Health Among Caregivers of Children With Health Problems: Findings From a Canadian Population-Based Study

Objectives. We used population-based data to evaluate whether caring for a child with health problems had implications for caregiver health after we controlled for relevant covariates.Methods. We used data on 9401 children and their caregivers from a population-based Canadian study. We performed analyses to compare 3633 healthy children with 2485 children with health problems. Caregiver health outcomes included chronic conditions, activity limitations, self-reported general health, depressive symptoms, social support, family functioning, and marital satisfaction. Covariates included family (single-parent status, number of children, income adequacy), caregiver (gender, age, education, smoking status, biological relationship to child), and child (age, gender) characteristics.Results. Logistic regression showed that caregivers of children with health problems had more than twice the odds of reporting chronic conditions, activity limitations, and elevated depressive symptoms, and had greater odds of reporting poorer general health than did caregivers of healthy children.Conclusions. Caregivers of children with health problems had substantially greater odds of health problems than did caregivers of healthy children. The findings are consistent with the movement toward family-centered services recognizing the link between caregivers'' health and health of the children for whom they care.Caring for a child with health problems can entail greater than average time demands,^1,2 medical costs,^3,4 employment constraints,^5,6 and childcare challenges.^6–8 These demands may affect the health of caregivers, a notion supported by a variety of small-scale observational studies that have shown increased levels of stress, distress, emotional problems, and depression among caregivers of children with health problems.^1,2,5,9–12Whether these problems are caused by the additional demands of caring for children with health problems or by confounding variables is difficult to answer definitively. The literature reports the identification of a variety of factors purported to be associated with caregiver health, including contextual factors such as socioeconomic status^13–17; child factors such as level of disability,^{1,11,13,18–21} presence of behavior problems,^22–25 and overall child adjustment²⁶; and caregiver-related characteristics such as coping strategies^11,22,27 and support from friends and family.^15,17,28,29 In general, this work has been based on small clinic-based samples^9,30 or specific child populations (e.g., cerebral palsy,^5,25 attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder^31,32), and typically has been hampered by limited generalizability and a lack of careful, multivariate analysis. Furthermore, most studies have focused on caregivers'' psychological health,^1,2,5,9–12 although physical health effects may also exist among caregivers.^5,19,25,33One of the few studies to involve large-scale, population-based data compared the health of 468 caregivers of children with cerebral palsy to the health of a population-based sample of Canadian parents.⁵ The study showed that caregivers of children with cerebral palsy had poorer health on a variety of physical and psychological health measures. Furthermore, the data were consistent with a stress process model,^5,25 which proposes that additional stresses associated with caring for a child with cerebral palsy directly contribute to poorer caregiver health. However, these findings were based on a specific subpopulation of caregivers and univariate comparisons that could not control for potentially important confounders such as variation in caregiver education, income, and other demographic factors.We used population-based data to test the hypothesis that the health of caregivers of children with health problems would be significantly poorer than that of caregivers of healthy children, even after we controlled for relevant covariates. Our approach of using large-scale, population-based data representing a broad spectrum of childhood health problems³⁴ makes 4 key contributions to the current literature. First, our use of population-based data rather than small-scale, clinic-based studies yielded results that are potentially generalizable to a wide group of caregivers caring for children with health problems. Second, our examination of children with and without health problems allowed us to examine caregiver health effects across a wide variety of caregiving situations. Third, consideration of physical health outcomes (in addition to more regularly studied psychological outcomes) increased our knowledge of the breadth of caregiver health issues. Finally, controlling for relevant covariates allowed us to rule out a number of alternative explanations for caregiver health effects.     

Impact of individual-, environmental-, and policy-level factors on health care utilization among US farmworkers

Objectives. We examined individual-, environmental-, and policy-level correlates of US farmworker health care utilization, guided by the behavioral model for vulnerable populations and the ecological model.Methods. The 2006 and 2007 administrations of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (n = 2884) provided the primary data. Geographic information systems, the 2005 Uniform Data System, and rurality and border proximity indices provided environmental variables. To identify factors associated with health care use, we performed logistic regression using weighted hierarchical linear modeling.Results. Approximately half (55.3%) of farmworkers utilized US health care in the previous 2 years. Several factors were independently associated with use at the individual level (gender, immigration and migrant status, English proficiency, transportation access, health status, and non-US health care utilization), the environmental level (proximity to US–Mexico border), and the policy level (insurance status and workplace payment structure). County Federally Qualified Health Center resources were not independently associated.Conclusions. We identified farmworkers at greatest risk for poor access. We made recommendations for change to farmworker health care access at all 3 levels of influence, emphasizing Federally Qualified Health Center service delivery.US farmworkers face significant disease burden¹ and excessive mortality rates for some diseases (e.g., certain cancers and tuberculosis) and injuries.² Disparities in health outcomes likely stem from occupational exposures and socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities. US farmworkers are typically Hispanic with limited education, income, and English proficiency.³ Approximately half are unauthorized to work in the United States.³ Despite marked disease burden, health care utilization appears to be low.^1,4–9 For example, only approximately half of California farmworkers received medical care in the previous year.⁶ This rate parallels that of health care utilization for US Hispanics, of whom approximately half made an ambulatory care visit in the previous year, compared with 75.7% of non-Hispanic Whites.¹⁰ Disparities in dental care have a comparable pattern.^6,8,11,12 However, utilization of preventive health services is lower for farmworkers^5,7,13,14 than it is for both US Hispanics and non-Hispanic Whites.^15,16Farmworkers face numerous barriers to health care^1,4,17: lack of insurance and knowledge of how to use or obtain it,^6,18 cost,^{5,6,12,13,18–20} lack of transportation,^{6,12,13,19–21} not knowing how to access care,^6,18,20,21 few services in the area or limited hours,^12,20,21 difficulty leaving work,¹⁹ lack of time,^5,13,19 language differences,^6,8,18–20 and fear of the medical system,¹³ losing employment,⁶ and immigration officials.²¹ Few studies have examined correlates of health care use among farmworkers. Those that have are outdated or limited in representativeness.^5,7,14,22,23 Thus, we systematically examined correlates of US health care use in a nationally representative sample of farmworkers, using recently collected data. The sampling strategy and application of postsampling weights enhance generalizability. We selected correlates on the basis of previous literature and the behavioral model for vulnerable populations.²⁴ The behavioral model posits that predisposing, enabling, and need characteristics influence health care use.²⁵ The ecological model, which specifies several levels of influence on behavior (e.g., policy, environmental, intrapersonal),²⁶ provided the overall theoretical framework. To our knowledge, we are the first to extensively examine multilevel correlates of farmworker health care use. We sought to identify farmworkers at greatest risk for low health care use and to suggest areas for intervention at all 3 levels of influence so that farmworker service provision can be improved.     

Health status, neighborhood socioeconomic context, and premature mortality in the United States: The National Institutes of Health-AARP Diet and Health Study

Objectives. We examined whether the risk of premature mortality associated with living in socioeconomically deprived neighborhoods varies according to the health status of individuals.Methods. Community-dwelling adults (n = 566 402; age = 50–71 years) in 6 US states and 2 metropolitan areas participated in the ongoing prospective National Institutes of Health–AARP Diet and Health Study, which began in 1995. We used baseline data for 565 679 participants on health behaviors, self-rated health status, and medical history, collected by mailed questionnaires. Participants were linked to 2000 census data for an index of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. The main outcome was all-cause mortality ascertained through 2006.Results. In adjusted survival analyses of persons in good-to-excellent health at baseline, risk of mortality increased with increasing levels of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. Neighborhood socioeconomic mortality disparities among persons in fair-to-poor health were not statistically significant after adjustment for demographic characteristics, educational achievement, lifestyle, and medical conditions.Conclusions. Neighborhood socioeconomic inequalities lead to large disparities in risk of premature mortality among healthy US adults but not among those in poor health.Research dating back to at least the 1920s has shown that the United States has experienced persistent and widening socioeconomic disparities in premature mortality over time.^1–5 However, it has been unclear whether socioeconomic inequalities affect the longevity of persons in good and poor health equally. Socioeconomic status (SES) and health status are interrelated,^6–8 and both are strong independent predictors of mortality.⁹ Low SES is associated with greater risk of ill health and premature death,^{1–5,8,10–13} partly attributable to disproportionately high prevalence of unhealthful lifestyle practices^10,14,15 and physical and mental health conditions.^13,16 Correspondingly, risk of premature mortality is higher in poor than in more affluent areas.^16,17 Although the association between neighborhood poverty and mortality is independent of individual-level SES,^17,18 aggregation of low-SES populations in poor areas may contribute to variations in health outcomes across neighborhoods. Conversely, economic hardships resulting from ill health may lead persons in poor physical or mental health to move to poor neighborhoods.¹⁹ This interrelatedness may create spurious associations between neighborhood poverty and mortality.Although previous studies have found that the risk of premature death associated with poor health status varies according to individuals'' SES,^20,21 no published studies have examined whether the relative risks for premature mortality associated with living in neighborhoods with higher levels of socioeconomic deprivation vary by health status of individuals. Clarifying these relationships will inform social and public health policies and programs that aim to mitigate the health consequences of neighborhood poverty.^22,23We used data from a large prospective study to examine whether the risk of premature mortality associated with neighborhood socioeconomic context differs according to health status at baseline and remains after adjustment for person-level risk factors for mortality, such as SES, lifestyle practices, and chronic medical illnesses.     

Suicidal Behavior Among Female Sex Workers in Goa, India: The Silent Epidemic

Objectives. We sought to study suicidal behavior prevalence and its association with social and gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors among female sex workers in Goa, India.Methods. Using respondent-driven sampling, we recruited 326 sex workers in Goa for an interviewer-administered questionnaire regarding self-harming behaviors, sociodemographics, sex work, gender disadvantage, and health. Participants were tested for sexually transmitted infections. We used multivariate analysis to define suicide attempt determinants.Results. Nineteen percent of sex workers in the sample reported attempted suicide in the past 3 months. Attempts were independently associated with intimate partner violence (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.70; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.38, 5.28), violence from others (AOR = 2.26; 95% CI = 1.15, 4.45), entrapment (AOR = 2.76; 95% CI = 1.11, 6.83), regular customers (AOR = 3.20; 95% CI = 1.61, 6.35), and worsening mental health (AOR = 1.05; 95% CI = 1.01, 1.11). Lower suicide attempt likelihood was associated with Kannad ethnicity, HIV prevention services, and having a child.Conclusions. Suicidal behaviors among sex workers were common and associated with gender disadvantage and poor mental health. India''s widespread HIV-prevention programs for sex workers provide an opportunity for community-based interventions against gender-based violence and for mental health services delivery.Suicide is a public health priority in India. Rates of suicide in India are 5 times higher than in the developed world,^1,2 with particularly high rates of suicide among young women.^3–5 Verbal autopsy surveillance from southern India suggests that suicide accounts for 50% to 75% of all deaths among young women, with average suicide rates of 158 per 100 000.²Common mental disorders such as depressive and anxiety disorders, and social disadvantage such as gender-based violence and poverty, are major risk factors for suicide among women.^1,3,6–8 Although research from high-income countries shows that common mental disorders are a major contributor to the risk of suicidal behavior, their role is less clear in low- and middle-income countries in which social disadvantage has been found to be at least as important.^1,3,6–8 Gender disadvantage is increasingly seen as an important contributing factor to the high rates of suicide seen among women in Asia.^1,3,6,7 Gender-based violence is a common manifestation of gender disadvantage and has been linked with common mental disorders and suicide in population-based studies of women and young adults in Goa, India.^4,5,9 Lack of autonomy, early sexual debut, limited sexual choices, poor reproductive health, and social isolation are other manifestations of gender disadvantage.Sex work in India is common. An estimated 0.6% to 0.7% of the female adult urban population are engaged in commercial sexual transactions.¹⁰ Studies from developed nations have found a high prevalence of self-harming behaviors in people engaged in transactional sexual activity.¹¹ There is also growing evidence suggesting that HIV-positive individuals from traditionally stigmatized groups report higher rates of violence exposure and suicidal ideation.^12,13 Female sex workers in India are a traditionally stigmatized group, with high prevalence of HIV¹⁰ and levels of stigma and violence that relate to the context of their work.¹⁴ Yet, despite substantial investigation of their reproductive and sexual health needs, there is virtually no information on suicide and its determinants among female sex workers from low- and middle-income countries.¹⁵As demonstrated in the hierarchical conceptual framework outlined in Figure 1,^4,5,9 we hypothesized that gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors together with factors indicative of social disadvantage are distal determinants of female sex workers'' vulnerability to suicidal behaviors,^4,5,9,15 the effects of which would be mediated though poor mental health.³ We studied the burden of suicidal behaviors in a cross-sectional sample of female sex workers in Goa, India. We explored the association of sociodemographic factors, type of sex work, sexual health, and gender disadvantage, with and without measures of poor mental health, on suicide attempts in the past 3 months.Open in a separate windowFIGURE 1A conceptual framework for social risk factors for suicide among female sex workers in India.Note. STI = sexually transmitted infection.     

The association between perceived discrimination and obesity in a population-based multiracial and multiethnic adult sample

Objectives. We examined whether perceived chronic discrimination was related to excess body fat accumulation in a random, multiethnic, population-based sample of US adults.Methods. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression and logistic regression analyses to examine the relationship between interpersonal experiences of perceived chronic discrimination and body mass index and high-risk waist circumference.Results. Consistent with other studies, our analyses showed that perceived unfair treatment was associated with increased abdominal obesity. Compared with Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who did not experience perceived chronic discrimination, Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who perceived chronic discrimination were 2 to 6 times more likely to have a high-risk waist circumference. No significant relationship between perceived discrimination and the obesity measures was found among the other Whites, Blacks, or Hispanics.Conclusions. These findings are not completely unsupported. White ethnic groups including Polish, Italians, Jews, and Irish have historically been discriminated against in the United States, and other recent research suggests that they experience higher levels of perceived discrimination than do other Whites and that these experiences adversely affect their health.It is estimated that 2 of every 3 adults in the United States are overweight or obese.^1,2 Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic health conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, hypertension, stroke, some forms of cancer, and osteoarthritis.³ Although it is widely accepted that high-fat diets and physical inactivity are preventable risk factors,⁴ obesity continues to increase.^1,2,5There is a growing interest in the relationship between psychosocial risk factors and excess body fat accumulation.^6–16 In particular, some evidence suggests that psychosocial stressors may play a role in disease progression in general and in excess body fat in particular.^7,8,17 The key factors underlying physiological reactions to psychosocial stress have not been completely elucidated, but McEwen and Seeman¹⁷ and others^7,18,19 posit that the continued adaptation of the physiological system to external challenges alters the normal physiological stress reaction pathways and that these changes are related to adverse health outcomes.^8,17,18,20 For example, in examining the association between psychosocial stress and excess body fat accumulation, Björntorp and others have suggested that psychosocial stress is linked to obesity, especially in the abdominal area.^7,8Perceived discrimination, as a psychosocial stressor, is now receiving increased attention in the empirical health literature.^21–24 Such studies suggest perceived discrimination is inversely related to poor mental and physical health outcomes and risk factors, including hypertension,^24,25 depressive symptoms,^26–28 smoking,^29–31 alcohol drinking,^32,33 low birthweight,^34,35 and cardiovascular outcomes.^36–38Internalized racism, the acceptance of negative stereotypes by the stigmatized group,³⁹ has also been recognized as a race-related psychosocial risk factor.⁴⁰ Recent studies have also suggested that race-related beliefs and experiences including perceived discrimination might be potentially related to excess body fat accumulation. Three of these studies^9,13,41 showed that internalized racism was associated with an increased likelihood of overweight or abdominal obesity among Black Caribbean women in Dominica⁴¹ and Barbados¹³ and adolescent girls in Barbados.⁹ These researchers posit that individuals with relatively high levels of internalized racism have adopted a defeatist mindset, which is believed to be related to the physiological pathway associated with excess body fat accumulation. However, Vines et al.¹⁶ found that perceived racism was associated with lower waist-to-hip ratios among Black women in the United States. Although the assessment of race-related risk factors varied across these studies, the findings suggest that the salience of race-related beliefs and experiences may be related to excess body fat accumulation.Collectively, the results of these studies are limited. First, because they examined the relationship between race-related beliefs and experiences and excess body fat only among women, we do not know if this relationship is generalizable to men.^13,16,41 Second, these studies only examined this relationship among Blacks, even though perceived unfair treatment because of race/ethnicity has been shown to be adversely related to the health of multiple racial/ethnic population groups in the United States^42–49 and internationally.^27,50–55 Third, none of the studies have examined the relationship between excess body fat accumulation and perceived nonracial/nonethnic experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Some evidence suggests that the generic perception of unfair treatment or bias is adversely related to health, regardless of whether it is attributed to race, ethnicity, or some other reason.^45,55,56 Fourth, none of these studies included other measures of stress. We do not know if the association between race-related risk factors and obesity is independent of other traditional indicators of stress.Using a multiethnic, population-based sample of adults, we examined the association of perceived discrimination and obesity independent of other known risk factors for obesity, including stressful major life events. Additionally, because reports of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and non-racial/ethnic discrimination vary by racial/ethnic groups^24,45,46,57 and because Whites tend to have less excess body fat than do Blacks and Hispanics,^1,3 we examined the relationships between perceived discrimination and excess body fat accumulation among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, and non-Hispanic Blacks.     

Prevalence of Undiagnosed Acute and Chronic HIV in a Lower-Prevalence Urban Emergency Department

Objectives. We estimated the seroprevalence of both acute and chronic HIV infection by using a random sample of emergency department (ED) patients from a region of the United States with low-to-moderate HIV prevalence.Methods. This cross-sectional seroprevalence study consecutively enrolled patients aged 18 to 64 years within randomly selected sampling blocks in a Midwestern urban ED in a region of lower HIV prevalence in 2008 to 2009. Participants were compensated for providing a blood sample and health information. After de-identification, we assayed samples for HIV antibody and nucleic acid.Results. There were 926 participants who consented and enrolled. Overall, prevalence of undiagnosed HIV was 0.76% (95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.30%, 1.56%). Three participants (0.32%; 95% CI = 0.09%, 0.86%) were nucleic acid–positive but antibody-negative and 4 (0.43%; 95% CI = 0.15%, 1.02%) were antibody-positive.Conclusions. Even when the absolute prevalence is low, a considerable proportion of undetected HIV cases in an ED population are acute. Identification of acute HIV in ED settings should receive increased priority.HIV screening is recommended by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as an essential component of the nation’s HIV prevention effort.1,2 Emergency departments (EDs) are particularly emphasized as venues for HIV screening.3–5 Emergency departments serve more than 100 million patients annually, readily accessing vulnerable populations with a high prevalence of undetected HIV.1,4–8To date, most attention has been focused on detection of HIV in the chronic phase, after seroconversion, by assay for antibodies. Yet identification of patients during acute HIV infection could have a significant impact on further transmission.9,10 Testing for acute HIV infection is accomplished by assays that detect viral proteins or viral genetic material before antibody detection is possible. This testing is more expensive, complex, or may delay results compared with antibody testing.9,11,12 Despite these disadvantages, screening for acute HIV is increasingly suggested by various authors.9,13–19 Acute HIV infection is thought to contribute disproportionately to HIV incidence because of high viral replication and increased infectiousness during this phase.15,20–22 Diagnosis prompts many individuals to reduce transmission behaviors,23 and partner notification efforts may be more successful.24 There is also renewed interest in treatment during acute HIV infection, to lower infectiousness and improve long-term patient health outcomes.21,25–27 In light of these benefits, screening for acute HIV infection may ultimately be cost-effective and worthy of increased logistical challenges.9,28Unfortunately, the controversies and implementation barriers in HIV screening have yet to be fully resolved,29–35 particularly in ED settings where patient volumes exceed capacity and acute stabilization takes precedence over preventive health.36–38 Screening in the ED for acute HIV infection will be even more challenging than screening for chronic HIV if it entails additional complexity and expense. Motivation to surmount such barriers is likely to be less in regions of lower HIV prevalence, in which disease incidence would also be presumed lower. Improving our understanding of acute HIV epidemiology in ED settings is fundamental for guiding potential implementation of ED screening interventions targeting acute HIV infection. We estimated the seroprevalence of both acute and chronic HIV infection by using a random sample of ED patients from a low-to-moderate HIV prevalence region of the United States.     

Brief Intervention and Follow-Up for Suicidal Patients With Repeat Emergency Department Visits Enhances Treatment Engagement

We implemented an innovative, brief, easy-to-administer 2-part intervention to enhance coping and treatment engagement. The intervention consisted of safety planning and structured telephone follow-up postdischarge with 95 veterans who had 2 or more emergency department (ED) visits within 6 months for suicide-related concerns (i.e., suicide ideation or behavior). The intervention significantly increased behavioral health treatment attendance 3 months after intervention, compared with treatment attendance in the 3 months after a previous ED visit without intervention. The trend was for a decreasing hospitalization rate.Approximately 400 000 to 500 000 US emergency department (ED) visits occur annually for suicide attempts.1,2 The ED is a primary site for the treatment of suicide attempts, and for many patients, ED interventions are the only treatment they receive.3 As many as 60% of suicidal ED patients are stabilized and discharged directly to outpatient care.1,2 Unfortunately, only 50% of these patients follow up on their referrals and attend 1 or more outpatient behavioral health sessions.3 Consequently, costly repeat ED visits and additional suicidal behavior are frequent. As many as 30% of patients presenting to the ED for a suicide-related concern return to the ED for another suicide-related concern within 1 year,4 and 2-year follow-up suicide mortality rates among suicide attempters are estimated at 2%.5 Recurrent suicidal behavior and limited outpatient treatment engagement are similarly significant problems among veterans,6–8 who may be at greater risk for suicide than civilians despite more recent reductions.9,10 Given that the ED is the only place where many suicidal individuals receive care, it could be an important intervention site to increase outpatient treatment engagement and reduce repeat suicidal behavior, ED visits, and hospitalizations.11     

Use of Density-Equalizing Cartograms to Visualize Trends and Disparities in State-Specific Prevalence of Obesity: 1996–2006

Objectives. We used cartograms to visually communicate the state-specific prevalence of obesity and its association with socioeconomic variables over time to benefit and inform decisions by national health policymakers who address geographic and social inequities in health.Methods. We generated density-equalizing maps, known as cartograms (in which geographic regions are sized in proportion to some variable), that illustrate indicators of population and educational attainment. We also provide an innovative presentation of the obesity choropleth map (which presents values for areas by shading).Results. The maps depict the absolute burden of obesity, the inverse association between obesity and education, and geographic patterns in the prevalence of obesity over time.Conclusions. The prevalence of obesity in the United States continues to increase. These cartograms can help stakeholders interpret surveillance data and their relation to demographic and socioeconomic characteristics to inform decisions.Several national surveys have shown that prevalence rates for obesity continue to increase.^1,2 Not surprisingly, this prevalence is not uniformly distributed; obesity disproportionately affects some groups in the United States.^3,4 Among adult men, no significant differences in obesity prevalence are seen among racial/ethnic groups.^1,5,6 However, both non-Hispanic Black and Mexican American women have a higher prevalence of obesity.^1,5,6 Among adult women, poverty and low educational levels are also associated with a higher prevalence of obesity.⁵Data from public health surveillance, often summarized in large, traditional tables, can be difficult to interpret and may not show the information in a meaningful way. One common solution is to display trends in the prevalence of obesity via maps. For instance, researchers have used choropleth maps (which present percentages for areas through the use of color, saturation, and lightness) to show changes in state-specific prevalence of obesity over time.⁷ Several limitations and critiques have been noted for choropleth maps, however.^8,9 For example, large areas (often sparsely populated) tend to visually dominate smaller (often densely populated) areas,^10–14 leading to potential misinterpretation of the burden of obesity. Moreover, obesity is most highly concentrated among certain subpopulations, not only minorities but also the poor,¹⁵ and these related factors are difficult to depict on choropleth maps.The use of density-equalizing maps, or cartograms, minimizes such limitations by transforming the size and sometimes the shape of political areas (in this case, states) so they are proportional to another variable; traditionally, the variable is population, but other variables could be used. Cartograms are relatively new to public health but have been used successfully to map patterns of chronic disease, including the distribution of Wilms tumors in New York State,¹⁶ mortality patterns of cerebrovascular disease in North Carolina,¹⁷ and associations between both lung cancer and leukemia and the Rocky Flats plant site in Colorado.¹⁰ Other successful cartograms have been developed to analyze the spatial distribution of cryptosporidiosis among AIDS patients in San Francisco, California,¹⁸ and to characterize the spatial distribution of late-state and in situ breast cancer among women in the San Francisco Bay Area.¹⁹ Innovative mapping applications, including cartograms, can be used in public health to improve understanding of health problems and for exploratory analysis of data.^20,21For our exploratory study, we used cartograms and other cartographic techniques to visually communicate the pattern of obesity prevalence and its association with socioeconomic variables over time. Our density-equalizing cartograms of population and education indicators show the prevalence of obesity, and an innovative presentation of the choropleth map shows change in obesity prevalence over time.     

Social gradients in oral health in older adults: findings from the English longitudinal survey of aging

Objectives. We examined prospective associations between socioeconomic position (SEP) markers and oral health outcomes in a national sample of older adults in England.Methods. Data were from the English Longitudinal Survey of Aging, a national cohort study of community-dwelling people aged 50 years and older. SEP markers (education, occupation, household income, household wealth, subjective social status, and childhood SEP) and sociodemographic confounders (age, gender, and marital status) were from wave 1. We collected 3 self-reported oral health outcomes at wave 3: having natural teeth (dentate vs edentate), self-rated oral health, and oral impacts on daily life. Using multivariate logistic regression models, we estimated associations between each SEP indicator and each oral health outcome, adjusted for confounders.Results. Irrespective of SEP marker, there were inverse graded associations between SEP and edentulousness, with proportionately more edentate participants at each lower SEP level. Lower SEP was also associated with worse self-rated oral health and oral impacts among dentate, but not among edentate, participants.Conclusions. There are consistent and clear social gradients in the oral health of older adults in England, with disparities evident throughout the SEP hierarchy.The inverse linear relationship between socioeconomic position (SEP) and health is well established.^1–4 The uneven distribution of health across socioeconomic strata has been observed in both industrialized and less developed countries and for most common diseases and causes of death.^1,5–8 In most cases, the association between SEP and health is characterized by a linear graded pattern, with people in each lower SEP category having successively worse levels of health and dying earlier than those that are better off, a characteristic known as the social gradient in health.⁹Although there is clear and consistent evidence about the existence of the social gradient in working-age adults,^10,11 studies in older adults are less consistent, with some showing attenuation of the gradient^12,13 and others reporting that it persisted^14,15 or even increased¹⁶ in magnitude.Oral health is particularly important at older ages with tooth loss shown to be independently associated with disability and mortality.^17–20 Oral health status in older people is also an important determinant of nutritional status.²¹Socioeconomic disparities in oral health have been consistently demonstrated for various indicators, mostly clinical and disease related^22–31 but also subjective measures of oral health and quality of life.^30,32–38 Some of these studies have explicitly assessed the existence of an oral health gradient,^{23,25–31,34–37} but almost all were carried out on adolescents and adults, with very few focusing on older people.^33,36 These few relevant studies are cross-sectional and inconclusive and have used a limited number of SEP indicators (typically, education and occupational class), thereby hindering any comprehensive analysis on the relationship between SEP and oral health.We addressed the gap in the literature about the existence of an oral health gradient at older ages by examining the prospective associations between a wide range of SEP indicators (education, occupation, household income, household wealth, subjective social status [SSS], and childhood SEP) and various oral health outcomes (presence of natural teeth, self-rated oral health, and oral impacts) in a national sample of older adults from the English Longitudinal Survey of Aging (ELSA). We explored whether there are any significant socioeconomic inequalities in oral health among older people in England and, if so, whether these take the form of a gradient.     

Walking and Cycling to Health: A Comparative Analysis of City, State, and International Data

Objectives. We sought to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of the relationship between active travel and rates of physical activity, obesity, and diabetes.Methods. We examined aggregate cross-sectional health and travel data for 14 countries, all 50 US states, and 47 of the 50 largest US cities through graphical, correlation, and bivariate regression analysis on the country, state, and city levels.Results. At all 3 geographic levels, we found statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and self-reported obesity. At the state and city levels, we found statistically significant positive relationships between active travel and physical activity and statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and diabetes.Conclusions. Together with many other studies, our analysis provides evidence of the population-level health benefits of active travel. Policies on transport, land-use, and urban development should be designed to encourage walking and cycling for daily travel.Many nations throughout the world have experienced large increases in obesity rates over the past 30 years.^1,2 The World Health Organization estimates that more than 300 million adults are obese,³ putting them at increased risk for diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, cardiovascular disease, gout, gallstones, fatty liver, and some cancers.^4,5 Several studies have linked the increase in obesity rates to physical inactivity^6–8 and to widespread availability of inexpensive, calorie-dense foods and beverages.^1,9The importance of physical activity for public health is well established. A US Surgeon General''s report in 1996, Physical Activity and Health,¹⁰ summarized evidence from cross-sectional studies; prospective, longitudinal studies; and clinical investigations. The report concluded that physical inactivity contributes to increased risk of many chronic diseases and health conditions. Furthermore, the research suggested that even 30 minutes per day of moderate-intensity physical activity, if performed regularly, provides significant health benefits. Subsequent reports have supported these conclusions.^11–13The role of physical activity in prevention of weight gain is well documented.¹⁴ Strong evidence from cross-sectional studies has established an inverse relationship between physical activity and body mass index.^15,16 In addition, longitudinal studies have shown that exercisers gain less weight than do their sedentary counterparts.^6,8 Thus, the obesity epidemic may be explained partly by declining levels of physical activity.^1,17,18A growing body of evidence suggests that differences in the built environment for physical activity (e.g., infrastructure for walking and cycling, availability of public transit, street connectivity, housing density, and mixed land use) influence the likelihood that people will use active transport for their daily travel.^19,20 People who live in areas that are more conducive to walking and cycling are more likely to engage in these forms of active transport.^21–25 Walking and cycling can provide valuable daily physical activity.^26–30 Such activities increase rates of caloric expenditure,³¹ and they generally fall into the moderate-intensity range that provides health benefits.^32–35 Thus, travel behavior could have a major influence on health and longevity.^29,30,36,37Over the past decade, researchers have begun to identify linkages between active travel and public health.^38–40 Cross-sectional studies indicate that walking and cycling for transport are linked to better health. The degree of reliance on walking and cycling for daily travel differs greatly among countries.^39,41 European countries with high rates of walking and cycling have less obesity than do Australia and countries in North America that are highly car dependent.²⁶ In addition, walking and cycling for transport are directly related to improved health in older adults.⁴² The Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults Study found that active commuting was positively associated with aerobic fitness among men and women and inversely associated with body mass index, obesity, triglyceride levels, resting blood pressure, and fasting insulin among men.^26,39,41,43Further evidence of the link between active commuting and health comes from prospective, longitudinal studies.⁴⁴ Matthews et al. examined more than 67 000 Chinese women in the Shanghai women''s health study and followed them for an average of 5.7 years.³⁷ Women who walked (P < .07) and cycled (P < .05) for transport had lower rates of all-cause mortality than did those who did not engage in such behaviors. Similarly, Andersen et al. observed that cycling to work decreased mortality rates by 40% among Danish men and women.³⁶ A recent analysis of a multifaceted cycling demonstration project in Odense, Denmark, reported a 20% increase in cycling levels from 1996 to 2002 and a 5-month increase in life expectancy for males.⁴⁵We analyzed recent evidence from a variety of data sources that supports the crucial relationship between active travel, physical activity, obesity, and diabetes. We used city- and state-level data from the United States and national aggregate data for 14 countries to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of each relationship.     

Life-Course Socioeconomic Position and Incidence of Diabetes Mellitus Among Blacks and Whites: The Alameda County Study, 1965�C1999

Objectives. We examined associations between several life-course socioeconomic position (SEP) measures (childhood SEP, education, income, occupation) and diabetes incidence from 1965 to 1999 in a sample of 5422 diabetes-free Black and White participants in the Alameda County Study.Methods. Race-specific Cox proportional hazard models estimated diabetes risk associated with each SEP measure. Demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and potential pathway components (physical inactivity, body composition, smoking, alcohol consumption, hypertension, depression, access to health care) were included as covariates.Results. Diabetes incidence was twice as high for Blacks as for Whites. Diabetes risk factors independently increased risk, but effect sizes were greater among Whites. Low childhood SEP elevated risk for both racial groups. Protective effects were suggested for low education and blue-collar occupation among Blacks, but these factors increased risk for Whites. Income was protective for Whites but not Blacks. Covariate adjustment had negligible effects on associations between each SEP measure and diabetes incidence for both racial groups.Conclusions. These findings suggest an important role for life-course SEP measures in determining risk of diabetes, regardless of race and after adjustment for factors that may confound or mediate these associations.Diabetes mellitus is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in the United States.^1,2 Type 2 diabetes disproportionately affects Hispanics, as well as non-Hispanic Black Americans, American Indians/Alaska Natives, and some Asian/Pacific Islander groups. In the United States, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are almost twice as likely to develop or have type 2 diabetes than are non-Hispanic Whites.^2–5 Significant racial and ethnic differences also exist in the rates of diabetes-related preventive services, quality of care, and disease outcomes.^6–10Researchers have attempted to determine why, relative to Whites, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are disproportionately affected by diabetes. For example, compared with White Americans, Black Americans are presumed to have stronger genetic^5,11 or physiological^11–13 susceptibility to diabetes, or greater frequency or intensity of known diabetes risk factors, such as obesity, physical inactivity, and hypertension.^14–17Black Americans also are more likely than are White Americans to occupy lower socioeconomic positions.¹⁸ Low socioeconomic position (SEP) across the life course is known to influence the prevalence^19–24 and incidence^3,19,25–30 of type 2 diabetes. The risk of diabetes also is greater for people who are obese,^3,17,31 physically inactive,^3,32 or have hypertension,^33,34 all of which are conditions more common among people with lower SEP.^16,35–37Several studies have focused on the extent to which socioeconomic factors, body composition (i.e., weight, height, body mass index, and waist circumference), and behaviors explain the excess risk of diabetes attributed to race.^4,12,19,30 For example, 2 separate studies, one with data from the Health and Retirement Study¹⁹ and the other with data from the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study,³⁰ used race to predict diabetes incidence. Attempting to separate the direct and indirect effects of race on diabetes,³⁸ these studies assessed, via statistical adjustment, which socioeconomic measures and diabetes-related risk factors, when adjusted, could account for the excess risk among Black participants relative to White participants.^19,30 Adjustment for education lessened the effect of Black race on diabetes incidence in the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study.³⁰ In the Health and Retirement Study, excess risk attributed to Black race was not explained by early-life socioeconomic disadvantage, but it was reduced after adjustment for education and later-life economic resources.¹⁹ The validity of this analytic approach has been challenged, however, because the socioeconomic measures used were assumed to have the same meaning across all racial/ethnic groups, a questionable assumption³⁸ in the United States, especially in 1965.We sought to explore the predictive effects of several life-course socioeconomic factors on the incidence of diabetes among both Black and White Americans. We examined demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and diabetes risk factors (obesity, large waist circumference, physical inactivity, high blood pressure, depression, access to health care) as possible mediators of the observed associations between SEP and incident diabetes (i.e., the development of new cases of diabetes over time).     

Promoters and Barriers to Fruit, Vegetable, and Fast-Food Consumption Among Urban, Low-Income African Americans��A Qualitative Approach

To identify promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption, we interviewed low-income African Americans in Philadelphia. Salient promoters and barriers were distinct from each other and differed by food type: taste was a promoter and cost a barrier to all foods; convenience, cravings, and preferences promoted consumption of fast foods; health concerns promoted consumption of fruits and vegetables and avoidance of fast foods. Promoters and barriers differed by gender and age. Strategies for dietary change should consider food type, gender, and age.Diet-related chronic diseases—the leading causes of death in the United States^1,2—disproportionately affect African Americans^3–7 and those having low income.^8–10 Low-income African Americans tend to have diets that promote obesity, morbidity, and premature mortality^3,4,11,12; are low in fruits and vegetables^13–18; and are high in processed and fast foods.^19–23Factors that may encourage disease-promoting diets include individual tastes and preferences, cultural values and heritage, social and economic contexts, and systemic influences like media and marketing.^24–30 Because previous research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has largely come from an etic (outsider) perspective, it has potentially overlooked community-relevant insights, missed local understanding, and failed to identify effective sustainable solutions.³¹ Experts have therefore called for greater understanding of an emic (insider) perspective through qualitative methods.³¹ However, past qualitative research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has been limited, focusing mostly or exclusively on ethnic considerations,^28,29 workplace issues,¹⁰ women,^32–38 young people,^38,39 or only those with chronic diseases^34,36,39,40 and neglecting potentially important differences by age and gender.^31,41–43To build on prior research, we conducted interviews in a community-recruited sample using the standard anthropological technique of freelisting.^44–46 Our goals were (1) to identify the promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption most salient to urban, low-income African Americans and (2) to look for variation by gender and age.     

Intergenerational relationships between the smoking patterns of a population-representative sample of US mothers and the smoking trajectories of their children

Objectives. We assessed intergenerational transmission of smoking in mother-child dyads.Methods. We identified classes of youth smoking trajectories using mixture latent trajectory analyses with data from the Children and Young Adults of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (n = 6349). We regressed class membership on prenatal and postnatal exposure to maternal smoking, including social and behavioral variables, to control for selection.Results. Youth smoking trajectories entailed early-onset persistent smoking, early-onset experimental discontinued smoking, late-onset persistent smoking, and nonsmoking. The likelihood of early onset versus late onset and early onset versus nonsmoking were significantly higher among youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus either postnatally alone or unexposed. Controlling for selection, the increased likelihood of early onset versus nonsmoking remained significant for each exposure group versus unexposed, as did early onset versus late onset and late onset versus nonsmoking for youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus unexposed. Experimental smoking was notable among youths whose mothers smoked but quit before the child''s birth.Conclusions. Both physiological and social role-modeling mechanisms of intergenerational transmission are evident. Prioritization of tobacco control for pregnant women, mothers, and youths remains a critical, interrelated objective.Women who smoke during pregnancy are more likely to have offspring who become adolescent smokers.^1–7 Studies link mother''s smoking during pregnancy with youths'' earlier smoking initiation,^3,7–9 greater persistence in regular smoking,^3,7 and stronger nicotine dependency.^6,8,10,11Hypothesized physiological pathways for mother-to-child transmission of smoking are reviewed elsewhere^12–14 and may include inherited susceptibility to addiction alone or in combination with in utero neurodevelopmental exposure and scarring that activates nicotine susceptibility. Furthermore, because few women who smoke during pregnancy quit after delivery^15,16 higher rates of smoking among offspring may reflect role modeling of maternal smoking behavior. Notably, parental smoking is hypothesized to demonstrate pro-smoking norms and solidify pro-smoking attitudes.^17,18Studies considering both smoking during pregnancy and subsequent maternal smoking outcomes have sought to distinguish between these proposed social and physiological transmission pathways.^{1–4,6,7,9,19} Similarly, studies controlling for family sociodemographic factors^{1,2,4,5,7,8,10,11,19,20} or maternal propensity for health or risk taking^1,2,9,10 have sought to further distinguish direct physiological or social transmission from selection. Studies considering children''s cognitive and behavioral outcomes have shown that selection by maternal social and behavioral precursors to smoking during pregnancy strongly biases findings on smoking during pregnancy^21,22; however, it remains unclear whether this is also the case for youth smoking. Some studies^2,3,5,6,19 have observed that smoking during pregnancy operates independently of subsequent maternal smoking. A few have found that smoking during pregnancy is only independently associated in select analyses (e.g., for initiation but not frequency or number of cigarettes^6,9 or only among females^7,20). Several have found that smoking during pregnancy does not operate independently of subsequent maternal smoking behavior,^1,4 and the remaining studies do not address postnatal maternal smoking.^8,9,11We explored whether these inconsistencies in findings supporting social or physiological mechanisms for intergenerational transmission can be accounted for by more comprehensively examining maternal and child smoking behavior. Previous work has established the advantages of statistical models for youth smoking trajectories that capture initiation, experimentation, cessation, or continued use.^23–28 Studies focusing on parental smoking concurrent with youth smoking suggest that postnatal exposures may differentially predispose youths for specific smoking trajectories.^24,26–28 Only 3 known studies have considered whether smoking during pregnancy influences youth smoking progression, and these have shown greater likelihood of early regular use^3,11 and telescoping to dependence.⁸ However, limitations of sample selectivity and measurement and modeling of maternal and youth smoking outcomes restrict the generalizability and scope of these findings.²⁹ To specifically address these limitations and more comprehensively assess hypothesized intergenerational transmission pathways, we used US population–representative data, latent variable techniques, and a rich set of data on maternal and youth smoking and social and behavioral selection factors. We characterized trajectories of youth smoking from adolescence through young adulthood and considered exposure to various maternal smoking patterns from prebirth to the child''s early adolescence.     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

Childbearing Intentions of HIV-Positive Women of Reproductive Age in Soweto,South Africa: The Influence of Expanding Access to HAART in an HIV Hyperendemic Setting

Objectives. We investigated whether the intention to have children varied according to HIV status and use of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) among women in Soweto, South Africa.Methods. We used survey data from 674 women aged 18 to 44 years recruited from the Perinatal HIV Research Unit in Soweto (May through December 2007); 217 were HIV-positive HAART users (median duration of use = 31 months; interquartile range = 28, 33), 215 were HIV-positive and HAART–naive, and 242 were HIV negative. Logistic regression models examined associations between HIV status, HAART use, and intention to have children.Results. Overall, 44% of women reported intent to have children, with significant variation by HIV status: 31% of HAART users, 29% of HAART-naive women, and 68% of HIV-negative women (P < .001). In adjusted models, HIV-positive women were nearly 60% less likely to report childbearing intentions compared with HIV-negative women (for HAART users, adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.40; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.23, 0.69; for HAART-naive women, AOR = 0.35; 95% CI = 0.21, 0.60), with minimal differences according to use or duration of HAART.Conclusions. Integrated HIV, HAART, and reproductive health services must be provided to support the rights of all women to safely achieve their fertility goals.In sub-Saharan Africa, women of childbearing age comprise 61% of people living with HIV, accounting for over 12 million women.¹ In many regions, HIV incidence is increasing most dramatically among young women aged 18 to 30 years,^1,2 which coincides with their peak reproductive years.³ Globally, a plethora of evidence indicates that many women living with HIV continue to desire children,^4–8 become pregnant,^5,6,9 and give birth^5,6,10 after knowing their HIV-positive status.Childbearing decision making can be complex regardless of HIV seropositivity¹¹; among HIV-infected women, however, reproduction introduces additional personal, public health, and clinical care issues.¹² The vast majority of conceptions occur without the use of reproductive technologies such as sperm washing and artificial insemination.¹³ Thus, the unprotected sexual activity required for conception carries a risk of HIV transmission to uninfected sexual partners.¹⁴ Reproduction among HIV-positive women also carries a risk of vertical transmission during pregnancy and labor and through breastfeeding.^15,16 Moreover, HIV-positive women have a lower life expectancy than HIV-negative women,¹⁷ increasing the risk of maternal orphanhood.¹⁸ In light of these concerns, early reproductive guidelines for people living with HIV were dissuasive,¹⁹ and HIV-positive women who express a desire to have children continue to encounter the disapproval of the community and of health care workers.^4,20Nonetheless, although the potential health risks may have dampened the fertility intentions of some HIV-positive women, stigma associated with childlessness in many societies²¹ and the strong personal desires for biological parenthood⁴ remain potent drivers of childbearing intentions, despite an HIV-positive status. Indeed, in some cultural contexts, remaining childless can be a violation of societal norms more stigmatizing than the HIV infection itself.^4,22Expanding access to highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) is changing the landscape of childbearing decision making for people living with HIV.²³ HAART increases life expectancy,^24–26 decreases morbidity,^25,27 and dramatically reduces the risks of vertical²⁸ and horizontal^29,30 transmission. In this era of expanding access to HAART, the significant reduction in health risks and barriers to reproduction among people living with HIV has coincided with increased calls for a rights- and evidenced-based approach to reproduction.^31,32 Since childbearing intentions are among the strongest predictors of eventual childbearing,³³ creating effective and responsive sexual and reproductive health services for HIV-positive women in the context of expanding access to HAART requires a clear understanding of expressed childbearing intentions.Existing evidence concerning the influence of expanding access to HAART on childbearing intentions is largely incomplete. Although recent regional studies have shown that HAART use is associated with higher childbearing intentions, these studies neglected to consider the duration of HAART use^6,7 and tended only to compare the childbearing intentions of HIV-positive women without conducting a comparison with HIV-negative women from the same community.^6–8 Moreover, the lack of an HIV-negative control group precludes the opportunity to assess whether HAART users begin to resemble HIV-negative women in their childbearing intentions, particularly as HIV is increasingly recognized as a manageable chronic disease.Given the high HIV prevalence among women of reproductive age in Soweto, South Africa,¹ we aimed to assess the prevalence of childbearing intentions and to determine whether they varied according to HIV status and HAART use among women. We hypothesized that HIV-positive women would have lower childbearing intentions than would HIV-negative women. In addition, we hypothesized that HIV-positive women receiving HAART would have higher childbearing intentions than would HIV-positive HAART-naive women, with increasing duration of HAART treatment associated with incrementally higher childbearing intentions. Overall, we hypothesized that HAART use would narrow the measurable differences in childbearing intentions between HIV-positive and HIV-negative women.²³     

Effects of Different Types of Antismoking Ads on Reducing Disparities in Smoking Cessation Among Socioeconomic Subgroups

Objectives. We assessed which types of mass media messages might reduce disparities in smoking prevalence among disadvantaged population subgroups.Methods. We followed 1491 adult smokers over 24 months and related quitting status at follow-up to exposure to antismoking ads in the 2 years prior to the baseline assessment.Results. On average, smokers were exposed to more than 200 antismoking ads during the 2-year period, as estimated by televised gross ratings points (GRPs). The odds of having quit at follow-up increased by 11% with each 10 additional potential ad exposures (per 1000 points, odds ratio [OR] = 1.11; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.00, 1.23; P < .05). Greater exposure to ads that contained highly emotional elements or personal stories drove this effect (OR = 1.14; 95% CI 1.02, 1.29; P < .05), which was greater among respondents with low and mid-socioeconomic status than among high–socioeconomic status groups.Conclusions. Emotionally evocative ads and ads that contain personalized stories about the effects of smoking and quitting hold promise for efforts to promote smoking cessation and reduce socioeconomic disparities in smoking.Tobacco use inflicts the greatest burden of illness on those least able to afford it.^1,2 An enormous challenge for tobacco control is how to tackle the consistently higher levels of smoking prevalence found among disadvantaged groups,^3–5 especially because these gaps may be widening.^6,7 Televised antismoking campaigns provide an effective population-wide method of preventing smoking uptake,^8,9 promoting adult smoking cessation,¹⁰ and reducing adult smoking prevalence,¹¹ and research indicates that some types of ads may be more effective than others. Antismoking messages that produce strong emotional arousal, particularly personal stories or graphic portrayals of the health effects of smoking, tend to perform well¹²; they are perceived to be more effective than others, are more memorable, and generate more thought and discussion.^13–16 However, it is unclear whether different types of messages might maintain, increase, or mitigate the disparities in smoking prevalence across population subgroups.Research on subgroup differences in responses to a range of anti-tobacco ads has not found systematic differences by gender, race/ethnicity, or nationality.^13,17–19 A review of the literature on the use of mass media concluded that in comparison with their effects on other populations, campaigns have often been less effective, sometimes equally effective, but rarely more effective in promoting cessation among socioeconomically disadvantaged populations.²⁰ However, many of the less effective general-audience campaigns were hampered by minimal reach to smokers of low socioeconomic status (SES) because they were low-cost campaigns unable to afford extensive media exposure.²⁰Most research examining longer-term quit rates in the context of large-scale, well-funded antismoking campaigns found comparable quit rates or reductions in smoking prevalence in low- and high-SES groups.^21–28 However, to our knowledge, no population-based research has examined the relationship between the degree of exposure to different types of antismoking messages and quit rates between low- and high-SES groups.A variety of theories^29–38 provide guidance about which styles of ads may best encourage quitting, especially among members of lower socioeconomic groups. Consistent with these theories, reviews of the effects of antismoking advertising have concluded that advertisements that evoke strong emotional responses through negative visceral imagery or personal stories about the health effects of smoking can increase attention, generate greater recall and appeal, and influence smoking beliefs and intentions.^12,39,40 Recent research indicates that self-relevant emotional reactions (i.e., emotional reflections about one''s life, body, or behavior that are triggered by the ad⁴¹) may be especially persuasive, because they affect perceptions of future risk of becoming ill,⁴² which in turn have been linked with reduced cigarette consumption, increased intentions to quit, and quit attempts.⁴³Antismoking ads that use strong graphic imagery of the health effects of smoking are likely to be predominately associated with high negative emotional arousal, but personal stories of the consequences of smoking may evoke high or low levels of emotion depending on the particular story and the degree to which smokers relate to the characters.³⁸ However, less emotional personal testimonials may still be more effective than other types of less emotional ads because there is no explicit persuasive intent against which smokers may react^38,44 and because health information is presented in a story-based format, which people learn to process naturally from an early age.⁴⁵Because lower-SES groups tend to have a greater degree of resistance to messages from the health care sector,⁴⁶ lower health literacy levels,^47,48 greater likelihood of belief in myths about cancer risks and prevention,⁴⁹ and less perception that smoking increases a person''s chance of getting cancer,⁴⁸ we proposed that emotional messages and personal stories might be especially influential. Presenting antismoking messages in an emotional or personal testimonial format may convey health information to these smokers in a way that is difficult to discount, natural and easy to process, and likely to arouse emotions that lead to increased perceptions of susceptibility to smoking-related diseases and motivation to quit.^38,42,44Drawing on the only previous study to examine the effect on adult quitting of the degree of exposure to antismoking ads,¹⁰ we first hypothesized that when all types of advertisements were considered together, greater exposure to these antismoking ads would be associated with greater likelihood of quitting by follow-up. Our second hypothesis was that particular types of antismoking ads (those containing highly emotional elements or personal testimonials about the effects of smoking) would be associated with a greater chance of successful quitting by follow-up than would exposure to ads without these elements. Finally, we hypothesized that highly emotional or personal testimonial ads would be especially effective among lower-SES groups.     

Associations of acculturation and socioeconomic status with subclinical cardiovascular disease in the multi-ethnic study of atherosclerosis

Objectives. We assessed whether markers of acculturation (birthplace and number of US generations) and socioeconomic status (SES) are associated with markers of subclinical cardiovascular disease—carotid artery plaque, internal carotid intima-media thickness, and albuminuria—in 4 racial/ethnic groups.Methods. With data from the Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis (n = 6716 participants aged 45–84 years) and race-specific binomial regression models, we computed prevalence ratios adjusted for demographics and traditional cardiovascular risk factors.Results. The adjusted US- to foreign-born prevalence ratio for carotid plaque was 1.20 (99% confidence interval [CI] = 0.97, 1.39) among Whites, 1.91 (99% CI = 0.94, 2.94) among Chinese, 1.62 (99% CI = 1.28, 2.06) among Blacks, and 1.23 (99% CI = 1.15, 1.31) among Hispanics. Greater carotid plaque prevalence was found among Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics with a greater number of generations with US residence (P < .001) and among Whites with less education and among Blacks with lower incomes. Similar associations were observed with intima-media thickness. There was also evidence of an inverse association between albuminuria and SES among Whites and Hispanics.Conclusions. Greater US acculturation and lower SES were associated with a higher prevalence of carotid plaque and greater intima-media thickness but not with albuminuria. Maintenance of healthful habits among recent immigrants should be encouraged.Beginning with the Ni-Hon-San study,^1,2 which was initiated in the 1960s, research has associated increased acculturation to Western lifestyles with more-adverse cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk factor profiles and with increased CVD morbidity and mortality. Specifically, greater Western acculturation has frequently been linked to increased body mass index (BMI; weight in kilograms divided by height in meters squared),^3–5 waist circumference and abdominal obesity,^6,7 hypertension,^7–9 type II diabetes,^10,11 and CVD morbidity and mortality.^1,12,13 However, little research has explored associations between acculturation and subclinical CVD.^14,15Abundant research also exists that links low socioeconomic status (SES) to increased levels of CVD risk factors, morbidity, and mortality.^14,16–18 In general, SES has been found to be inversely related to subclinical measures of CVD, including coronary artery calcification (CAC),^14,19–22 carotid artery plaque, and intima-media thickness^20,23–26 and albuminuria.²⁷ Relations with peripheral artery disease have been inconsistent.^28–30 The extent to which these associations vary by race/ethnicity has been examined infrequently. There is, however, some evidence that the relation between SES and disease may differ across racial/ethnic groups.^14,31,32 Specifically, in the Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis (MESA) there was a higher prevalence of CAC among Whites with low education than among those with more education, whereas the reverse was true for Hispanics.¹⁴We investigated whether acculturation and SES were associated with other measures of subclinical disease, specifically with carotid plaque and albuminuria. The relation of acculturation and SES to CAC has been described in MESA.¹⁴ Although CAC, carotid plaque, and albuminuria are all subclinical measures of CVD and are related to adverse clinical outcomes, these measures represent different aspects of the disease process and have relatively weak intercorrelations.³³ Thus, they may be differentially related to our exposures of interest.The investigation of these patterns is important from a public health perspective and may yield clues regarding the etiology of atherosclerosis. On the basis of previous work,¹⁴ we hypothesized that increased Western acculturation, as assessed by place of birth, migration history, and duration of US residence, is associated with increased carotid plaque, intima-media thickness, and albuminuria. Additionally, we expected there to be an interaction between race/ethnicity and SES with respect to their associations with subclinical CVD. Specifically, we expected Whites and Blacks at lower SES to have more-adverse subclinical CVD profiles than those at higher SES, whereas for Hispanics and Chinese, we expected the reverse to be true.     

Differential Trends in Weight-Related Health Behaviors Among American Young Adults by Gender, Race/Ethnicity, and Socioeconomic Status: 1984�C2006

Objectives. We investigated temporal patterns from 1984 to 2006 in 6 weight-related health behaviors by using longitudinal data for multiple cohorts of young adults (aged 19–26 years) from the nationally representative Monitoring the Future Study.Methods. We used growth curve models to examine historical trends in 6 health behaviors: frequency of eating breakfast, eating green vegetables, eating fruit, exercising, watching television, and sleeping 7 hours each night. Variations across gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic status were investigated.Results. Frequency of exercising was consistently lower among young adult women than young adult men over this 23-year period. Compared with White women, Hispanic women, and women from other race/ethnic groups, Black women showed declines in the frequency of exercise since 1984. In general, young adult women showed a marked increase in the frequency of eating breakfast over this period, although Black women did not show any net gains.Conclusions. Social disparities in body weight may increase because Black women, Hispanic women, and men with lower socioeconomic status show declining trends in positive weight-related health behaviors compared with White young adults with higher socioeconomic status.As the prevalence of obesity and overweight rises in the United States,^1–5 researchers continue to investigate a range of mechanisms by which people attain excessive body weight.^6–10 Agreement is growing that the source of the obesity epidemic lies in an environment that produces an energy gap,^11–15 where energy intake exceeds energy expenditure even by as little as 100 excess calories per day.^12,13 Yet, it is unclear whether this 100-calorie excess is a function of increased intake or decreased output (or some combination of both) in American activity and consumption behaviors over time.Limited data exist on trends in energy intake and energy expenditure among Americans over the past 3 decades, but the data that are available are nonetheless consistent with the rise in obesity observed over the same period. Between 1977 and 1996, Americans increased their total energy consumption by about 200 kcal/day.¹⁶ This was largely a result of increased consumption of snacks and soft drinks, particularly among young adults,^16,17 while vegetable and fruit consumption remained low.^18–21 These consumption behaviors have all been linked to excess weight gain.^22–25 The increased availability of inexpensive, energy-dense food and beverages^26–30 coupled with a lack of access to fresh fruits and vegetables^31,32 are some of the environmental factors that may contribute to these trends. The US population has also adopted an increasingly sedentary lifestyle^33–36 in an environment that is associated with a reduction in energy expenditure, including car-dependent neighborhoods that discourage walking and biking^37–41 and limited physical activity in schools.^28,42 On average, American youth spend over 30 hours per week watching television,⁴³ which is positively associated with being overweight, either through sedentary activity or through exposure to the marketing of poor-quality foods.^43–46 Modern lifestyles are increasingly characterized by skipping breakfast and sleeping less,^36,47–49 which have also been linked to energy imbalance.^50–56These reported trends in health behaviors, however, are based on data from repeated cross-sectional surveys^18,21,57 that were often conducted up to 5 years or more apart,^16,21,57 the results of which are typically reported in aggregate across a time span of 4 to 7 years.^20,57 Moreover, published articles frequently focus on trends in only 1 health behavior (e.g., fruit and vegetable consumption^18,20) and not the relative practice of energy consumption and expenditure behaviors among individuals over time. As a result, more detailed trends in health behaviors, particularly as they illustrate subtle changes in the balance of energy intake and output occurring annually among American young adults over the last quarter century, are poorly understood.Also, differences in these behaviors and their trends by gender, socioeconomic status (SES), and racial/ethnic background are not well described at a population level, even though well-documented health disparities in obesity by social position exist.^4,58–61 Using data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (1988–2002), one study found that non-Hispanic Blacks, persons in poverty, and those with less than a high school education were less likely to meet US Department of Agriculture fruit and vegetable guidelines than were non-Hispanic Whites and socioeconomically advantaged individuals.⁵⁷ However, these results were based on 2 cross-sectional data sets collected 5 years apart. Delva et al.¹⁰ used repeat cross-sectional data collected annually from secondary school students between 1986 and 2003 to report declining trends in the proportion of adolescents who ate breakfast or exercised regularly, with a lower prevalence among women, racial/ethnic minorities, and those with low SES. Trends in the frequency of these behaviors beyond the secondary school setting, however, remain largely undocumented.The purpose of our study was, first, to investigate long-term patterns in weight-related health behaviors among young adults (aged 19–26 years) over the past 23 years (1984–2006) and, second, to assess how these patterns varied by social position (race/ethnicity, gender, and SES). Analyses were based on longitudinal data for multiple cohorts of individuals with frequent repeat measures to better track historical changes in weight-related health behaviors over time. By focusing on young adults, we aimed to better understand how weight-related health behaviors have changed in this early period of the adult life course, when many adult health behavior patterns show their formative roots. The transition to adulthood (sometimes referred to as emerging or early adulthood) is a period when individuals are on their own typically for the first time, when life plans are put into action, and when distinctive life paths become more manifest.⁶² We hypothesized that the frequency of healthy behaviors would generally decline among young adults over this period, and that the rate of decline would be greater among those in disadvantaged social positions (women, Blacks, Hispanics, and those of lower SES).