Discrimination and Substance Use Disorders Among Latinos: The Role of Gender,Nativity, and Ethnicity

Objectives. We examined the relationship between discrimination and substance use disorders among a diverse sample of Latinos. We also investigated whether the relationship between discrimination and substance use disorders varied by gender, nativity, and ethnicity.Methods. Our analyses focused on 6294 Latinos who participated in the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions from 2004 to 2005. We used multinomial logistic regression to examine the association between discrimination and substance use disorders.Results. Discrimination was significantly associated with increased odds of alcohol and drug use disorders among Latinos. However, the relationship between discrimination and substance use disorders varied by gender, nativity, and ethnicity. Discrimination was associated with increased odds of alcohol and drug use disorders for certain groups, such as women, US-born Latinos, and Mexicans, but this relationship did not follow the same pattern for other subgroups.Conclusions. It is important to determine which subgroups among Latinos may be particularly vulnerable to the negative effects of discrimination to address their needs.Latinos are the largest ethnic or racial minority group in the United States1 and the fastest growing group entering substance abuse treatment programs.2 Although Latinos are disproportionately affected by substance abuse,3 they have been understudied.4 Previous research shows that high levels of poverty, minority status, and residential concentration in areas with widespread drug and alcohol distribution have been considered to be factors that may put Latinos at risk for substance use disorders.5 More recently, discrimination has also been considered to be a risk factor.6,7 As studies aim toward filling the gap in the literature, the heterogeneity of Latinos must also be considered.Discrimination has been associated with alcohol and drug use8–13 and substance use disorders among Latinos.6,7 Stress-coping frameworks and the minority stress model have been applied to hypothesize that individuals belonging to various marginalized groups respond to experiences of discrimination with unhealthy coping behaviors, such as substance use.14,15 Moreover, discrimination may lead to underemployment, lower wages, and limited access to health services and other resources that can affect health outcomes.16 In this way, discrimination operates at both the interpersonal and institutional levels simultaneously to situate individuals on different health trajectories, fostering and reinforcing poor health behaviors and outcomes.16,17The association between discrimination and substance use has been previously documented for Latinos and other groups. However, reviews of the literature have called for more granular analysis of specific risk patterns. One specific area needing analysis is whether some subgroups of Latinos are at higher risk of substance use related to discrimination than others. The identification of subgroups is an important first step toward the development of targeted population-level approaches and tailored interventions.In the present study, we focused on subgroups based on gender, nativity, and ethnicity (country of origin or heritage country). These subgroups were based on ascribed characteristics that refer to immutable characteristics (vs achieved characteristics, such as education) that are given status value.18,19 The status value placed on these characteristics can drive discrimination; for example, when men are considered more valuable than women and when US-born individuals are considered more valuable than immigrants.18,19 At the same time, these characteristics (gender, nativity, and ethnicity) are also associated with substance use disorders.Gender differences in substance use disorders are not unique to Latinos. Across racial/ethnic groups, men consistently have higher prevalence of substance use disorders. Using data from the National Latino and Asian American Study, the lifetime prevalence of alcohol use disorders was 16.7% for Latino men and 4.3% for Latina women.20 Research also shows that Latino men generally reported higher levels of discrimination compared with Latina women.13,21 Data from the National Latino and Asian American Study showed that 39% of Latino men, compared with 29% of Latina women, reported discrimination.22 These authors suggested that these patterns might be the result of minority men being more exposed and vulnerable to racial bias from social institutions. These higher rates of substance use and discrimination among men also appeared to be jointly related. A recent study found that discrimination was associated with increased risk of drug abuse among Latino men, but not Latina women.6 This interaction might occur because of greater cultural acceptability among men overall to use substances to cope with stress compared with women. In contrast, women were found to rely on social support and to turn to food to cope with stress.23–25 Other specific factors, such as abuse history,26 were found to be more central in predicting risk of substance use disorders among Latina women. Thus, we expected that discrimination would have a stronger relationship with substance use disorders among Latino men than Latina women.Similar to health differences by gender, differences by nativity are not unique to Latinos. Overall, foreign-born individuals tend to be healthier than their US-born counterparts. Lifetime rates of substance use disorders were higher among US-born than foreign-born Latinos (19.6% vs 5.5%, respectively).20 Previous studies also found greater reporting of discrimination among US-born Latinos; 47% of US-born compared with 25% of foreign-born Latinos reported discrimination.22 However, discrimination might be more harmful to foreign-born Latinos because they are less likely to enjoy citizenship rights (e.g., voting privileges, access to educational scholarships) that might help temper some of the stressful effects of discrimination. From this perspective, we expected that discrimination would have a stronger relationship with substance use disorders among foreign-born than US-born Latinos.Finally, it is also important to consider ethnicity. There is some indication of variation in rates of substance use across these groups. Cubans were found to have lower odds of substance use disorders compared with Puerto Ricans.27 In addition, there was good evidence for variation in reporting of discrimination.28 For example, 40% of Puerto Ricans reported discrimination compared with 34% of Mexicans and 16% of Cubans.22 This variation might be attributed to gradations based on socioeconomic resources that differ by Latino ethnicity.29 Gradations based on socioeconomic resources could dictate the risks and resources individuals have exposure and access to, affecting coping mechanisms. Thus, we expected the relationship between discrimination and substance use disorders to vary by ethnicity as well.In sum, based on this literature, we hypothesized that discrimination would be associated with increased risk of substance use disorders among Latinos overall, and that the relationship between discrimination and substance use disorders would vary by ascribed characteristics. Specifically, we theorized that the relationship between discrimination and substance use disorders would be stronger among men compared with women, among foreign-born Latinos compared with US-born Latinos, and among Mexicans and Puerto Ricans compared with Cubans.     

A nationwide analysis of US racial/ethnic disparities in smoking behaviors, smoking cessation, and cessation-related factors

Objectives. We used nationally representative data to examine racial/ethnic disparities in smoking behaviors, smoking cessation, and factors associated with cessation among US adults.Methods. We analyzed data on adults aged 20 to 64 years from the 2003 Tobacco Use Supplement to the Current Population Survey, and we examined associations by fitting adjusted logistic regression models to the data.Results. Compared with non-Hispanic Whites, smaller proportions of African Americans, Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders, and Hispanics/Latinos had ever smoked. Significantly fewer African Americans reported long-term quitting. Racial/ethnic minorities were more likely to be light and intermittent smokers and less likely to smoke within 30 minutes of waking. Adjusted models revealed that racial/ethnic minorities were not less likely to receive advice from health professionals to quit smoking, but they were less likely to use nicotine replacement therapy.Conclusions. Specific needs and ideal program focuses for cessation may vary across racial/ethnic groups, such that approaches tailored by race/ethnicity might be optimal. Traditional conceptualizations of cigarette addiction and the quitting process may need to be revised for racial/ethnic minority smokers.Racial/ethnic minorities in the United States experience a disproportionate burden of smoking-related diseases, including cancer and heart disease, despite having larger proportions of light and intermittent smokers and generally lower adult smoking prevalence rates than non-Hispanic Whites.^1–3 Racial/ethnic minorities are also less likely to quit smoking successfully than are non-Hispanic Whites.^4–8 For example, rates of successful smoking cessation among African American smokers are lower than they are among non-Hispanic Whites, despite reports citing lower cigarette consumption.^2,5,7,9 Similarly, Hispanics/Latinos do not experience higher rates of successful quitting than non-Hispanic Whites, despite being more likely to be light and intermittent smokers.^2,9 There is currently no evidence indicating that Asian Americans quit at higher rates than non-Hispanic Whites in the United States.¹⁰ The examination of racial/ethnic disparities in smoking behaviors, successful quitting, and factors associated with quitting can provide valuable information for focusing strategies for groups currently experiencing lower rates of successful smoking cessation, and can lead to decreases in smoking-related disease rates across all racial/ethnic populations.Previous research on population-level data has found several factors to be associated with successful smoking cessation. For example, banning smoking in one''s home can greatly increase the chances of successfully quitting smoking. The presence of a complete ban on smoking in one''s home is associated with being quit for at least 90 days¹¹ and with being a former smoker.¹² However, an analysis of national data found that smaller percentages of non-Hispanic Whites (64.0%) and African Americans (64.4%) have a complete home smoking ban than do Hispanics/Latinos (78.0%) and Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders (79.2%).¹³ Being advised to quit smoking by health care professionals, especially physicians, has also been associated with increased rates of smoking cessation.^14–17 Despite progress in smokers being advised to quit by health care practitioners in the past 5 years, African American and Hispanic/Latino smokers remain less likely than non-Hispanic Whites to be advised to quit.^16,18 Finally, although evidence of the effectiveness of nicotine replacement therapy (NRT) at the population level has been challenged recently,^19,20 there is evidence that NRT can aid successful cessation.^17,21–23 There is substantial evidence that racial/ethnic minorities are less likely to be prescribed NRT^14,15,18 and to use NRT to quit smoking.^23–25The Tobacco Use Supplements to the Current Population Surveys (TUS-CPS) have provided invaluable data for the examination of various smoking-related issues at the national level.^11,13 In 2003, the TUS-CPS included a special supplement that focused heavily on smoking cessation. This supplement was the first TUS-CPS with this focus (and is the only one to date), and it provides arguably the richest representative national-level data on smoking cessation in the United States. This special supplement thus presented a unique opportunity to examine in detail the disparities between racial/ethnic groups in smoking cessation and important related factors.For our study, we hypothesized the following: (1) African Americans would experience less success in quitting smoking than would non-Hispanic Whites, (2) Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders and Hispanics/Latinos would be more likely to have a complete home smoking ban than would non-Hispanic Whites, (3) African Americans and Hispanics/Latinos would be less likely than would non-Hispanic Whites to report being advised by a health professional to quit smoking, and (4) racial/ethnic minorities would be less likely to use NRT than would non-Hispanic Whites.To examine these hypotheses, we conducted a secondary data analysis of the 2003 TUS-CPS to assess smoking cessation rates and examine how factors associated with successful smoking cessation differed across racial/ethnic groups among adults in the United States. Findings from this report may provide insight into optimal design of targeted smoking cessation interventions for members of specific racial/ethnic groups.     

Pathways and Correlates Connecting Latinos' Mental Health With Exposure to the United States

Objectives. We examined potential pathways by which time in the United States may relate to differences in the predicted probability of past-year psychiatric disorder among Latino immigrants as compared with US-born Latinos.Methods. We estimated predicted probabilities of psychiatric disorder for US-born and immigrant groups with varying time in the United States, adjusting for different combinations of covariates. We examined 6 pathways by which time in the United States could be associated with psychiatric disorders.Results. Increased time in the United States is associated with higher risk of psychiatric disorders among Latino immigrants. After adjustment for covariates, differences in psychiatric disorder rates between US-born and immigrant Latinos disappear. Discrimination and family cultural conflict appear to play a significant role in the association between time in the United States and the likelihood of developing psychiatric disorders.Conclusions. Increased perceived discrimination and family cultural conflict are pathways by which acculturation might relate to deterioration of mental health for immigrants. Future studies assessing how these implicit pathways evolve as contact with US culture increases may help to identify strategies for ensuring maintenance of mental health for Latino immigrants.It has been shown that Latino immigrants have better mental health than their US-born counterparts and non-Latino Whites, despite having disadvantaged socioeconomic status^1–3 (the “immigrant paradox”). It has also been shown that the mental health of immigrants declines over time in the host country³ (the “acculturation hypothesis”). Our findings from the National Latino and Asian American Study (NLAAS) on the prevalence of psychiatric disorders among Latinos in the United States indicate that foreign nativity is protective for some Latino groups (e.g., Mexicans) but not others (e.g., Puerto Ricans),⁴ implying that other factors besides nativity play a part in US Latinos'' risk of psychiatric disorders. Also, there is evidence that risk of psychopathology is the result of differences in immigrants'' length of residence in the United States and age at arrival. For example, Mexican immigrants in the United States for 13 years or more had higher rates of any mental health disorder, any mood disorder, alcohol abuse, and drug abuse than Mexican immigrants in the United States for fewer than 13 years.³ Findings from the NLAAS indicate that the longer that Latino immigrants remain in their country of origin, the less cumulative risk of onset of psychiatric disorders they experience, resulting in lower lifetime rates of disorders.⁵There is a lack of consensus about which aspects of US exposure are relevant for mental health.⁵ A number of hypotheses have linked years in the United States and mental illness among Latinos.³ US-born Latinos may have a weaker affiliation with traditional Latino values that buffer against mental illness than do Latino immigrants. When individuals come into contact with US culture, there may be negative outcomes such as increased intergenerational conflict,⁶ augmenting their risk for psychopathology. Although family factors have been hypothesized to be a protective factor for immigrant Latinos,^7,8 few empirical studies have actually tested this hypothesis with regard to psychiatric disorders. Another hypothesis is that US-born Latinos may have higher expectations for their quality of life than immigrant Latinos because of their citizenship status and their acquisition of skills similar to those possessed by non-Latino Whites.⁹ However, over time, these expectations may remain unfulfilled because of discrimination, resulting in social stress and declining levels of mental health.¹ Also, as time passes, immigrants may have perceptions of low social status¹⁰ that may be associated with higher risk of psychopathology.Other immigration-related factors could also affect adaptation experiences when integrating into the United States. Specifically, those arriving in the United States at early formative ages (0–10 years) may have weaker identification with Latino cultural values¹¹ and may confront significant pressure to acquire English as their dominant language.¹² English language dominance represents a strong cultural anchor for socially constructed meaning¹³ that may enable immigrants to join certain peer networks and not others. The neighborhoods where Latinos typically live are less safe than those inhabited by non-Latino Whites,¹⁴ which may increase Latinos'' likelihood of psychiatric disorders¹⁵ by increasing ambient hazards. In addition, exposure to racial/ethnic based discrimination^16,17 has been associated with negative mental health outcomes. The NLAAS study provides a unique opportunity to explore these pathways because these domains have been assessed for both Latino immigrants and US-born Latino respondents.We assessed the association of time in the United States with past-year risk for psychiatric disorder, with and without adjustment for potentially influential covariates. Then we tested different pathways explaining the link between time in the United States and psychiatric disorders.     

A Transnational Study of Migration and Smoking Behavior in the Mexican-Origin Population

Objectives. We examined migration-related changes in smoking behavior in the transnational Mexican-origin population.Methods. We combined epidemiological surveys from Mexico (Mexican National Comorbidity Survey) and the United States (Collaborative Psychiatric Epidemiology Surveys). We compared 4 groups with increasing US contact with respect to smoking initiation, persistence, and daily cigarette consumption: Mexicans with no migrant in their family, Mexicans with a migrant in their family or previous migration experience, migrants, and US-born Mexican Americans.Results. Compared with Mexicans with a migrant in their family or previous migration experience, migrants were less likely to initiate smoking (odds ratio [OR] = 0.56; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.38, 0.83) and less likely to be persistent smokers (OR = 0.41; 95% CI = 0.26, 0.63). Among daily smokers, the US-born smoked more cigarettes per day than did Mexicans with a migrant in their family or previous migration experience for men (7.8 vs 6.5) and women (8.6 vs 4.3).Conclusions. Evidence suggests that smoking is suppressed among migrants relative to the broader transnational Mexican-origin population. The pattern of low daily cigarette consumption among US-born Mexican Americans, noted in previous research, represents an increase relative to smokers in Mexico.Epidemiological studies have found large differences in smoking between Latinos and non-Hispanic Whites in the United States. Latinos are less likely than non-Hispanic Whites to initiate smoking. For instance, in the 2003 Tobacco Use Supplement to the Current Population Survey (CPS), a large nationally representative sample, the lifetime prevalence of smoking was 25% among Latinos and 44% among non-Hispanic Whites.1 Among smokers, Latinos are more likely to be nondaily smokers2–4 and smoke fewer cigarettes per day3 than non-Hispanic Whites. The 2003 CPS found that 36% of Latino smokers were nondaily smokers, compared with 17% of non-Hispanic White smokers and that among daily smokers 63% of Latinos smoked 10 or fewer cigarettes per day, compared with only 29% of non-Hispanic Whites.3 A recent study suggests that differences in smoking account for close to three quarters of the advantage in life expectancy at age 50 years that Latinos have relative to non-Hispanic Whites.5The immigrant origins of a large portion of the Latino population may be one factor contributing to these differences. Immigrant Latinos are less likely to be current smokers than are US-born Latinos,6–9 leading some to suggest that there may be positive selection among immigrants. However, our previous study found that in the years before arrival in the United State, migrants were more likely to have smoked than the general Mexican population.10 In addition, the increase in smoking in 2nd and higher generations of Latinos suggests that the distinctive patterns among immigrants become less common with assimilation and, therefore, that the differences in lifetime smoking patterns may narrow or disappear as the US-born portion of the Latino population grows.11 However, no information is available on the extent to which the distinctive patterns of smoking among Latinos reflect continuity with the source population in the countries of origin of Latino immigrants or environmental influences on migrants and their US-born descendants that occur in the context of assimilation.We examined the trajectory of smoking behaviors related to migration and assimilation to the United States across the transnational Mexican-origin population of Mexico and the United States. Mexican Americans constitute more than 60% of the US Latino population, and about 40% of Mexican Americans were born in Mexico.12 Immigrants from Mexico are by far the largest group of immigrants in the United States, constituting about 30% of the total foreign-born population.12 Combining population-based surveys from both countries, we examined differences in initiation and cessation of smoking and in cigarette consumption among daily smokers across a series of groups with increasing contact with the United States, from Mexicans with no familial connection to migration at one extreme, through US-born Mexican Americans at the other.     

Hombres Sanos: evaluation of a social marketing campaign for heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women

Objectives. We evaluated the effectiveness of Hombres Sanos [Healthy Men] a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexually identified Latino men, especially among heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women (MSMW).Methods. Hombres Sanos was implemented in northern San Diego County, California, from June 2006 through December 2006. Every other month we conducted cross-sectional surveys with independent samples of heterosexually identified Latino men before (n = 626), during (n = 752), and after (n = 385) the campaign. Respondents were randomly selected from 12 targeted community venues to complete an anonymous, self-administered survey on sexual practices and testing for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. About 5.6% of respondents (n = 98) were heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.Results. The intervention was associated with reduced rates of recent unprotected sex with both females and males among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. The campaign was also associated with increases in perception of HIV risk, knowledge of testing locations, and condom carrying among heterosexual Latinos.Conclusions. Social marketing represents a promising approach for abating HIV transmission among heterosexually identified Latinos, particularly for heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Given the scarcity of evidence-based HIV prevention interventions for these populations, this prevention strategy warrants further investigation.In the United States, adult and adolescent Latino males represent 5.6% of the total population¹ but 18.7% of HIV/AIDS cases.² Low rates of condom use^3–5 and limited HIV testing^5–7 likely contribute to the risk for infection and transmission among Latinos.Sex between men continues to account for the majority of new HIV infections in the United States.² HIV prevention efforts have traditionally targeted gay and bisexual men. However, individuals’ self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to their sexual behavior,^8–12 and recent research has been focused on men who self-identify as heterosexual but have sex with men. The results of studies on men who have sex with both men and women (MSMW) suggest that, regardless of sexual identity, this population is at greater risk for HIV than are men who exclusively have sex with men; likewise, MSMW are at greater risk than are men who exclusively have sex with women (MSW).^11,13–16 Reasons for greater risk among MSMW may include lower rates of condom use^11,16 and having sexual partners who engage in high-risk sexual practices.¹¹Previous studies have suggested that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual sexual behavior^9,11,17,18 but less likely than are White men to self-identify as gay or bisexual or to disclose their sexual orientation.^19–23 Cultural factors such as homophobia, social stigma related to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism may inhibit Latino men from self-identifying as homosexual or bisexual.^{10,13,23–26} The degree to which Latinos integrate same-sex sexual practices into their sexual identities may influence their risk for HIV infection.²⁷ Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may perceive that they are at lower risk for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men, and Latino MSMW may thus be less likely to use condoms to protect themselves or their partners. Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.^19,27Nondisclosure of same-sex sexual practices among MSMW also has significant implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^9,17 More than 70% of Latinas living with HIV/AIDS in the United States were infected via heterosexual contact.² Most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with partners who use injection drugs,²⁸ but unprotected sex with men who have multiple partners, including MSMW, has likely contributed to a subset of HIV cases among Latina women.^2,29Social marketing involves applying the principles and techniques of commercial marketing to the promotion of behavioral change for the good of a target audience.^30,31 Social marketing has been successfully used for HIV prevention with gay and bisexual males,^32,33 racial and ethnic minorities,³⁴ and youths.^35–38 Interventions using social marketing have been associated with improvements in HIV/STI testing^32,34 and condom use.^36,37,39,40 To our knowledge, no social marketing campaigns have been designed to reduce HIV risk among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Because of the secrecy of their sexual practices and the perceived association of HIV infection with homosexuality,^24,41,42 heterosexually identified Latino MSMW are difficult to reach with HIV prevention efforts. This population is not likely to be exposed to prevention messages or programs targeted to the gay and bisexual communities.¹⁸ Moreover, interventions requiring active recruitment of heterosexually identified MSMW may fail to reach sufficient numbers or may not reach those who are most secretive about their same-sex sexual practices.⁴¹ We sought to evaluate the effectiveness of a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexual Latino men in northern San Diego County, California, with a special emphasis on heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.     

Policy Support, Norms, and Secondhand Smoke Exposure Before and After Implementation of a Comprehensive Smoke-Free Law in Mexico City

Objectives. We assessed attitudes and beliefs about smoke-free laws, compliance, and secondhand smoke exposure before and after implementation of a comprehensive smoke-free law in Mexico City.Methods. Trends and odds of change in attitudes and beliefs were analyzed across 3 representative surveys of Mexico City inhabitants: before implementation of the policy (n = 800), 4 months after implementation (n = 961), and 8 months after implementation (n = 761).Results. Results indicated high and increasing support for 100% smoke-free policies, although support did not increase for smoke-free bars. Agreement that such policies improved health and reinforced rights was high before policy implementation and increased thereafter. Social unacceptability of smoking increased substantially, although 25% of nonsmokers and 50% of smokers agreed with smokers'' rights to smoke in public places at the final survey wave. Secondhand smoke exposure declined generally as well as in venues covered by the law, although compliance was incomplete, especially in bars.Conclusions. Comprehensive smoke-free legislation in Mexico City has been relatively successful, with changes in perceptions and behavior consistent with those revealed by studies conducted in high-income countries. Normative changes may prime populations for additional tobacco control interventions.Smoke-free policies can reduce involuntary exposure to toxic secondhand tobacco smoke (SHS), reduce tobacco consumption and promote quitting,^1,2 and shift social norms against smoking.^3–5 These policies are fundamental to the World Health Organization''s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, an international treaty that promotes best-practices tobacco control policies across the world.⁶Evidence of successful implementation of smoke-free policies generally comes from high-income countries. Low- and middle-income countries increasingly bear the burden of tobacco use,⁷ however, and these countries may face particular challenges in implementing smoke-free policies, including greater social acceptability of tobacco use, shorter histories of programs and policies to combat tobacco-related dangers, and greater tolerance of law breaking.^8–10 There is a need for research that will help identify effective strategies for promoting and implementing smoke-free policies in low- and middle-income countries.Studies in high-income countries generally indicate that popular support for laws that ban smoking in public places and workplaces is strong and increases after such laws are passed.^11–15 Weaker laws that allow smoking in some workplaces can leave policy support unchanged.¹⁶ Policy-associated increases in support have been shown across populations that include smokers^{11,13,14,17,18} and bar owners and staff.^19,20 Beliefs about rights to work in smoke-free environments¹¹ and the health benefits of these environments²¹ have also been shown to increase with policy implementation. Support for banning smoking in all workplaces appears high in Latin American countries,²² but responses to smoke-free policies are less well known. In Uruguay, the first country in the Americas to prohibit smoking in all workplaces, including restaurants and bars,²³ support before the law was unknown. However, the level of support was high among both the general population²² and smokers²⁴ after the law''s implementation.Compliance with smoke-free laws in high-income countries has been good, particularly when laws apply across all workplaces, including restaurants and bars, and involve media campaigns. Self-reported declines in exposure in regulated venues^11,17,25 are consistent with findings from observational studies,^11,26 biomarkers of exposure,^11,25,27 and air quality assessments.^11,12Approximately 26% of Mexican adults residing in urban areas smoke.⁸ Most Mexicans recognize the harms of SHS and support smoke-free policies.^9,24,28,29 According to an opinion poll conducted before the August 2007 passage of a smoke-free law in Mexico City, about 80% of both Mexico City inhabitants and Mexicans in general supported prohibiting smoking in enclosed public places and workplaces.²⁸ In 2006, 60% of smokers reported that their workplace had a smoking ban, with Mexico City smokers reporting the lowest percentage of workplace bans at 37%.²⁴Mexico City''s smoke-free workplace law^30–32 initially allowed for designated smoking areas that were ventilated and physically separate.^22,33 Concerns about the inequity of this law for small business owners who could not afford to build designated smoking areas led the hospitality industry to support a comprehensive smoke-free law^31,32 that prohibited smoking inside all enclosed public places and workplaces, including public transport, restaurants, and bars. This law entered into force on April 3, 2008.Media coverage of the law was similar to that in high-income countries, pitting arguments about the government''s obligation to protect citizens from SHS dangers against arguments about discrimination toward smokers and the “slippery slope” of regulating behavior^4,32,34 (J. F. Thrasher et al., unpublished data, 2010). Most print media coverage was either positive or neutral, with much less coverage pitched against tobacco control policies.³⁴In the month before and after the law came into effect, the Mexico City Ministry of Health and nongovernmental organizations disseminated print materials and aired radio spots describing the dangers of SHS and the benefits of the law.³⁰ Community health promoters informed businesses about the law. From September through December 2008, a television, radio, print, and billboard campaign emphasized the law''s benefits.³⁵ We assessed, among Mexico City inhabitants, the prevalence of and increases in support, beliefs, norms, and compliance around the smoke-free law, as well as decreases in SHS exposure.     

Intergenerational relationships between the smoking patterns of a population-representative sample of US mothers and the smoking trajectories of their children

Objectives. We assessed intergenerational transmission of smoking in mother-child dyads.Methods. We identified classes of youth smoking trajectories using mixture latent trajectory analyses with data from the Children and Young Adults of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (n = 6349). We regressed class membership on prenatal and postnatal exposure to maternal smoking, including social and behavioral variables, to control for selection.Results. Youth smoking trajectories entailed early-onset persistent smoking, early-onset experimental discontinued smoking, late-onset persistent smoking, and nonsmoking. The likelihood of early onset versus late onset and early onset versus nonsmoking were significantly higher among youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus either postnatally alone or unexposed. Controlling for selection, the increased likelihood of early onset versus nonsmoking remained significant for each exposure group versus unexposed, as did early onset versus late onset and late onset versus nonsmoking for youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus unexposed. Experimental smoking was notable among youths whose mothers smoked but quit before the child''s birth.Conclusions. Both physiological and social role-modeling mechanisms of intergenerational transmission are evident. Prioritization of tobacco control for pregnant women, mothers, and youths remains a critical, interrelated objective.Women who smoke during pregnancy are more likely to have offspring who become adolescent smokers.^1–7 Studies link mother''s smoking during pregnancy with youths'' earlier smoking initiation,^3,7–9 greater persistence in regular smoking,^3,7 and stronger nicotine dependency.^6,8,10,11Hypothesized physiological pathways for mother-to-child transmission of smoking are reviewed elsewhere^12–14 and may include inherited susceptibility to addiction alone or in combination with in utero neurodevelopmental exposure and scarring that activates nicotine susceptibility. Furthermore, because few women who smoke during pregnancy quit after delivery^15,16 higher rates of smoking among offspring may reflect role modeling of maternal smoking behavior. Notably, parental smoking is hypothesized to demonstrate pro-smoking norms and solidify pro-smoking attitudes.^17,18Studies considering both smoking during pregnancy and subsequent maternal smoking outcomes have sought to distinguish between these proposed social and physiological transmission pathways.^{1–4,6,7,9,19} Similarly, studies controlling for family sociodemographic factors^{1,2,4,5,7,8,10,11,19,20} or maternal propensity for health or risk taking^1,2,9,10 have sought to further distinguish direct physiological or social transmission from selection. Studies considering children''s cognitive and behavioral outcomes have shown that selection by maternal social and behavioral precursors to smoking during pregnancy strongly biases findings on smoking during pregnancy^21,22; however, it remains unclear whether this is also the case for youth smoking. Some studies^2,3,5,6,19 have observed that smoking during pregnancy operates independently of subsequent maternal smoking. A few have found that smoking during pregnancy is only independently associated in select analyses (e.g., for initiation but not frequency or number of cigarettes^6,9 or only among females^7,20). Several have found that smoking during pregnancy does not operate independently of subsequent maternal smoking behavior,^1,4 and the remaining studies do not address postnatal maternal smoking.^8,9,11We explored whether these inconsistencies in findings supporting social or physiological mechanisms for intergenerational transmission can be accounted for by more comprehensively examining maternal and child smoking behavior. Previous work has established the advantages of statistical models for youth smoking trajectories that capture initiation, experimentation, cessation, or continued use.^23–28 Studies focusing on parental smoking concurrent with youth smoking suggest that postnatal exposures may differentially predispose youths for specific smoking trajectories.^24,26–28 Only 3 known studies have considered whether smoking during pregnancy influences youth smoking progression, and these have shown greater likelihood of early regular use^3,11 and telescoping to dependence.⁸ However, limitations of sample selectivity and measurement and modeling of maternal and youth smoking outcomes restrict the generalizability and scope of these findings.²⁹ To specifically address these limitations and more comprehensively assess hypothesized intergenerational transmission pathways, we used US population–representative data, latent variable techniques, and a rich set of data on maternal and youth smoking and social and behavioral selection factors. We characterized trajectories of youth smoking from adolescence through young adulthood and considered exposure to various maternal smoking patterns from prebirth to the child''s early adolescence.     

The Interaction of Sexual Identity With Sexual Behavior and Its Influence on HIV Risk Among Latino Men: Results of a Community Survey in Northern San Diego County,California

Objectives. We examined the sexual behavior, sexual identities, and HIV risk factors of a community sample of Latino men to inform efforts to reduce Latinos'' HIV risk.Methods. In 2005 and 2006, 680 Latino men in San Diego County, California, in randomly selected, targeted community venues, completed an anonymous, self-administered survey.Results. Most (92.3%) respondents self-identified as heterosexual, with 2.2%, 4.9%, and 0.6% self-identifying as bisexual, gay, or other orientation, respectively. Overall, 4.8% of heterosexually identified men had a lifetime history of anal intercourse with other men. Compared with behaviorally heterosexual men, heterosexually identified men who had sex with both men and women were more likely to have had a sexually transmitted infection, to have unprotected sexual intercourse with female partners, and to report having sex while under the influence of alcohol or other drugs. Bisexually identified men who had sex with men and women did not differ from behaviorally heterosexual men in these risk factors.Conclusions. Latino men who have a heterosexual identity and bisexual practices are at greater risk of HIV infection, and efforts to reduce HIV risk among Latinos should target this group.Latinos and sexual minorities are disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS. Latinos represented 14% of the US population in 2005,¹ but they accounted for 18% of HIV/AIDS cases diagnosed in 2006.² Although an estimated 6% to 9% of the US population has a lifetime history of homosexual sex,^3,4 men who have sex with men accounted for 49% of all HIV/AIDS cases diagnosed in the United States in 2006.² Sexual risk for HIV varies considerably by sexual orientation, with gay-identified and bisexually identified men generally at greater risk.^5,6 However, a person''s self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to his or her sexual behavior.^7–9Within Latino culture, it is possible for a man to have sex with men while maintaining a heterosexual identity and protecting his sense of masculinity.^10–13 For Latino men, sexual identity appears to be contingent upon certain behavioral and contextual factors, such as whether they have female sexual partners, are primarily attracted to women, adopt an insertive role in sexual practices, have sex with effeminate men, or have sex with men when under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Homophobia, social stigma attached to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism are commonly found throughout Latino culture and may inhibit Latino men who have sex with men from self-identifying as gay or bisexual.^9,10,14–16 Research suggests that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual behavior (i.e., to have sex with both men and women)^8,17,18 but are less likely than are White men to disclose a nonheterosexual orientation.^16,19,20Among men, bisexual behavior appears to be more prevalent than bisexual identity. Although approximately 1% to 2% of the US male population identifies as bisexual,^3,4 rates of male bisexual behavior in national samples have ranged from 1% to 5%.^4,21,22 However, these estimates are questionable because of differences in sampling methods and varying definitions of bisexuality.²³ Recent research conducted in the United States suggests that men who have sex with men and women (MSMW) are at greater risk of HIV infection than men who have sex with men (MSM) exclusively and men who have sex with women (MSW) exclusively.^24–26 By contrast, investigators in Mexico have found that MSMW who self-identify as bisexual practice less risky sexual behaviors with their male partners than do exclusively gay men.⁶It has been difficult to quantify the population of heterosexually identified Latino MSMW because of the secretive nature of their sexual practices. In a homophobic cultural context, the fear of social rejection encourages people to hide their same-sex sexual behavior and lead a double life.¹⁰ A study involving a large population of HIV-positive MSM found that 15% of the Latino sample identified as heterosexual had a history of same-sex intercourse,²⁷ whereas a survey of 455 men recruited from gay-oriented publications and venues in 12 US cities found that 17% (n = 26) of Hispanic respondents (as per terminology used in the original survey) reported being “on the down low”.⁹ Although these results may not generalize to community-based US samples of Latino men, they suggest that a substantial proportion of heterosexually identified Latino men have a history of sex with men. Similarly, a household probability survey in Mexico City found that 73% of men with a lifetime history of bisexual practices identified as heterosexual, as did 29% of those with a lifetime history of having sex only with men.⁶Men''s nondisclosure of sexual practices with men has implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^8,17 In the United States in 2006, Latinas accounted for 23.7% of HIV infections among Hispanics; of these, an estimated 51.7% were infected through heterosexual contact.² Although most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with injection drug users,²⁸ women who have unprotected sex with heterosexually identified MSMW are also at risk and are likely a subset of this population.Although there is some evidence of greater HIV risk among MSMW than among MSM or MSW,^24–26 previous research has not examined the roles that both sexual behavior and sexual identity play in HIV risk among Latino men in particular. Sexual identity may influence HIV risk among Latino MSMW because a man who identifies as heterosexual may perceive that he is at lower risk of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men and may thus take fewer measures to protect himself or his partner. MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.²⁹Our goal was to learn more about the sexual practices of Latino men and to better understand the interactions among sexual behaviors and sexual identities in this population so as to inform efforts to reduce HIV risk among Latinos. Using survey data, we examined the sexual behavior of a community sample of Latino men; determined the proportions of MSM, MSW, and MSMW among them; elicited any discrepancies between their sexual behavior and their sexual identity; and searched for differences in HIV risk by sexual orientation.     

LUCHAR: Using Computer Technology to Battle Heart Disease Among Latinos

Many promising technology-based programs designed to promote healthy behaviors such as physical activity and healthy eating have not been adapted for use with diverse communities, including Latino communities. We designed a community-based health kiosk program for English- and Spanish-speaking Latinos. Users receive personalized feedback on nutrition, physical activity, and smoking behaviors from computerized role models that guide them in establishing goals in 1 or more of these 3 areas. We found significant improvements in nutrition and physical activity among 245 Latino program users; however, no changes were observed with respect to smoking behaviors. The program shows promise for extending the reach of chronic disease prevention and self-management programs.Cardiovascular disease, although often preventable through nutrition and physical activity, remains the leading cause of death in the United States.^1,2 Latinos are less likely than members of other racial/ethnic groups to receive information on how to prevent cardiovascular disease,^3–6 in part because of their often limited access to health care services.⁷Computer technology is rarely used as a means for health promotion among Latinos,⁸ even though it may greatly extend the reach, fidelity, and sustainability of health promotion efforts.⁹ We developed a computer program, LUCHAR (Latinos Using Cardio Health Action to Reduce Risk), with the goal of encouraging healthy diets and increased physical activity in the Latino population (luchar means “to battle” in Spanish). This interactive, computer-based program, designed to be self-administered via kiosks situated in community settings, is intended to help users increase physical activity, improve nutrition, and reduce or quit smoking.LUCHAR, grounded in social science theory,^10–13 was developed through formative community work^14–18 (details on the development of the program are reported elsewhere¹⁹). Users can complete the program in English or Spanish and do so at their own pace. They begin by inputting their gender and age and are then matched to a computerized role model of the same gender and a similar age. With pictorial, audio, and musical accompaniment, the role model introduces the program and invites users to answer questions about their heart disease risk.After answering questions about their health status and nutrition, physical activity, and smoking behaviors, users receive graphical feedback (Figure 1) showing comparisons with the surgeon general''s recommendations in terms of these behaviors. The role model encourages users to set 1 behavior change goal related to physical activity, nutrition, or smoking, and they identify anticipated barriers to and strategies for achieving their goal. Users receive a printout at the completion of the program that includes their personal program summary and referrals for local resources that can help support their goal.Open in a separate windowFIGURE 1Features of the LUCHAR program.     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

Socioeconomic Status and Lung Cancer: Unraveling the Contribution of Genetic Admixture

Objectives. We examined the relationship between genetic ancestry, socioeconomic status (SES), and lung cancer among African Americans and Latinos.Methods. We evaluated SES and genetic ancestry in a Northern California lung cancer case–control study (1998–2003) of African Americans and Latinos. Lung cancer case and control participants were frequency matched on age, gender, and race/ethnicity. We assessed case–control differences in individual admixture proportions using the 2-sample t test and analysis of covariance. Logistic regression models examined associations among genetic ancestry, socioeconomic characteristics, and lung cancer.Results. Decreased Amerindian ancestry was associated with higher education among Latino control participants and greater African ancestry was associated with decreased education among African lung cancer case participants. Education was associated with lung cancer among both Latinos and African Americans, independent of smoking, ancestry, age, and gender. Genetic ancestry was not associated with lung cancer among African Americans.Conclusions. Findings suggest that socioeconomic factors may have a greater impact than genetic ancestry on lung cancer among African Americans. The genetic heterogeneity and recent dynamic migration and acculturation of Latinos complicate recruitment; thus, epidemiological analyses and findings should be interpreted cautiously.Associations between socioeconomic status (SES) and cancer incidence or mortality and accompanying racial/ethnic differences are common findings across cancers and populations.1–9 An inverse association between socioeconomic measures and lung cancer incidence and mortality is a consistent observation among populations,7,10–18 especially among men, although for lung cancer mortality in the United States, this pattern is a reversal of that of earlier decades.19 Socioeconomic measurements are also known to vary across diverse populations.20 In the United States, African Americans and Latinos have, on average, lower education, larger household sizes, and lower income and are frequently unmarried compared with Whites.21–24 Smoking is more prevalent among people characterized by low socioeconomic factors such as low education, low income, and working-class occupations.20,25–27 Studies examining the relationship between SES and lung cancer, or cancer in general, have used surveys and registries with large sample sizes, thereby increasing the precision of effect estimates.7,11,12 However, these studies have been constrained by the lack of data on important risk factors for lung cancer11 or have linked aggregate socioeconomic exposure data to individual-level disease status.6,7,11 Ascribing attributes of a group to an individual may not be appropriate and can result in inaccurate inferences, especially if the exposure, SES, is misclassified.28,29Despite known disparities in lung cancer incidence30 and consistently observed associations between SES and both lung cancer and race/ethnicity, few studies have examined this interrelationship, which is thought to result from a complex interplay of environmental, social, economic, and genetic factors. Using incident cancer registry data, Krieger et al.31 observed an inverse relationship between lung cancer incidence and socioeconomic deprivation among African Americans but an increase in incidence with economic prosperity among Latinos. A study examining lung cancer among Latinos found that incidence increased as income increased and the percentage of Latinos residing in the census tract decreased.32 Many studies examining socioeconomic differences in lung cancer risk have suggested the increased risk cannot be fully explained by smoking, occupational, or dietary exposures,13,15,16,33,34 whereas others have found that controlling for several measures such as smoking,35 dietary fat, and perceived health removed associations with SES.17 Some studies examining racial/ethnic differences in lung cancer found ethnic differences disappeared after adjusting for SES.6,7,11 Together, these findings highlight the complexities of understanding the relationship among SES, lung cancer, and race/ethnicity.Self-reported race/ethnicity represents a combination of several factors—genetic, social, economic, and environmental.36 Moreover, because of the ancestral heterogeneity of Latinos and African Americans, self-reported race/ethnicity does not provide precise genetic information. Recent advances in statistical tools and identification of genetic markers informative for ancestry have enabled the genetic heterogeneity of populations to be described and applied to epidemiological studies. Genetic ancestry associations are a useful tool to suggest that a genetic component contributes to disease disparities and admixture mapping is implemented to identify genetic factors contributing to disease.37,38 Of importance is that genetic ancestry may be associated with socioeconomic factors.39–43 For example, Sánchez et al.42 revealed Amerindian ancestry was greater in individuals with fewer years of education. Complex associations among SES, ancestry, and lung cancer require examination to disentangle their contributions to lung cancer. We examined the relationship among SES, genetic ancestry, and lung cancer in a case–control study conducted with African Americans and Latinos.     

Smoking behavior of US youths: a comparison between child welfare system and community populations

Objectives. We compared rates of smoking for 2 groups of youths aged 12 to 14 years: those involved in the child welfare system (CW) and their counterparts in the community population. We then investigated factors associated with smoking for each group.Methods. We drew data from 2 national-level US sources: the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. We estimated logistic regression models for 3 binary outcome measures of smoking behavior: lifetime, current, and regular smoking.Results. CW-involved youths had significantly higher rates of lifetime smoking (43% vs 32%) and current smoking (23% vs 18%) than did youths in the community population. For CW-involved youths, delinquency and smoking were strongly linked. Among youths in the community population, multiple factors, including youth demographics and emotional and behavioral health, affected smoking behavior.Conclusions. Smoking prevalence was notably higher among CW-involved youths than among the community population. In light of the persistent public health impact of smoking, more attention should be focused on identification of risk factors for prevention and early intervention efforts among the CW-involved population.Cigarette smoking among US youths persists as a critical public health problem. Notably, 80% to 90% of adult smokers initiate smoking by age 18 years.^1–3 Trends in smoking behavior among youths have not paralleled the steady decline evident among adult smokers.² Tobacco use is related to more than 400 000 US deaths per year, and direct medical costs attributable to smoking total more than $50 billion in the United States annually.^1,4 The public health importance of tobacco use is underscored by the Obama administration''s prioritization of smoking prevention and cessation.⁵Youths involved with the child welfare system (CW) face unique experiences that may put them at elevated risk for smoking compared with youths without similar experiences.^6,7 Youths enter the CW system as a result of case investigations conducted by local child protective services agencies. This population includes both youths receiving services in their homes and those in out-of-home care. The lives of CW-involved youths are characterized by problems such as child abuse, neglect, poverty, domestic violence, and parental substance abuse.⁸ Although CW cases are typically referred on the basis of parent behavior, these youths are also at high risk for mental health disorders, substance use, and other psychosocial problems.^6,8–10 However, we are unaware of any studies examining cigarette smoking among CW youths in comparison with community samples to determine whether a difference in smoking-prevalence risk exists for these youths. It is important to determine whether CW-involved youths are at higher risk for smoking so that targeted prevention and intervention strategies can be developed.Among community youths, studies have demonstrated that some subgroups (e.g., age, gender, race/ethnicity, region) are at higher risk for both lifetime and current smoking.² Boys are more likely to initiate smoking, but they smoke more infrequently than girls do.^2,11,12 Racial/ethnic minority youths smoke less than do their White peers.^11–13 Parent education and family structure are associated with lifetime, current, and regular smoking, with youths from households of lower socioeconomic status smoking at higher rates.^14–17Smoking is also linked to emotional well-being, including internalizing and externalizing behaviors and parent–child closeness. Depression is related to increased smoking behavior.^18–23 Engaging in delinquent acts is associated with increased youth smoking.^11,15,24 Youths who report having a close relationship with their parents are less likely to be regular smokers.²⁵Several longitudinal studies have connected youth smoking with behavioral outcomes in adolescence and adulthood. Early-onset smokers are 3 times more likely by grade 12 to regularly use tobacco and marijuana, use hard drugs, sell drugs, have multiple drug problems, drop out of school, and engage in stealing and other delinquent behaviors.²⁶ In addition, long-term emotional and physical health—such as reduced adult life satisfaction, more severe nicotine dependence, and higher smoking quantities—are associated with youth smoking.^27,28Our purpose in the current study was to investigate whether CW-involved youths were at greater risk for smoking than were community youths and to determine whether factors associated with smoking behavior were similar among both populations. We focused explicitly on early adolescence because smoking initiation occurs most often between the ages of 12 and 14 years,^29,30 and early smokers face greater risk of later negative outcomes. We examined 3 distinct measures of smoking behavior: lifetime, current, and regular smoking. Each of these outcomes has a unique public health impact, and investigating them together provides a comprehensive picture of smoking across the 2 youth populations. We expected smoking rates to be higher for CW-involved youths than for community youths. Although there is a dearth of previous research on factors related to smoking behavior in the CW population, we expected some similarities between the groups, with demographic characteristics, family structure, and emotional and behavioral health being associated with smoking among CW-involved youths.     

Migration Circumstances,Psychological Distress,and Self-Rated Physical Health for Latino Immigrants in the United States

Objectives. We determined the impact of premigration circumstances on postmigration psychological distress and self-rated physical health among Latino immigrants.Methods. We estimated ordinary least squares and logistic regression models for Latino immigrants in the 2002–2003 National Latino and Asian American Study (n = 1603).Results. Mean psychological distress scores (range = 10–50) were 14.8 for women and 12.7 for men; 35% of women and 27% of men reported fair or poor physical health. A third of the sample reported having to migrate; up to 46% reported unplanned migration. In multivariate analyses, immigration-related stress was significantly associated with psychological distress, but not with self-rated health, for both Latino men and women. Having to migrate was associated with increased psychological distress for Puerto Rican and Cuban women respondents and with poorer physical health for Puerto Rican migrant men. Unplanned migration was significantly associated with poorer physical health for all Latina women respondents.Conclusions. The context of both pre- and postmigration has an impact on immigrant health. Those involved in public health research, policy, and practice should consider variation in immigrant health by migration circumstances, including the context of exit and other immigration-related stressors.Theories of acculturation, defined as “the acquisition of the cultural elements of the dominant society,”1^(p369) dominate Latino immigrant health research.2–4 Acculturation studies highlight important aspects of how individuals make meaning of their life experiences, including health experiences, through language, cultural norms, and values.5 In addition, studies of Latino mental health have demonstrated the influence of cultural change within immigrant families; uneven levels of acculturation within families can lead to family cultural conflict, which may have adverse mental health impacts.6,7Nevertheless, the focus on cultural determinants of health (i.e., acculturation) often comes at the expense of other factors related to migration, including social, political, and economic adversity in both places of origin and the United States.8–12 A particularly understudied set of influences on Latino immigrant health relates to the circumstances of departure, including whether individuals had to migrate because of political conflict, dire economic conditions, or other pressures.13 Exposure to such conditions in one’s place of origin may have lingering affects on mental health.14,15 The degree to which migration is planned might also have a long-term impact on health; unplanned migration may lead to a more sudden rupture of the social networks that support both psychological and physical well-being.16–19 Acculturation-focused studies typically do not consider the influence of migration or country-of-origin context on immigrant health, given that the frame of reference for acculturation is US society.11Stressors related to the conditions of migration include a set of social and structural inequities that immigrants may experience upon arriving and settling in the United States. These include unfair treatment attributable to legal status, nativity status, and accent, as well as unequal access to social benefits, such as health care.20–24 These forms of discrimination are often subsumed in the immigrant health literature within the construct of “acculturative stress,”25 suggesting erroneously that they can be attributed to an individual’s level of acculturation. More accurately, however, these stressors relate to the diverse social, political, and economic climates in receiving communities and not necessarily to whether immigrants have “acculturated.”8 For example, immigrants who are proficient in English may continue to experience discrimination based on their legal status.26 We therefore prefer the more expansive term “immigration-related stress” instead of “acculturative stress,” which is conceptually limited to the challenges involved with cultural change, including language learning and retention.27 Immigration-related stressors may comprise discrimination, including legal status discrimination, and may also refer to the challenges of familial cross-border separation, which does not necessarily relate to level of acculturation.28 Immigration-related stress has been shown to be associated with adverse health outcomes for specific Latino subgroups,3,29 but it has received less attention in national studies.We tested the relationship of migration circumstances to both psychological distress and self-rated physical health for a national sample of Latino immigrants in the United States. We hypothesized that stressful conditions leading to migration, as well as adverse experiences of arrival and settlement, would be associated with higher levels of psychological distress and poorer overall physical health. We expected that the relationships between premigration circumstances and health outcomes would be moderated by Latino subgroup, given that migration experiences vary greatly among Latino groups, which include peoples from distinct social, cultural, political, and economic contexts.30,31 For example, Puerto Rican–born migrants are US citizens and therefore have different conditions of migration than those migrating without legal documents or who have to navigate the immigration system for legal entry.32 In addition, some Latin American immigrants have faced distinct migration circumstances because of the political context in both their countries of origin and the United States. For example, early waves of Cuban migrants received refugee status and resettlement assistance,18 whereas the majority of those fleeing civil wars in Central America were never granted refugee status, limiting their access to benefits.30,33,34 For some Latino subgroups, such as Cubans and many Central and South Americans, unplanned or involuntary migration might refer more to political reasons for migration, or a combination of political and economic motivations,18 whereas for other groups (e.g., Puerto Ricans or Mexicans), identifying migration as involuntary or unplanned might refer more to dire economic circumstances or family obligations that motivated migration.32 We therefore hypothesized that circumstances of migration would be more strongly associated with poor health outcomes for Cubans and many other Latinos, given that many of these groups were motivated to migrate, at least in part, by political circumstances such as civil war or political persecution.We also hypothesized that migration circumstances would be related to psychological distress and physical health above and beyond measures of individual- and family-level acculturation. This reflects our argument that structural contexts can cause stress for Latino immigrants in both places of origin and of settlement.Finally, we expected to find different patterns in the association between migration circumstances and health outcomes by gender. In part, we expected that women would report higher levels of psychological distress than men, although there may be fewer differences in physical health outcomes. Men and women experience different migration circumstances, with significant variation by ethno-national subgroup.32–35 For example, Mexican women have historically been more likely to join family members already settled in the United States, although they are increasingly initiating migration; many Mexican men established migration networks in the 20th century through labor projects directly targeting male workers.36,37 Puerto Rican men were similarly recruited in the early and mid-20th century to work on the US mainland. Women became increasingly incorporated into circular labor migration patterns over the second half of the 20th century, often fulfilling familial and economic obligations in both Puerto Rico and the mainland.32,38 Central American and Dominican women were historically more likely to initiate migration in their family networks, taking jobs in factories or as domestic workers and facilitating men’s migration later on.33,34 Political refugees, including Cubans and some South Americans, were more likely to migrate as families.38 Given these differences, the meaning of migration planning and decision-making might vary qualitatively for men and women. This suggests the need for an analysis stratified by gender, although we expected that reporting unplanned migration or having to migrate (vs wanting to migrate) would be associated with poorer health for both men and women.Researchers have also documented gendered experiences of settlement for immigrants, including lesser access to legal and occupation-related resources for women compared with men,38,39 and greater continued attachment of women to countries of origin,40,41 with women more likely to maintain family caregiving roles both in places of settlement and abroad. These additional disadvantages resulting from stressful migration circumstances may lead to poorer health outcomes for female migrants than for male migrants, and they provide additional rationale for stratified analyses by gender, although we expected that immigration-related stressors would be negatively associated with psychological and physical health for both men and women.     

Correlates of incarceration among young methamphetamine users in Chiang Mai, Thailand

Objectives. We examined correlates of incarceration among young methamphetamine users in Chiang Mai, Thailand in 2005 to 2006.Methods. We conducted a cross-sectional study among 1189 young methamphetamine users. Participants were surveyed about their recent drug use, sexual behaviors, and incarceration. Biological samples were obtained to test for sexually transmitted and viral infections.Results. Twenty-two percent of participants reported ever having been incarcerated. In multivariate analysis, risk behaviors including frequent public drunkenness, starting to use illicit drugs at an early age, involvement in the drug economy, tattooing, injecting drugs, and unprotected sex were correlated with a history of incarceration. HIV, HCV, and herpes simplex virus type 2 (HSV-2) infection were also correlated with incarceration.Conclusions. Incarcerated methamphetamine users are engaging in behaviors and being exposed to environments that put them at increased risk of infection and harmful practices. Alternatives to incarceration need to be explored for youths.Over the past decade, methamphetamine use has increased exponentially and reached epidemic proportions, particularly in North America¹ and Southeast Asia.² The methamphetamine epidemic has been concentrated among adolescents and young adults and has significant public health implications² because methamphetamine use has been associated with high-risk behaviors including multiple sexual partners, contractual sex, polydrug use, and aggression.^3,4Thailand has experienced a steadily increasing methamphetamine epidemic since 1996.⁵ By 2003, an estimated 3 500 000 Thais had ever used methamphetamines.⁶ In 1996, Thailand criminalized methamphetamines, treating the trafficking, possession, and use of methamphetamines with the same severity as heroin-related offenses.⁷ In 2003 the government began a “war on drugs” in an attempt to control the epidemic.^8,9 In combination, these events led to a doubling in the number of incarcerated individuals between 1996 and 2004.^7,10 In 2005, 64% of Thai inmates were drug offenders,¹¹ and in 2006, 75% of drug-related arrests and charges were related to methamphetamines.¹² Treatment for methamphetamine use is limited. Institutional management of methamphetamine users includes the use of rehabilitation centers, military-style boot camps, compulsory drug treatment centers, and prisons.¹¹A history of incarceration has been associated with negative health outcomes, including sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and blood-borne viruses, particularly syphilis,¹³ herpes,¹⁴ HIV,^10,15,16 hepatitis b (HBV),^17,18 and HCV.^18–21 The prevalence of these pathogens has been found to be much higher in prisons than in the general population.^22–26 Although these infections may be a result of a high-risk lifestyle leading to incarceration, it is also clear that the prison system exposes individuals to environments and behaviors that increase their risk of acquiring these infections, such as tattooing,^{10,18,21,27–29} unprotected sex as a result of limited condom availability,²⁷ and using shared needles to inject drugs.^27,30,31With so many young methamphetamine users entering the judicial system, it is important to understand the characteristics of this group so that appropriate public health interventions can be designed. Young methamphetamine users need to be diverted away from the judicial system to decrease high-risk behaviors that may impact their own well-being and that of the community.As part of a randomized controlled trial to reduce the risks associated with methamphetamine use among youths in Chiang Mai, Thailand, we investigated behavioral and viral correlates of incarceration among a sample of 1189 young adults aged 18 to 25 years.     

Posttraumatic stress disorder and HIV risk among poor, inner-city women receiving care in an emergency department

Objectives. We examined the associations between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and HIV risk behaviors among a random sample of 241 low-income women receiving care in an urban emergency department.Methods. We recruited participants from the emergency department waiting room during randomly selected 6-hour blocks of time. Multivariate analyses and propensity score weighting were used to examine the associations between PTSD and HIV risk after adjustment for potentially confounding sociodemographic variables, substance use, childhood sexual abuse, and intimate partner violence.Results. A large majority of the sample self-identified as Latina (49%) or African American (44%). Almost one third (29%) of the participants met PTSD criteria. Women who exhibited symptoms in 1 or more PTSD symptom clusters were more likely than women who did not to report having had sex with multiple sexual partners, having had sex with a risky partner, and having experienced partner violence related to condom use in the preceding 6 months.Conclusions. The high rate of PTSD found in this sample and the significant associations between PTSD symptom clusters and partner-related risk behaviors highlight the need to take PTSD into account when designing HIV prevention interventions for low-income, urban women.The relationship between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and HIV risk behaviors remains relatively underresearched. However, several studies have shown that PTSD is associated with sexual HIV risk behaviors and HIV seropositive status.^1–3 Emergency departments have been identified as the first and primary source of medical treatment of many women infected with or at high risk for HIV^4–6 and for those with high rates of interpersonal violence and trauma, including those suffering from PSTD.^7–11Hutton et al. found that, after adjustment for potentially confounding factors, a PTSD diagnosis was associated with engaging in anal intercourse and exchanging sex for money or drugs in a sample of 177 female inmates.¹² High rates of PTSD have also been found among HIV-positive women,^3,13,14 many of whom have experienced repeated traumas associated with PTSD, such as childhood sexual abuse and intimate partner violence (IPV).^3,13,14 In a study of HIV-positive women, 35% of those with a trauma history met the criteria for PTSD,¹⁵ a rate far exceeding both the lifetime PTSD rate (10.4%) among women in the general population¹⁶ and the PTSD rate (4.6%) in a nationally representative sample of female crime victims.¹⁷The relationship between PTSD and HIV risk behaviors has been found to vary according to the presence of different PTSD symptoms (avoidance, hyperarousal, and reexperiencing trauma). In their study of 64 HIV-positive women and men, Gore-Felton and Koopman found that moderate to severe reexperiencing symptoms were associated with multiple sexual partners and unprotected sex during the preceding 3 months.¹⁸ Individuals with avoidant symptoms were less likely to have engaged in unprotected sex, possibly as a result of deficits in establishing and maintaining intimate partnerships.¹⁸ The presence of hyperarousal symptoms may trigger individuals to seek sexual stimulation and engage in riskier sex, and they may experience difficulty in problem solving and negotiating safe sex.¹⁹The research just described highlights mechanisms of how different PTSD symptom clusters may increase the likelihood of engaging in HIV risks. However, it should also be acknowledged that the relationship may be bidirectional: a traumatic experience (e.g., forced unprotected sex) associated with a risk of HIV may lead to PTSD.Furthermore, research suggests that the relationship between PTSD and HIV risk may be mediated by several factors, including childhood sexual abuse, IPV, and substance abuse. Those who have experienced childhood sexual abuse are at increased risk of developing PTSD,^20–22 engaging in subsequent sexual HIV risk behaviors, and HIV transmission.^3,23 Similarly, IPV has been found to increase the risk of both developing PTSD and engaging in a range of HIV risk behaviors, including unprotected sex,^24–38 sexual practices leading to a high risk of sexually transmitted infections,^6,32,39–42 sex with multiple partners,^31,32,43 trading of sex for money or drugs,^40,44 sex with risky partners,^38,45 and sex with HIV-positive partners.³⁸ Finally, substantial research indicates that drug and alcohol dependencies are associated with both PTSD^46,47 and engaging in a range of HIV risk behaviors.^48–51We examined the relationship between PTSD (and the symptom clusters of avoidance, reexperiencing trauma, and hyperarousal) and sexual HIV risk behaviors in a random sample of 241 women attending an emergency department in a low-income neighborhood of the Bronx, New York. We hypothesized that women who met the criteria for PTSD and the symptom clusters of hyperarousal, reexperiencing trauma, or avoidance would be more likely than women who did not meet these criteria to engage in sexual HIV risk behaviors after adjustment and matching for potentially confounding factors such as sociodemographic characteristics, childhood sexual abuse, substance abuse, and IPV.     

Impact of individual-, environmental-, and policy-level factors on health care utilization among US farmworkers

Objectives. We examined individual-, environmental-, and policy-level correlates of US farmworker health care utilization, guided by the behavioral model for vulnerable populations and the ecological model.Methods. The 2006 and 2007 administrations of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (n = 2884) provided the primary data. Geographic information systems, the 2005 Uniform Data System, and rurality and border proximity indices provided environmental variables. To identify factors associated with health care use, we performed logistic regression using weighted hierarchical linear modeling.Results. Approximately half (55.3%) of farmworkers utilized US health care in the previous 2 years. Several factors were independently associated with use at the individual level (gender, immigration and migrant status, English proficiency, transportation access, health status, and non-US health care utilization), the environmental level (proximity to US–Mexico border), and the policy level (insurance status and workplace payment structure). County Federally Qualified Health Center resources were not independently associated.Conclusions. We identified farmworkers at greatest risk for poor access. We made recommendations for change to farmworker health care access at all 3 levels of influence, emphasizing Federally Qualified Health Center service delivery.US farmworkers face significant disease burden¹ and excessive mortality rates for some diseases (e.g., certain cancers and tuberculosis) and injuries.² Disparities in health outcomes likely stem from occupational exposures and socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities. US farmworkers are typically Hispanic with limited education, income, and English proficiency.³ Approximately half are unauthorized to work in the United States.³ Despite marked disease burden, health care utilization appears to be low.^1,4–9 For example, only approximately half of California farmworkers received medical care in the previous year.⁶ This rate parallels that of health care utilization for US Hispanics, of whom approximately half made an ambulatory care visit in the previous year, compared with 75.7% of non-Hispanic Whites.¹⁰ Disparities in dental care have a comparable pattern.^6,8,11,12 However, utilization of preventive health services is lower for farmworkers^5,7,13,14 than it is for both US Hispanics and non-Hispanic Whites.^15,16Farmworkers face numerous barriers to health care^1,4,17: lack of insurance and knowledge of how to use or obtain it,^6,18 cost,^{5,6,12,13,18–20} lack of transportation,^{6,12,13,19–21} not knowing how to access care,^6,18,20,21 few services in the area or limited hours,^12,20,21 difficulty leaving work,¹⁹ lack of time,^5,13,19 language differences,^6,8,18–20 and fear of the medical system,¹³ losing employment,⁶ and immigration officials.²¹ Few studies have examined correlates of health care use among farmworkers. Those that have are outdated or limited in representativeness.^5,7,14,22,23 Thus, we systematically examined correlates of US health care use in a nationally representative sample of farmworkers, using recently collected data. The sampling strategy and application of postsampling weights enhance generalizability. We selected correlates on the basis of previous literature and the behavioral model for vulnerable populations.²⁴ The behavioral model posits that predisposing, enabling, and need characteristics influence health care use.²⁵ The ecological model, which specifies several levels of influence on behavior (e.g., policy, environmental, intrapersonal),²⁶ provided the overall theoretical framework. To our knowledge, we are the first to extensively examine multilevel correlates of farmworker health care use. We sought to identify farmworkers at greatest risk for low health care use and to suggest areas for intervention at all 3 levels of influence so that farmworker service provision can be improved.     

Prevalence,Harm Perceptions,and Reasons for Using Noncombustible Tobacco Products Among Current and Former Smokers

Objectives. We provided estimates of noncombustible tobacco product (electronic nicotine delivery systems [ENDS]; snus; chewing tobacco, dip, or snuff; and dissolvables) use among current and former smokers and examined harm perceptions of noncombustible tobacco products and reasons for their use.Methods. We assessed awareness of, prevalence of, purchase of, harm perceptions of, and reasons for using noncombustible tobacco products among 1487 current and former smokers from 8 US designated market areas. We used adjusted logistic regression to identify correlates of noncombustible tobacco product use.Results. Of the sample, 96% were aware of at least 1 noncombustible tobacco product, but only 33% had used and 21% had purchased one. Noncombustible tobacco product use was associated with being male, non-Hispanic White, younger, and more nicotine dependent. Respondents used noncombustible tobacco products to cut down or quit cigarettes, but only snus was associated with a higher likelihood of making a quit attempt. Users of noncombustible tobacco products, particularly ENDS, were most likely to endorse the product as less harmful than cigarettes.Conclusions. Smokers may use noncombustible tobacco products to cut down or quit smoking. However, noncombustible tobacco product use was not associated with a reduction in cigarettes per day or cessation.The use of noncombustible tobacco products has increased rapidly in recent years1–3 and may continue to rise in response to restrictions such as smoke-free indoor air laws and rising cigarette taxes.4–8 Noncombustible tobacco products can be grouped into 2 broad categories—aerosolized products such as e-cigarettes, or more accurately termed electronic nicotine delivery systems (ENDS), which deliver nicotine primarily through vapor inhalation that mimics smoking a traditional cigarette,9 and smokeless tobacco products such as chew, dip, or snuff; snus; and dissolvables, which deliver nicotine via oral mucosal absorption.10 These products are marketed to appeal to unique target audiences,9,11–13 such as smokers and young adults, and vary in levels of harmful constituents.9Noncombustible tobacco products are a critical part of the tobacco industry’s strategy to navigate the changing tobacco product landscape. Phillip Morris14,15 and RJ Reynolds16 have announced their intent to develop and market noncombustible tobacco products as part of a shift to reduced harm products.17 In some cases, noncombustible tobacco products have been used to expand the appeal of established cigarette brands to a broader spectrum of consumers, as with RJ Reynolds’s Camel Snus product.18 Most ENDS are marketed and sold independently; however, this is changing with Lorillard’s acquisition of blu eCigs in 201219,20 and the recent launches of RJ Reynolds’s Vuse digital vapor cigarettes21,22 and Altria’s MarkTen e-cigarettes.23Noncombustible tobacco product awareness and prevalence vary by product. In 2010, approximately 40% of adults reported awareness of e-cigarettes,24,25 rising to nearly 60% in 201125; awareness approached 75% among current and former smokers in 2010 to 2011.26 Between 1.8% and 3.4% of the adult general population has tried an e-cigarette,24,25,27,28 including up to 21.2% of current smokers.25,26 More than 40% of adults have heard of snus,29 5% have tried the product,29 and 1.4% are current users.30 Awareness of dissolvables is low (10%), and use is even lower (0.5%).29 Noncombustible tobacco product use is highest among young adults26,31 and smokers.24,27,28Although use of noncombustible tobacco products could potentially reduce harm associated with smoking if they replace cigarettes,32,33 some studies suggest that current smokers who use noncombustible tobacco products do not reduce combustible use and may delay cessation.12,34–37 For example, a study by Wetter et al.38 found that dual users of smokeless tobacco products and cigarettes were less likely to quit than were either smokeless tobacco product or cigarette users alone. This is of concern given the rising rates of dual use; a recent study reported that 30% of young adults who smoke cigarettes use at least 1 other tobacco product.31 Dual use is more prevalent among men,39,40 those of lower socioeconomic status,39,41 and youths and young adults.35,41,42Studies show that most users (65%–85%) perceive ENDS as less harmful than cigarettes,24,26,43 and 40% to 50% perceive snus and dissolvables as equally harmful as cigarettes.29 Few studies have examined reasons for use; one study of visitors to ENDS and smoking cessation Web sites found that nearly 85% used ENDS because they believed that they were less toxic than tobacco; other responses included use of ENDS to deal with cravings or withdrawal, to quit smoking, and to save money.43 Focus group research has shown that adults associate snus and dissolvables with historic images of chewing tobacco,34,44 express skepticism that the products are safer than cigarettes,34 do not view them as substitutes for cigarettes,34,44 and express concern about the user’s lack of control of nicotine ingestion relative to cigarettes.44 By contrast, young adults expressed positive perceptions of snus, dissolvables, and ENDS, in part because of a willingness to experiment with new products and because they are available in flavors.45With the ever-changing tobacco marketplace and the tobacco companies’ commitment to the development and promotion of noncombustible tobacco products, surveillance is critical. This study built on previous research to provide current estimates of noncombustible tobacco product use among current and former smokers and examined harm perceptions of noncombustible tobacco products and reasons for their use.     

Exploring Migratory Dynamics on HIV Transmission: The Case of Mexicans in New York City and Puebla,Mexico

Migration and population movement are increasingly viewed as important factors associated with HIV transmission risk. With growing awareness of the potential impact of migration on HIV transmission, several perspectives have emerged that posit differing dynamics of risk. We considered available data on the role of migration on HIV transmission among Mexican migrants in New York City and Puebla, Mexico. Specifically, we examined 3 distinct models of migratory dynamics of HIV transmission—namely, the structural model, the local contextual model, and the interplay model. In doing so, we reframed current public health perspectives on the role of migration on HIV transmission.The epidemiological literature related to Latinos and HIV in the United States highlights geographic disparities in disease burden.1 HIV/AIDS cases among Latinos are clustered geographically, such that Latinos experience increased vulnerability as a function of residence in high-risk physical and geographic areas.2 Recent trends in HIV infection demonstrate that Latino mobility and migratory patterns are potentially associated with increased HIV incidence.3 As a result, several key dynamics to account for the role of migration and HIV transmission have emerged in recent literature. However, to adequately address the current HIV epidemic among Latinos, greater consideration of each of these mechanisms and enhanced attention to the role of geography and migration is warranted.4 Recent findings increasingly draw attention to the role of population mixing and movement, geography, and other physical spaces as important factors for understanding Latino HIV disparities.5 We build upon this work by examining the available empirical literature on HIV and migration in relation to the social structures and contexts in which risk behavior takes place. Specifically, we explored 3 mechanisms for the impact of migration on HIV transmission through the case of Mexican migrants in New York City (NYC) and Puebla.As the epicenter of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the United States, NYC is one such high-risk geographic area.6 New York City has an incidence rate 3 times the national average and the highest number of AIDS cases relative to any other metropolitan city.6 Latinos in the city are disproportionately affected by the disease and are twice as likely to be diagnosed with HIV/AIDS compared with non-Hispanic Whites.7 Furthermore, although Latinos account for approximately 25% of the population in NYC, they represent 33% of NYC persons living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA).8,9 Among NYC Latinos, HIV occurs primarily among adults through high-risk sexual behavior and intravenous drug use.10 Specifically, Latino men who have sex with men (MSM) constitute the majority of cases (40%), followed by injection drug users (27%).10 These data suggest that in NYC, Latino MSM and intravenous drug users bear the burden of HIV disease. However, a significant proportion of Latina women in NYC infected with HIV are exposed through high-risk sexual activity (67%) and represents a steady proportion of new HIV diagnoses among women in recent years.11HIV/AIDS is of particular concern among Latinos as they are more likely to experience delays in access to care, which results in adverse health outcomes. For example, Latinos, particularly Mexicans with low levels of acculturation, are less likely to obtain an HIV test.12 Those who are diagnosed often experience rapid progression to AIDS, suggesting that many Latinos are diagnosed late in their infection.6 In 2011, for example, 31% of Latinos diagnosed with HIV in NYC were concurrently diagnosed with AIDS, compared with only 15% of Whites.11 Late diagnosis puts Latinos at greater health risks because they do not receive the benefits of early antiretroviral treatment.13 In addition to late diagnosis and delayed treatment, obstacles in access to HIV treatment for Latinos include lack of a designated routine health care provider and adequate health insurance.14Increasingly, the Latino population in NYC has undergone important demographic changes.15 Specifically, migratory changes have shifted the composition of the Latino population in NYC, introducing new Latino subgroups to a geographic area of heightened HIV risk. Traditionally, the Latino population in NYC has been classified as largely stemming from the Caribbean—specifically, Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. However, Mexicans, whose US migration patterns have traditionally been associated with the areas of the Southwest, are increasingly moving to NYC, a nontraditional receiving community.For example, the Mexican population in NYC in 2010 was more than 5 times what it was in 1990.16 In 1990, an estimated 56 700 Mexicans were living in NYC; by 2000, this number grew to 180 000, and later to 325 000 in 2010.16 Foreign-born males with less than a high-school education represent the bulk of the Mexican population growth and a significant portion of this population attains employment in NYC.15 By 2024, it is predicted that Mexicans will be the most populous Latino ethnic subgroup in the largest city of the United States.17 One notable feature of NYC’s Mexican community is that nearly half (45%) originates from the state of Puebla in east-central Mexico, although other sources suggest far higher proportions (more than 70%).18 Data from the American Community Survey demonstrate that Mexican-born persons are geographically clustered in specific target communities, predominantly the Bronx and Queens (Figure 1).19Open in a separate windowFIGURE 1—Foreign-born from Mexico by Public Use Microdata Areas in New York City: 2006–2008.Note. PUMA = Public Use Microdata Area.Source. US Census Bureau.20