Binge drinking by gender and race/ethnicity among California adults, 2007/2009

Background: This study provides binge drinking population estimates for California adults by gender and detailed race/ethnicity categories. This information may be helpful for planning targeted initiatives to decrease binge drinking. Method: Data were from the 2007 and 2009 California Health Interview Surveys. The 98?662 respondents represent an annual estimated population of 27.2 million adults. Survey adjusted binary logistic regression was used to calculate gender-specific binge drinking population rates and multinomial logit regression to estimate binge drinking frequency. Results: Adjusting for socio-demographics, any binge drinking during the past year was reported by 31.0% (95% Confidence Interval?=?30.5–31.4%) of men and 18.0% (17.7–18.3%) of women. Rates among White men and women were 30.5% and 19.6%, respectively. Binge drinking rates ranged from 11.9% among Chinese to 42.9% among Mexican men and from 4.8% among Vietnamese to 25.7% among “Other Latino” women. Five race/ethnicity categories of men and seven categories of women were significantly less likely to binge drink compared to Whites. Although Whites had the highest overall binge drinking rates, an estimated 12.5% of White men binge drank less than monthly, significantly exceeded by Mexican and Central American men, 19.9 and 19.6%, respectively. An estimated 9.6% of White women binge drank less than monthly, exceeded only by “Other Latino” women, 13.6%. Conclusion: These findings underscore the importance of detailed gender and race/ethnicity breakdowns when examining any binge drinking. Furthermore, there is variability across Asian and Latino subgroups in the frequency of binge drinking episodes, which is not evident in broad-group population studies.     

Urban and rural Indian drinking patterns: the special case of the Lumbee.

This paper reports the results of a study of 460 adult male Lumbee Indians in a rural and urban setting. The study sought to determine what factors would explain the differences in drinking patterns between the rural and urban settings. The major variables considered were: (1) quantity, frequency, and variability of drinking; (2) occupational prestige; (3) commitment to work; (4) status satisfaction; and (5) job satisfaction. The urban Lumbee show a mean drinking pattern that is heavier than that of the rural group. In general, low achievement, as measured by occupational prestige and status satisfaction, and low satisfaction, as measured by job satisfaction and commitment to work, predict more excessive drinking patterns. Implications of the findings for treatment and future research are discussed.     

Adulthood functioning: the joint effects of parental alcoholism, gender and childhood socio-economic stress

The popular literature has publicized the adjustment difficulties of adult children of an alcohol-dependent parent (ACOAs); however, empirical studies do not provide consistent support. We examined the impact of parental alcoholism, degree of childhood socio-economic stress and gender on three broad categories of adulthood functioning (psychopathology, socio-economic attainment and marital stability). These effects were investigated with a heterogeneous sample of 400 men and 226 women participating in studies at the University of Michigan Alcohol Research Center. Parental alcoholism and childhood socio-economic stress exerted significant independent effects on most adulthood functioning measures. Men and women differed substantially only on socio-economic attainment measures, and effects of parental alcoholism and childhood economic stress on men and women were generally similar. For marital stability, parental alcoholism and childhood socio-economic stress interacted. These results suggest that researchers who study the impact of family history for alcoholism on psychological functioning should consider other aspects of the family of origin that promote wellbeing. In addition, results of this study point to the need for more research on gender differences, protective factors that promote good adjustment and outcome measures reflecting general life adaptation.     

Growth hormone secretion among HIV infected patients: effects of gender, race and fat distribution

OBJECTIVE: To determine the effects of gender, race, and fat redistribution on growth hormone (GH) secretory patterns in HIV-infected patients. DESIGN: We investigated GH responses to growth hormone releasing hormone (GHRH) + arginine stimulation testing in HIV-infected subjects with fat redistribution, comparing HIV-infected males (n = 139) and females (n = 25) to non HIV-infected male (n = 25) and female (n = 26) control subjects similar in age, body mass index and race. METHODS: A standard GHRH + arginine stimulation test [GHRH 1 microg/kg and arginine 0.5 g/kg (maximum dose 30 g)] was performed, and fat redistribution was assessed by anthropometry. RESULTS: HIV-infected women had significantly higher peak GH in response to GHRH + arginine (36.4 +/- 7.3 versus 18.9 +/- 2.0 ng/ml; P = 0.003) and GH area under curve (AUC) (2679 +/- 593 versus 1284 +/- 133 (mg-min)/dl, P < 0.001) compared to HIV-infected men. Among men, a cutoff of 7.5 ng/ml for peak GH response on the GHRH + arginine test achieved good specificity and sensitivity and optimally separated the HIV and control groups (e.g., the failure rates were 37% versus 8%; P = 0.004, respectively). Among women, no specific cutoff could be determined to separate the HIV-infected and control subjects. Non-Caucasians demonstrated a higher GH AUC response compared to Caucasians, among the HIV-infected male subjects. In stepwise regression modeling waist-to-hip ratio was most significantly related to peak GH in response to GHRH + arginine in HIV-infected men. CONCLUSIONS: HIV-infected men with fat redistribution have significantly reduced GH peak responses and increased failure rates to standardized GH stimulation testing in comparison to healthy male control subjects and to HIV-infected women of similar age and body mass index. GH secretion is related to gender and race in HIV-infected patients.     

HIV risk behaviors among rural stimulant users: variation by gender and race/ethnicity.

We examined data from a community sample of rural stimulant users (n = 691) in three diverse states to identify gender and racial/ethnic differences in HIV risk behaviors. Bivariate and logistic regression analyses were conducted with six risk behaviors as dependent variables: injecting drugs, trading sex to obtain money or drugs, trading money or drugs to obtain sex, inconsistent condom use, multiple sex partners, and using drugs with sex. Controlling for state, income, age, heavy drinking, and type of stimulant used, men had lower odds than women for trading sex to obtain money or drugs (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] =0.4, confidence interval [CI] = 0.28-0.59; p < .0001), greater odds than women for trading money or drugs to obtain sex (AOR = 44.4, CI = 20.30-97.09; p < .0001), greater odds than women of injecting drugs (adjusted odds ratio (AOR =1.6, CI = 1.11-2.42; p = .01), and lower odds than women of using condoms inconsistently (AOR = 0.6, CI = 0.35-0.92; p = .02); African Americans had lower odds than Whites of injecting drugs (AOR = .08, CI = 0.04-0.16; p < .0001), greater odds than Whites for trading sex to obtain money or drugs (AOR = 1.7, CI = 1.01-2.85; p = .04) and for trading money or drugs to obtain sex (AOR = 2.9, CI = 1.53-5.59; p = .001), and greater odds than Whites of using drugs with sex (AOR = 3.9, CI = 1.47-10.09; p = .006). These findings indicate HIV prevention efforts should be tailored to address gender and racial/ethnic differences in risk behaviors among rural stimulant users.     

Chronic sorrow in the HIV-positive patient: issues of race, gender, and social support

This study used Olshansky's (1962) concept of chronic sorrow to examine social support needs of 21 human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)-positive men and women in a southern U.S. city. The methods of inquiry consisted of narrative interviews and a quantitative assessment of depression (the Center of Epidemiological Studies on Depression [CES-D] Scale). This combined approach indicated that chronic sorrow in HIV-positive persons is related to illness, fear of death, poverty, and social isolation, especially for women with children. More than half of the subjects scored as depressed, with African American women scoring significantly higher than Caucasian men or women. Social isolation often resulted from the effects of stigma, as framed in Erving Goffman's theory of discredited identity. The women were likely to be stigmatized because of their association with "dirty sex," contagion, and moral threat in heterosexual communities. Most of the men had been protected from the worst effects of stigma because of their ties to the gay community and associated health networks. Based on these preliminary findings, stigma should be considered a marker of chronic depression in the HIV-positive, and support services should take account of the stigmatizing contexts of HIV-positive persons.     

The retiree identity: gender and race differences

OBJECTIVES: This study's focus on the retiree identity complements research on institutionalized retirement criteria. We test whether tensions between individuals' own life circumstances and institutionalized retirement criteria manifest themselves in the extent to which individuals assume a retiree identity and in the overlap between self-definitions and attainment of institutionalized retirement criteria. METHODS: The analyses rely on logistic regressions and are based on data from the National Survey of Families and Households (N = 1,633). RESULTS: Labor force participation serves as the main basis for the retiree identity, but other life experiences (work history, disability, spouse's retirement, economic status, family history) also contribute to individuals' self-identification as retiree and the "fit" between self-identification and attainment of institutionalized retirement criteria. Men's retirement identity seems more closely tied to their attainment of institutionalized retirement criteria and a continuous and successful work career, whereas a variety of life circumstances impinge on women's retiree definitions. Moderately disabled African Americans are more likely to self-identify as partly or fully retired. DISCUSSION: While employment constitutes the main reference for individuals' self-definition as retiree, other life circumstances also have some influence. Full understanding of retirement transitions will require more attention to the meaning context of retirement among divergent population groups.     

Drinking and driving: drinking patterns and drinking problems

Two perspectives guide examinations of alcohol-related injury; studies of drinking behaviors which characterize the activities in which drinkers participate, and studies of drinking patterns which characterize individuals' likelihoods of intoxication. This paper presents a study of self-reported drinking and driving using both perspectives. A theoretical model of the relationships of drinking patterns and drinking behaviors to drinking and driving is derived. This model is used as the basis for analyses of self-reports of driving after drinking and driving while intoxicated. Using cross-sectional data from a study of alcohol-related injury in the United States, these self-reports were related to measures of respondent socio-demographics, drinking patterns, beverage preferences and routine activities. The results showed: (1) that the drinking pattern measures were significantly related to likelihoods of drinking and driving; (2) these measures were superior to alternate measures of drinking patterns in their ability to explain drinking and driving; (3) the measures of beverage preferences were unrelated to either measure of drinking and driving; and (4) that the utilization of certain venues for drinking (bars and restaurants) was significantly related to both measures of drinking and driving. It is concluded that observed socio-demographic differences in drinking and driving (e.g. related to ethnicity and marital status) are due to related differences in drinking patterns and drinking behaviors.     

Women's gender role orientation predicts their drinking patterns: a follow-up study of Czech women

AIMS: Evaluation of the hypothesis that women's non-traditional gender role orientation contributes to drinking patterns typical for men. DESIGN: A two-wave prospective study with data collected in 1992 and 1997. SETTING: The data reflect Czech women's changing gender role orientation and their drinking patterns during a historical period of post-totalitarian societal transformation. PARTICIPANTS: A representative cohort of 497 Prague women aged 30-59 years in 1997. MEASUREMENTS: Face-to-face interview data on drinking patterns and individually collected original questionnaire on gender role orientation. FINDINGS: An analysis of the principal components of the gender role orientation questionnaire has led to four components, designated as egalitarianism, liberalism, feminism and hedonism. Constructed role orientation scales had Cronbachs's alpha reliabilities ranging from 0.57 to 0.74. With possible confounders controlled (thanks mainly to the prospective design), non-traditional gender role orientation components assessed in 1992 predicted the usual quantities of alcohol women have consumed per occasion in 1997, as well as three hazardous drinking patterns (occasional use of > or = 96 g alcohol, usual use of > or = 48 g and daily intake of > or = 40 g). Specifically, women's usual quantity per occasion and occasional use of > or = 96 g were predicted by egalitarianism and hedonism, and hedonism predicted usual use of > or = 48 g as well as average daily intake of > or = 40 g ethanol. CONCLUSIONS: Women's gender role orientation can be associated with their drinking patterns with non-traditional gender role identification being associated with greater likelihood of hazardous drinking.     

Differences in the household composition of elders by age, gender, and area of residence

Using a new procedure for coding the relationships of elders to other household members, we examined age, gender, and area-of-residence differences in household type and generational composition. The majority of elders live in some form of family household; most prevalent are two-person, married-couple-only households at ages 65-79, one-person households at ages 80-89, and two-generation households at ages 90+. Overall, elders are more likely to live in two- than in three-generation households.     

The importance of race,gender, and religion in naturalization adjudication in the United States

This study presents an empirical investigation of naturalization adjudication in the United States using new administrative data on naturalization applications decided by the US Citizenship and Immigration Services between October 2014 and March 2018. We find significant group disparities in naturalization approvals based on applicants’ race/ethnicity, gender, and religion, controlling for individual applicant characteristics, adjudication years, and variation between field offices. Non-White applicants and Hispanic applicants are less likely to be approved than non-Hispanic White applicants, male applicants are less likely to be approved than female applicants, and applicants from Muslim-majority countries are less likely to be approved than applicants from other countries. In addition, race/ethnicity, gender, and religion interact to produce a certain group hierarchy in naturalization approvals. For example, the probability of approval for Black males is 5 percentage points smaller than that of White females. The probability of approval for Blacks from Muslim-majority countries is 9 percentage points smaller than that of Whites from other countries. The probability of approval for females from Muslim-majority countries is 6 percentage points smaller than that of females from other countries. This study contributes to our understanding of the nature of inequalities present in agency decision-making in the naturalization process.

Naturalization—the acquisition of US citizenship—grants immigrants a host of new rights, privileges, and opportunities. It also protects them from deportation, which the US Supreme Court has recognized as “a drastic measure” that can constitute “the equivalent of banishment or exile” (1). Because of its critical importance in shaping the life chances and outcomes for immigrants and their family members, a large body of research exists on naturalization in the United States. This literature has focused on such issues as who is willing to naturalize and why, barriers to seeking naturalization, and the impact of obtaining citizenship on the social, economic, and political integration of immigrants (2–5). However, we still know relatively little about government determinations of who is approved or denied once a naturalization application is submitted to the US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). This lack of knowledge represents an important gap in our understanding of the naturalization process given that not all immigrants who seek naturalization are granted citizenship. In 2015, for example, 9.4% of nonmilitary applications resulted in denial, which increased to 10.3% in 2016 (6).^* Behind these statistics are tens of thousands of individuals. For example, in 2015, 75,117 total applications were denied naturalization, which increased to 85,364 in 2016 (6).Yet, the agency decision-making component of the naturalization process has escaped public and scholarly scrutiny largely because of a lack of publicly available data. This study draws on new administrative data obtained from the USCIS through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) litigation to examine whether there are group disparities by race/ethnicity, gender, and religion in the likelihood of approval among nonmilitary applications.^† Race/ethnicity and gender are two principal axes of inequality in many aspects of American life (7). Of immediate relevance to this study, race/ethnicity and gender have long served as enduring bases of exclusion for citizenship in the United States (8–11). For example, the first US citizenship statute, the Naturalization Act of 1790, limited naturalization to “free White” persons (12). In 1870, the law was amended to grant naturalization rights to persons of “African nativity and … descent” but continued to deny the right to all other groups of non-Whites. Racial restrictions were lifted for selected groups in the 20th century (12). Beginning in 1855 and for decades thereafter, a married woman’s citizenship status followed that of her husband’s (13). Among other things, this meant that an American woman who married a noncitizen could lose her US citizenship, and an immigrant woman could not become a US citizen unless her noncitizen husband naturalized (14, 15). It was not until 1952 that Congress legally prohibited denials of naturalization on the basis of race, sex, or marital status (9).Religion has also functioned as an important axis of inequality in the history and politics of American citizenship. In particular, the treatment of Muslims or individuals perceived as Muslim warrants special scrutiny. Until 1944, judges in naturalization cases generally treated Islam as defining an ethno-racial identity, and Muslims were presumed to be non-White, rendering them ineligible for naturalization (16). In contrast, Christianity functioned as a hallmark of Whiteness, and the presumption of non-Whiteness against Muslims could be overcome only if the presiding judge could be persuaded that they were bona fide Christians. This judicial interpretation was eventually invalidated, but Muslims have faced renewed challenges to attaining US citizenship in the post-9/11 era. For example, in 2008, USCIS created a clandestine program known as the Controlled Application Review and Resolution Program (CARRP) for the purposes of identifying, screening, and adjudicating applications for immigrant benefits—including naturalization—from individuals considered a “national security concern” (17). Class-action litigation challenging CARRP has revealed that it disproportionately and unjustifiably affects Muslims and individuals from Muslim-majority countries (18).Formal legal restrictions based on race/ethnicity, gender, and religion no longer govern eligibility for naturalization in the United States. Moreover, Congress has established a uniform rule of naturalization as required by the US Constitution (19). Nonetheless—or perhaps especially given this context—whether and to what extent de facto agency decision-making results in disparities along these axes remains an important unanswered question. Research on contemporary immigration enforcement suggests that facially neutral immigration laws continue to create or reproduce systems of social stratification. For example, studies have long documented how the purportedly color-blind US immigration enforcement regime subjugates Latinos and other racialized communities of color (20, 21). Golash-Boza and Hondagneu-Sotelo have described the modern deportation regime in the United States as a “gendered racial removal program” that disproportionately targets working-class men from Latin America and the Caribbean (22). Hernández has shown how contemporary immigration detention practices function as “institutionalized racism” against immigrants of color and Muslim immigrants (23).Furthermore, studies of intersectionality suggest that these social categories do not operate in isolation to produce social stratification (24, 25). Instead, they work in overlapping and mutually constitutive ways to generate complex social inequalities (26). For example, a growing number of studies highlight the importance of understanding how American racism and Islamophobia generate a “racial-religious hierarchy” (27), one that subjects Muslims to combined effects of both racial and religious prejudice (28). According to Corbin, the prevailing narrative is that “terrorists are always (brown) Muslims … [but] … white people are never terrorists” (29). Other scholars have emphasized the importance of examining oppression or marginalization stemming from intersectionality of Muslim and gender identities (30–32). Studies shows that Muslim women have experienced unique forms of post-9/11 discrimination owing to their wearing of hijab, which visibly marks them as dual threats—as a group assumed to support “misogyny and antifeminist values that are viewed as inherently un-American” (33) and “sympathetic to the enemy, presumptively disloyal, and forever foreign” (34).The foregoing discussion of existing research suggests that race/ethnicity, gender, and religious identities (and their intersections) of naturalization applicants may play an important role in producing similar social hierarchies in naturalization adjudication outcomes as those identified in extant research on immigration enforcement and studies of intersectionality. The replication of such social hierarchies in the naturalization adjudication context is especially likely if USCIS operates in practice primarily as a vetting agency focused on immigration enforcement and national security priorities rather than as a benefits agency that serves integration needs of immigrant communities (35).A brief overview of the naturalization process and requirements is in order to set the context for our empirical analysis. As shown in SI Appendix, Fig. S1, an aspiring noncitizen begins the process by filing an application called Form N-400 with one of the USCIS field offices located throughout the United States (SI Appendix, Fig. S2). High application fees prevent many low-income immigrants from filing even if they desire naturalization (3). The detailed information solicited on the N-400 form and its length (∼20 pages) reflects increasing agency concerns about the integrity of the naturalization process (19). To be eligible to naturalize, in most cases, a noncitizen must have been a lawful permanent resident for a specified period of time, be of at least 18 y old, demonstrate a required knowledge of English and of US history and government, and be of “good moral character” (36). Once an application is filed, USCIS conducts an investigation of the applicant, including a criminal background check. USCIS will also conduct an interview during which an immigration officer will administer an oral examination that tests the applicant’s English literacy and civics knowledge. Failure to satisfy all of these requirements will result in the application being denied.^‡ For some noncitizens, denial means exclusion from the benefits of citizenship, while for others, denial can have more devastating consequences, including removal from the United States (19). The stakes are thus extraordinarily high for individual applicants and their families.     

Quality-adjusted life years lost to arthritis: Effects of gender,race, and social class

Objective. To estimate the public health impact of self-reported arthritis in terms of Quality-Adjusted Life Years. Method. The Quality of Well-Being Scale (QWB) is a general measure of health-related quality of life that scores levels of wellness on a continuum between death (0.0) and optimum functioning (1.0). Values for the QWB were imputed for the National Health Interview Survey. These estimates were adjusted for mortality based on the life tables. Age-specific estimates were obtained for those reporting arthritis and compared to estimators for the population not reporting arthritis. These estimates were broken down by race (white versus nonwhite), gender, and socioeconomic status. Results. The expected life years lost because of arthritis were 1.86 (95% confidence interval 1.40–2.32 years). Arthritis was reported more often among those of lower income, those living in rural areas, those of lower educational attainment, and older respondents. Men and women did not differ in rates of reporting arthritis, but men with arthritis had lower QWB scores than women with arthritis. Conclusion. Arthritis has a significant public health impact.     

Neuropsychological Deficits in Alcoholics: the relative contributions of gender and drinking history

Alcoholic inpatients at Bexley Hospital Treatment Unit were selected for cognitive assessment on a routine ‘consecutive admission’ basis. The male and female alcoholic groups performed significantly worse on the cognitive tests than matched controls. The ‘consecutive admission’ samples of 72 males and 33 females differed widely on drinking history data; males having significantly severer histories. The females performed worse on tests of immediate recall, and psychomotor speed. This performance difference endured whether the male and female groups were equated for drinking history differences statistically (by co-variance analysis), or by selection criteria (subject matching). The finding is discussed in the context of a greater vulnerability in women to the deleterious effects of alcohol, while noting the methodological complexities which prevent firm conclusions about causality. One possible conclusion is that females are more susceptible than males to the harmful effects of prolonged heavy drinking on cognitive performance. Alternatively, it may be that those females who become alcoholic are ‘at risk’ in some unspecified way which is reflected in the present performance differences.