dramatically during the 1980s and early 1990s. By lowering pregnancy and child health care costs, the Medicaid expansions may have increased the incentives for women to have children. To investigate this possibility, we examine whether state-level birth and abortion rates are related to the extent of states’ Medicaid eligibility expansions and the fraction of women eligible for Medicaid, controlling for economic and demographic factors, during the period 1982 to 1996. We examine birth rates by race, marital status and education as well as overall abortion rates. We find little evidence that the Medicaid expansions led to changes in birth rates or abortion rates. However, some results do suggest that the Medicaid expansions boosted the birth rate among white women who have not completed high school. We find that restrictions on Medicaid funding of abortions decrease abortion rates and increase birth rates. The results thus do not provide definitive evidence that expansions in public health insurance eligibility have sizable effects on women’s fertility.     

Medicaid managed care in Chicago: changes in utilization

In 1993, Illinois implemented Healthy Moms/Healthy Kids (HM/HK) in Chicago, a Medicaid managed care program for pregnant women and children. This study examines changes in immunizations for children (n = 134,072), prenatal care use for pregnant women (n = 5,151), and inpatient stays for mothers (n = 5,151) and newborns (n = 2,699) under the HM/HK program as compared with fee-for-service Medicaid in 1992 and 1993. HM/HK children were 10 percent more likely to receive any immunizations, and HM/HK pregnant women were 13 percent more likely to receive some prenatal care. Mothers' inpatient stays at delivery did not change under HM/HK. The length of newborn stays fell between 1992 and 1993, with both the HM/HK and the Medicaid 1993 comparison group deliveries associated with statistically shorter stays. During the early months of the program, improvements in the quantity of expected preventive care received were evident among children and women.     

A comparison of Medicaid and non-Medicaid obstetrical care in California

The use of prenatal care and rates of low birth weight were examined among four groups of women who delivered in California in October 1983. Medicaid paid for the deliveries of two groups, and two groups were not so covered. The analyses suggest that longer Medicaid enrollment improved the use of prenatal care. The association between prenatal care and birth weight was less clear. For women under Medicaid, measures of infant and maternal morbidity, hospital characteristics, and Medicaid eligibility were all statistically related to charges, payments, and length of stay for the delivery hospitalization.     

An evaluation of a Medicaid managed maternity program: the impact of comprehensive care coordination on utilization and pregnancy outcome

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of the implementation of a Medicaid managed maternity care program in a public health department service population, analyzing race-specific models of WIC participation and risk of small-for-gestational age of term. There were 13,095 singleton deliveries during the period 1987-1990 to women with prenatal care in this managed maternity care program. The research design entailed comparison of the intervention group (those receiving regular prenatal care plus comprehensive care coordination in 1989-90) with an historical comparison group of women who received only regular prenatal care in the two years (1987-88).     

An evaluation of a Medicaid managed maternity program: the impact of comprehensive care coordination on utilization and pregnancy outcomes

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of the implementation of a Medicaid managed maternity care program in a public health department service population, analyzing race-specific models of WIC participation and risk of small-for-gestational age of term. There were 13,095 singleton deliveries during the period 1987-1990 to women with prenatal care in this managed maternity care program. The research design entailed comparison of the intervention group (those receiving regular prenatal care plus comprehensive care coordination in 1989-90) with an historical comparison group of women who received only regular prenatal care in the two years (1987-88). For the intervention groups, black women were 1.7 times and white women 2.1 times more likely to participate in WIC than their comparison groups. The impact of care coordination on term-SGA births indicates a protective odds ratio of 0.851 for black women. Results for white women were not significant. These findings suggest that care coordination is associated with an increase in WIC participation and with lower risk of term-SGA births for black women but not for white women. The overall results add to growing evidence regarding the efficacy of comprehensive care coordination in improving specific pregnancy outcomes and inform our understanding of the evaluation of a comprehensive approach in preventive, community-based intervention.     

The need for prenatal care in the United States: evidence from the 1980 National Natality Survey

Seventy-eight percent of U.S. mothers begin prenatal care during the first three months of pregnancy; 18 percent wait until the second three months; and five percent wait until the third trimester or receive no care at all. Patterns of prenatal care vary widely among population subgroups: Mothers younger than 18 and unmarried mothers are the least likely to obtain first-trimester care (49 percent and 56 percent, respectively), and the most likely to obtain care only in the third trimester or none at all (about 12 percent of each group). Women aged 18-19, blacks, Hispanics, poor women and women with little education also have disproportionately high levels of very late or no care (7-9 percent). Married, white, nonpoor women, in contrast, obtain the most timely prenatal care: In 1980, only two percent initiated care in the third trimester or received no care. Compared with this subgroup of women, the population as a whole has two times the risk of obtaining inadequate care. Unmarried women run the highest relative risk (five times the risk for married, white, nonpoor women), followed by teenagers, Hispanic women, women with little education, poor women and blacks (who have from three to more than four times the risk of the comparison group).     

Medicaid patients' access to office-based obstetricians

Recent expansion of the eligibility of low-income pregnant women for Medicaid-funded prenatal care may be jeopardized by undersupplies of obstetricians and gynecologists (OB/GYNs) in rural and urban low-income areas and by widely reported declines in the number of OB/GYNs willing to accept Medicaid patients. This paper examines the availability of office-based obstetric care to Medicaid patients in Illinois. We present and test a model of the determinants of Medicaid participation by private, office-based OB/GYNs that highlights the role of residential segregation and practice economics. We find that a large growth in demand for obstetrical care or the enhancement of Medicaid fees is unlikely to have a major effect on OB/GYN participation in Medicaid. We conclude that improving access will require expanding the supply of providers in underserved areas.