Suicidal Behavior Among Female Sex Workers in Goa, India: The Silent Epidemic

Objectives. We sought to study suicidal behavior prevalence and its association with social and gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors among female sex workers in Goa, India.Methods. Using respondent-driven sampling, we recruited 326 sex workers in Goa for an interviewer-administered questionnaire regarding self-harming behaviors, sociodemographics, sex work, gender disadvantage, and health. Participants were tested for sexually transmitted infections. We used multivariate analysis to define suicide attempt determinants.Results. Nineteen percent of sex workers in the sample reported attempted suicide in the past 3 months. Attempts were independently associated with intimate partner violence (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.70; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.38, 5.28), violence from others (AOR = 2.26; 95% CI = 1.15, 4.45), entrapment (AOR = 2.76; 95% CI = 1.11, 6.83), regular customers (AOR = 3.20; 95% CI = 1.61, 6.35), and worsening mental health (AOR = 1.05; 95% CI = 1.01, 1.11). Lower suicide attempt likelihood was associated with Kannad ethnicity, HIV prevention services, and having a child.Conclusions. Suicidal behaviors among sex workers were common and associated with gender disadvantage and poor mental health. India''s widespread HIV-prevention programs for sex workers provide an opportunity for community-based interventions against gender-based violence and for mental health services delivery.Suicide is a public health priority in India. Rates of suicide in India are 5 times higher than in the developed world,^1,2 with particularly high rates of suicide among young women.^3–5 Verbal autopsy surveillance from southern India suggests that suicide accounts for 50% to 75% of all deaths among young women, with average suicide rates of 158 per 100 000.²Common mental disorders such as depressive and anxiety disorders, and social disadvantage such as gender-based violence and poverty, are major risk factors for suicide among women.^1,3,6–8 Although research from high-income countries shows that common mental disorders are a major contributor to the risk of suicidal behavior, their role is less clear in low- and middle-income countries in which social disadvantage has been found to be at least as important.^1,3,6–8 Gender disadvantage is increasingly seen as an important contributing factor to the high rates of suicide seen among women in Asia.^1,3,6,7 Gender-based violence is a common manifestation of gender disadvantage and has been linked with common mental disorders and suicide in population-based studies of women and young adults in Goa, India.^4,5,9 Lack of autonomy, early sexual debut, limited sexual choices, poor reproductive health, and social isolation are other manifestations of gender disadvantage.Sex work in India is common. An estimated 0.6% to 0.7% of the female adult urban population are engaged in commercial sexual transactions.¹⁰ Studies from developed nations have found a high prevalence of self-harming behaviors in people engaged in transactional sexual activity.¹¹ There is also growing evidence suggesting that HIV-positive individuals from traditionally stigmatized groups report higher rates of violence exposure and suicidal ideation.^12,13 Female sex workers in India are a traditionally stigmatized group, with high prevalence of HIV¹⁰ and levels of stigma and violence that relate to the context of their work.¹⁴ Yet, despite substantial investigation of their reproductive and sexual health needs, there is virtually no information on suicide and its determinants among female sex workers from low- and middle-income countries.¹⁵As demonstrated in the hierarchical conceptual framework outlined in Figure 1,^4,5,9 we hypothesized that gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors together with factors indicative of social disadvantage are distal determinants of female sex workers'' vulnerability to suicidal behaviors,^4,5,9,15 the effects of which would be mediated though poor mental health.³ We studied the burden of suicidal behaviors in a cross-sectional sample of female sex workers in Goa, India. We explored the association of sociodemographic factors, type of sex work, sexual health, and gender disadvantage, with and without measures of poor mental health, on suicide attempts in the past 3 months.Open in a separate windowFIGURE 1A conceptual framework for social risk factors for suicide among female sex workers in India.Note. STI = sexually transmitted infection.     

Brief Intervention and Follow-Up for Suicidal Patients With Repeat Emergency Department Visits Enhances Treatment Engagement

We implemented an innovative, brief, easy-to-administer 2-part intervention to enhance coping and treatment engagement. The intervention consisted of safety planning and structured telephone follow-up postdischarge with 95 veterans who had 2 or more emergency department (ED) visits within 6 months for suicide-related concerns (i.e., suicide ideation or behavior). The intervention significantly increased behavioral health treatment attendance 3 months after intervention, compared with treatment attendance in the 3 months after a previous ED visit without intervention. The trend was for a decreasing hospitalization rate.Approximately 400 000 to 500 000 US emergency department (ED) visits occur annually for suicide attempts.1,2 The ED is a primary site for the treatment of suicide attempts, and for many patients, ED interventions are the only treatment they receive.3 As many as 60% of suicidal ED patients are stabilized and discharged directly to outpatient care.1,2 Unfortunately, only 50% of these patients follow up on their referrals and attend 1 or more outpatient behavioral health sessions.3 Consequently, costly repeat ED visits and additional suicidal behavior are frequent. As many as 30% of patients presenting to the ED for a suicide-related concern return to the ED for another suicide-related concern within 1 year,4 and 2-year follow-up suicide mortality rates among suicide attempters are estimated at 2%.5 Recurrent suicidal behavior and limited outpatient treatment engagement are similarly significant problems among veterans,6–8 who may be at greater risk for suicide than civilians despite more recent reductions.9,10 Given that the ED is the only place where many suicidal individuals receive care, it could be an important intervention site to increase outpatient treatment engagement and reduce repeat suicidal behavior, ED visits, and hospitalizations.11     

Protective School Climates and Reduced Risk for Suicide Ideation in Sexual Minority Youths

Objectives. We examined whether sexual minority students living in states and cities with more protective school climates were at lower risk of suicidal thoughts, plans, and attempts.Methods. Data on sexual orientation and past-year suicidal thoughts, plans, and attempts were from the pooled 2005 and 2007 Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance Surveys from 8 states and cities. We derived data on school climates that protected sexual minority students (e.g., percentage of schools with safe spaces and Gay–Straight Alliances) from the 2010 School Health Profile Survey, compiled by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.Results. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual students living in states and cities with more protective school climates reported fewer past-year suicidal thoughts than those living in states and cities with less protective climates (lesbians and gays: odds ratio [OR] = 0.68; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.47, 0.99; bisexuals: OR = 0.81; 95% CI = 0.66, 0.99). Results were robust to adjustment for potential state-level confounders. Sexual orientation disparities in suicidal thoughts were nearly eliminated in states and cities with the most protective school climates.Conclusions. School climates that protect sexual minority students may reduce their risk of suicidal thoughts.Suicide is the third leading cause of death among youths aged 15 to 24 years.1 Decades of research have identified multiple risk factors for adolescent suicide ideation and attempts.2 One of the most consistent findings is that lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB, or sexual minority) adolescents are more likely than heterosexual adolescents to endorse suicidal thoughts3,4 and to report having a suicide plan.5 Additionally, a recent review of the epidemiological literature found that LGB youths are between 2 and 7 times more likely to attempt suicide than their heterosexual peers.6Given the elevated risk of suicidal ideation, plans, and attempts among sexual minority youths, researchers have focused on identifying factors that explain these marked disparities. Theories of minority stress7 and stigma8 have highlighted the important roles that social-structural contexts as well as institutional practices and policies play in contributing to mental health disparities. Consistent with these theories, LGB adults who live in states with fewer protective social policies have higher rates of psychiatric and substance use disorders than LGB adults living in states with more protective policies.9,10 For instance, LGB adults in states that passed constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage experienced a 37% increase in mood disorders, a 40% increase in alcohol use disorders, and nearly a 250% increase in generalized anxiety disorders in the year following the enactment of the amendments.10 These and other studies11 have shown that the broader social contexts surrounding LGB adults shape their mental health.Among adolescents, schools are an important social context that contributes to developmental and health outcomes.12 For sexual and gender minority youths in particular, the social context of schools can promote both vulnerability and resilience.13–16 A variety of methodological approaches have been used to evaluate the mental health consequences of school climates for LGB students. The predominant approach is to ask LGB adolescents to report on the supportiveness of their schools.17–19 Studies using this approach have indicated that LGB youths who report greater school connectedness and school safety also report lower suicidal ideation and fewer suicide attempts.18 Although informative, this research may introduce bias because information is self-reported for both the exposure and the outcome.20 Studies using alternative methodologies may therefore improve the validity of the inferences on the relationship between the social environment and individual health outcomes.An alternative methodological approach has been to develop indicators of school climate that do not rely on self-report, such as geographic location of the school (i.e., urban vs rural)21 and the presence of Gay–Straight Alliances in the school.22 Although this approach has received comparatively less attention in the literature, recent studies have documented associations between these more objective measures of school climate and sexual minority mental health. For example, lesbian and gay adolescents are at lower risk for attempting suicide if they live in counties where a greater proportion of school districts have antibullying policies that include sexual orientation.23 Although they provide important initial insights, existing studies have been limited by examining only 1 aspect of school climate (e.g., antibullying policies or presence of Gay–Straight Alliances),16,22,23 relying on nonprobability samples,16,22 and using a single location,16,22,23 all of which can restrict generalizability.We built on this previous research by using data on multiple school climate variables relevant to LGB students that we obtained from the 2010 School Health Profile Survey, compiled by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).24 We then linked this information on school climate to population-based data of adolescents living in 8 states and cities across the United States. We hypothesized that LGB adolescents living in states and cities with school climates that are more protective of sexual minority youths would be less likely to report past-year suicidal thoughts, plans, and attempts than LGB youths living in areas with less protective school climates.     

Population-attributable fractions of Axis I and Axis II mental disorders for suicide attempts: findings from a representative sample of the adult, noninstitutionalized US population

Objectives. We aimed to determine the percentage of suicide attempts attributable to individual Axis I and Axis II mental disorders by studying population-attributable fractions (PAFs) in a nationally representative sample.Methods. Data were from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions Wave 2 (NESARC; 2004–2005), a large (N = 34 653) survey of mental illness in the United States. We used multivariate logistic regression to compare individuals with and without a history of suicide attempt across Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, Axis I disorders (anxiety, mood, psychotic, alcohol, and drug disorders) and all 10 Axis II personality disorders. PAFs were calculated for each disorder.Results. Of the 25 disorders we examined in the model, 4 disorders had notably high PAF values: major depressive disorder (PAF = 26.6%; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 20.1, 33.2), borderline personality disorder (PAF = 18.1%; 95% CI = 13.4, 23.5), nicotine dependence (PAF = 8.4%; 95% CI = 3.4, 13.7), and posttraumatic stress disorder (PAF = 6.3%; 95% CI = 3.2, 10.0).Conclusions. Our results provide new insight into the relationships between mental disorders and suicide attempts in the general population. Although many mental illnesses were associated with an increased likelihood of suicide attempt, elevated rates of suicide attempts were mostly attributed to the presence of 4 disorders.With almost 1 million deaths worldwide every year and a rate increase of 60% over the past 45 years, suicide is clearly a major public health problem.¹ Although the US Surgeon General has prioritized suicide prevention,² suicidal behavior has not significantly decreased in the United States.³ Suicide attempts are strong risk factors for eventual suicide completion^4–6; therefore, understanding and modifying risk factors for suicide attempts remain a promising approach to reducing suicide rates.Unfortunately, our understanding of the risk factors for suicide attempts is plagued by poor specificity. Vigorous study efforts have identified multiple risk factors, including several sociodemographic factors and mental disorders.^3,7–10 However, significant associations between candidate risk factors and suicide attempts are tempered by low positive predictive values.¹¹ The population-attributable fraction (PAF; also known as the population-attributable risk) has emerged as a promising statistical tool to better quantify the effect of risk factors on a given outcome at the population level. The PAF describes the reduction in incidence of a particular outcome if the entire population was not exposed to the examined risk factor.¹²The PAF has been underused in the study of suicide risk factors.^13,14 A recent review of the PAF in suicide research¹⁵ showed that existing studies examining the PAFs of risk factors for suicide attempts have focused primarily on depression and mood disorders, with PAFs ranging from 28% to 74%.^14,16–21 A small number of studies have investigated the PAFs of substance use disorders and anxiety disorders for suicide attempts, also with mixed findings.^14,18,22 Other findings suggest that the risk of suicide attempts attributable to mental disorders is largely explained by the association between mental disorders and suicidal ideation.⁹ A major limitation in the literature is that relatively few mental disorders have been examined by using PAFs for suicide attempts. Despite substantial evidence for the causative role of personality disorders in suicidal behavior,^23–25 the PAF of personality disorders has been examined in only 1 study to date, and that study was unable to examine the effects of individual personality disorders.¹⁸ Borderline personality disorder is a strong risk factor for suicide attempts,²⁵ yet the PAF of borderline personality disorder for suicide attempts is unknown. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is another disorder associated with suicide attempts,^26,27 yet the proportion of suicide attempts attributable to PTSD has not been examined. Furthermore, many previous studies included limited adjustment for confounding factors. Even though several mental disorders have been labeled as risk factors for suicidal behavior,⁷ many studies using the PAF do not adjust for mental disorders other than the disorder of interest. The PAF is based on the assumption that the examined risk factor is causally related to the outcome,¹² and given the high rates of comorbidity of mental disorders,²⁸ multivariate models examining a comprehensive range of mental disorders are needed to provide a more realistic assessment of the PAF for a specific mental illness.Our primary objective was to examine the proportion of suicide attempts attributable to specific mental disorders. To address the limitations of the existing literature, we used the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC),²⁹ wave 2, as the data set. This data set features a very large sample size (N = 34 653), includes a comprehensive assessment of Axis I disorders and all 10 Axis II personality disorders, and is representative of the US population. On the basis of existing literature showing high PAF values for major depressive disorder and other mood disorders, we hypothesized that whereas several mental disorders would be independently associated with suicide attempts, major depressive disorder and other mood disorders would account for the highest proportion of suicide attempts.^16,21 We further hypothesized that anxiety and substance use disorders would have lower PAF values for suicide attempts, on the basis of previous studies that often showed lower PAF values.^14,18,22 The limited literature on the PAFs of personality disorders for suicide attempts suggested that we would find low PAF values; however, because of its consistently demonstrated association with suicide attempts, we anticipated that borderline personality disorder would have a relatively high PAF value.     

Sexual Orientation and Suicide Ideation,Plans, Attempts,and Medically Serious Attempts: Evidence From Local Youth Risk Behavior Surveys, 2001–2009

Objectives. We examined the associations between 2 measures of sexual orientation and 4 suicide risk outcomes (SROs) from pooled local Youth Risk Behavior Surveys.Methods. We aggregated data from 5 local Youth Risk Behavior Surveys from 2001 to 2009. We defined sexual minority youths (SMYs) by sexual identity (lesbian, gay, bisexual) and sex of sexual contacts (same- or both-sex contacts). Survey logistic regression analyses controlled for a wide range of suicide risk factors and sample design effects.Results. Compared with non-SMYs, all SMYs had increased odds of suicide ideation; bisexual youths, gay males, and both-sex contact females had greater odds of suicide planning; all SMYs, except same-sex contact males, had increased odds of suicide attempts; and lesbians, bisexuals, and both-sex contact youths had increased odds of medically serious attempts. Unsure males had increased odds of suicide ideation compared with heterosexual males. Not having sexual contact was protective of most SROs among females and of medically serious attempts among males.Conclusions. Regardless of sexual orientation measure used, most SMY subgroups had increased odds of all SROs. However, many factors are associated with SROs.Suicide is the 10th leading cause of death overall and the 3rd leading cause of death among youths aged 10 to 24 years. In 2010, more than 157 000 people in this age group visited US emergency departments because of attempted suicide or other self-harm injuries.1 Media reports convey the message that sexual minority youths (SMYs) have much greater rates of suicide (i.e., self-inflicted death) than do non-SMYs; however, the unavailability of sexual orientation information on death certificates makes this impossible to confirm or refute using archival data. What is known is that studies document large disparities in key indicators of suicide risk among SMYs, including suicidal ideation (i.e., considering suicide) and suicide attempts (i.e., nonfatal self-directed potentially injurious behavior with the intent to die).2–5 In early studies, often using small convenience samples without comparison groups, 20% to 40% of SMYs reported suicidal ideation and attempts.6–8 Later population-based surveys confirmed these reports and found odds of suicidal ideation and attempts up to 5 to 6 times greater among SMYs than among non-SMYs.9–16 Researchers understand this increased risk for suicide ideation and attempts in the context of minority stress,17,18 whereby a hostile social environment characterized by stigma, prejudice, and discrimination may be associated with increases in individual risk factors for suicide, including depression, substance abuse, social isolation, peer conflict, and victimization4,5,11,19–32 and decreases in protective factors such as supportive relationships with peers and family.33–35We sought to expand what is known about the risk of suicide among SMYs by addressing gaps in the research related to the measurement of both sexual orientation and suicide risk outcomes (SROs). That is, most studies on the topic measure only suicide ideation or attempts.11–15,36,37 Less is known about the full range of suicidal behaviors, including suicide planning and medically serious attempts (MSAs). These outcomes are important, as they indicate sustained injury and may indicate increased risk for future suicide, suicide attempt, or repeat attempts.38–41 Indeed, some research suggests that SMYs not only make more medically serious attempts but also have greater intent to die.10,42,43 Other research contests these findings.44 The Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) is a population-based study of high school students administered nationally, statewide, and locally that measures ideation, plans, attempts, and MSAs. Four state or local sites have published studies examining sexual orientation and SROs.9,16,37,45–48 All studies examined suicide attempts, 3 measured ideation,37,46,47 4 measured plans,37,45–47 4 measured MSAs,16,37,46,47 and 1 measured all.37 In this last study, the sample size precluded conducting adjusted analyses. A recent Centers for Disease Control and Prevention study reported prevalence rates of all SROs by sexual orientation for each of the selected state and local sites that collected sexual orientation information.49 We aggregated data across local sites providing adequate power to test the associations between sexual orientation and SROs while accounting for a range of risk factors and demographic variables. The use of data across local sites that are also urban areas adds a unique aspect to this study, as little is known about the associations between sexual orientation and SROs among urban populations.In addition to expanded measurement of SROs and a unique sample, we have provided multiple measures of sexual orientation. Most studies measure a single dimension of sexual orientation, typically sexual identity (e.g., lesbian, gay, bisexual [LGB]) or sexual behavior (sexual contact with opposite, same, or both sexes).29,32,50 This assumes that dimensions of sexual orientation are interchangeable and that 1 measure correctly identifies all SMYs. Sexual orientation, however, is multidimensional and dimensions may not overlap.9,49,51 For example, SMYs of color may engage in sexual contact with same-sex partners but not identify as sexual minorities because of social stigma.52 We have added to the research base and examined the associations between sexual orientation and SROs using 2 of 3 recommended dimensions of sexual orientation—sexual identity and sexual behavior53—with sexual attraction being the third and currently unavailable recommended measure. Finally, to avoid obscuring important within-group differences imposed by dichotomous measures of sexual orientation (e.g., LGB vs heterosexual),9,10,12,15,16,45,54 we analyzed subgroups of males and females on the basis of sexual identity and sex of sexual contacts, including the less studied population of youths who are unsure of their sexual identity.15,42 Using data from a unique urban sample and with expanded measures of sexual orientation and SROs, we asked the following questions:

1. On average, do youths who report their sexual identity as LGB or unsure have increased odds of suicide ideation, plans, suicide attempts, and medically serious attempts compared with heterosexual youths, controlling for a range of individual-level risk factors and demographic variables?
2. On average, do youths who report same- or both-sex sexual contact have increased odds of suicide ideation, plans, suicide attempts, and medically serious attempts compared with youths who have sexual contact with opposite-sex partners only, controlling for all other factors?

     

Longitudinal Associations Between Types of Childhood Trauma and Suicidal Behavior Among Substance Users: A Cohort Study

Objectives. We examined the longitudinal associations between different types and severities of childhood trauma and suicide attempts among illicit drug users.Methods. Data came from 2 prospective cohort studies of illicit drug users in Vancouver, Canada, in 2005 to 2010. We used recurrent event proportional means models to estimate adjusted and weighted associations between types and severities of childhood maltreatment and suicide attempts.Results. Of 1634 participants, 411 (25.2%) reported a history of suicidal behavior at baseline. Over 5 years, 80 (4.9%) participants reported 97 suicide attempts, a rate of 2.6 per 100 person-years. Severe to extreme levels of sexual abuse (adjusted hazard ratio [AHR] = 2.5; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.4, 4.4), physical abuse (AHR = 2.0; 95% CI = 1.1, 3.8), and emotional abuse (AHR = 3.5; 95% CI = 1.4, 8.7) predicted suicide attempts. Severe forms of physical and emotional neglect were not significantly associated with an increased risk of suicidal behavior.Conclusions. Severe sexual, physical, and emotional childhood abuse confer substantial risk of repeated suicidal behavior in adulthood. Illicit drug users require intensive secondary suicide prevention efforts, particularly among those with a history of childhood trauma.The global burden of suicide is considerable and is the tenth leading cause of death worldwide, with annual mortality estimated at 14.5 deaths per 100 000.1 Suicide is a major and preventable public health problem among young people aged 15 to 24 years in Canada (second leading cause of death2) and the United States (third leading cause of death3). Each year, approximately 1 million adults in the United States attempt suicide, resulting in 35 000 deaths and more than 320 000 emergency department visits.4 The societal, financial, and public health burdens associated with suicide are therefore substantial.The epidemiology of suicide is multifactorial and complex.1 The 2012 National Strategy for Suicide Prevention identifies several groups at particularly high risk of suicide in the United States, including individuals with a past history of suicidal behavior, members of the armed forces and veterans, American Indians/Alaska Natives, men in midlife, and individuals in justice and child welfare settings.5 Of public health concern in Canada, suicide rates among Aboriginal Peoples are 2 to 3 times that observed in the nonaboriginal population.6,7 A large body of literature has also demonstrated high rates of suicidal behavior among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations.8–10People who use illicit drugs are particularly vulnerable to suicidal ideation and behavior, and suicide is a leading cause of death in drug-using populations.11,12 Furthermore, the relationship between substance abuse and increased suicide risk has been well established.13,14 A growing body of research has examined various correlates of suicide attempts among drug users. In treatment-seeking samples of drug and alcohol abusers, major depressive disorder and other psychiatric conditions (e.g., borderline personality disorder, anxiety, agoraphobia) have been associated with a history of suicide attempts.15–20 Furthermore, markers of social disadvantage and marginalization, such as unemployment and homelessness, are associated with a heightened risk of suicide and are common among drug users.11 Specific typologies of drug use have also been linked to a greater likelihood of attempting suicide, including longer durations of substance use,18,21 polysubstance use,20,22 and injection methamphetamine use.23In recent years, childhood maltreatment has emerged as a consistent correlate of suicidal ideation and behavior among drug users.19,24,25 These studies provide preliminary evidence that childhood abuse and neglect are important determinants of suicide in drug-using populations. However, it is unclear whether certain types of childhood maltreatment are more strongly associated with suicidal behavior than others. The majority of studies to date have examined suicide and early traumatic experiences among clinical samples, which may be subject to selection bias if being in treatment is a common effect of both exposure (i.e., childhood maltreatment) and other, unmeasured factors that may cause suicidal behavior (e.g., genetic or familial susceptibility to psychiatric disorders such as depression). To our knowledge no studies have prospectively examined suicidal behavior in a community-recruited cohort of drug users. Drug-using cohorts are particularly well suited to examining the relationship between childhood maltreatment and recurrent suicidal behavior because of their high rates of suicide. We used recurrent event survival models to determine the longitudinal associations between exposure to different types and severities of childhood trauma and suicide attempts, measured prospectively in a cohort of drug users in Vancouver, British Columbia.     

Workplace Bullying and Suicidal Ideation: A 3-Wave Longitudinal Norwegian Study

Objectives. We examined whether victimization from bullying is related to an increased risk of suicidal ideation over time and whether suicidal ideation is related to subsequent bullying.Methods. In a longitudinal study (2005–2010), we used well-established single-item measures to assess victimization from bullying and suicidal ideation. We used latent Markov models to determine forward and reverse relationships between variables at 3 time points with 2 or 3 years between the measurement points among a randomized nationwide sample of 1846 employees in Norway.Results. Victimization from bullying was associated with subsequent suicidal ideation (odds ratio = 2.05; 95% confidence interval = 1.08, 3.89). Suicidal ideation at baseline was not related to subsequent victimization from workplace bullying.Conclusions. Workplace bullying may be a precursor to suicidal ideation, whereas suicidal ideation seems to have no impact on subsequent risk of being bullied. Regulations against bullying should be integrated into work-related legislation and public health policies.Suicide is a leading cause of death around the globe. Estimates show that more than 800 000 people take their own lives every year.1 In Norway (with a population of 5 165 802) there are about 530 reported suicides every year.2 In the United States, 12 suicide deaths per 100 000 people were reported in 2010, making suicide the 10th leading cause of death among Americans.3 Altogether, 1719 employees committed suicide in US workplaces between 2003 and 2010.4Although psychiatric disorders are involved in the majority of suicide attempts,5 most psychiatric patients do not commit suicide. A psychiatric disorder alone is, therefore, an insufficient condition for suicide.6 To identify other risk factors, we must look beyond the presence of a psychiatric syndrome and understand the underlying factors of suicide and suicidal ideation. Among many potential causes, exposure to workplace bullying has been proposed to be an important predictor of both suicidal ideation and actual suicide.7,8To date, bullying as an antecedent to suicide has been examined only with anecdotal evidence9,10 and cross-sectional research designs.11,12 Einarsen et al.13 established that severely bullied workers were 6 times more likely than nonbullied workers to report suicidal ideations. Sterud et al.8 found that workplace bullying was positively associated with suicidal ideation in a nationwide sample of 1022 Norwegian ambulance personnel. Bullying was more strongly associated with suicidal ideation than were gender, neuroticism, anxiety, somatic complaints, depersonalization, and job dissatisfaction.Cross-sectional research cannot provide adequate evidence for anything more than that suicidal ideation is a correlate of bullying. To understand the directional nature of the association, longitudinal research is needed. In this representative, longitudinal study, we contribute to the literature by examining whether victimization from bullying is related to increased risk of suicidal ideation over time and whether suicidal ideation is related to subsequent bullying.Workplace bullying refers to a situation in which 1 or several individuals persistently perceive themselves to be on the receiving end of negative actions from superiors or co-workers and in which the targets find it difficult to defend themselves against these actions.14,15 Following this definition, there are 3 main characteristics of workplace bullying: (1) an employee becomes the target of systematic negative and unwanted social behavior in the workplace; (2) the exposure occurs over a prolonged period, often with ever more escalating intensity and frequency in the attacks; and (3) targets feel they cannot easily escape the situation or stop the unwanted treatment. This third characteristic, the feeling of being victimized by the harassment, distinguishes bullying from other forms of mistreatment in the workplace.15 Globally, about 11% of workers perceive themselves as victims of bullying,16 and 5% of the Norwegian working population is victimized by bullying at any time.17The interpersonal theory of suicide (ITS)5 provides a theoretical foundation for how exposure to such bullying may be related to suicide. The theory posits that fundamental to suicidal ideation and behavior is that an individual has both the desire and the ability to die by suicide.18 With regard to the desire to die, displayed through suicidal ideation, the ITS asserts that when people over a prolonged period perceive themselves to be socially alienated from others and simultaneously feel that they are a burden on others, they develop a desire for death.19 As for the ability to commit suicide, displayed through suicidal behavior, the ITS proposes that people who are repeatedly exposed to painful and provocative events will lose any fear of pain, injury, and death and thereby be able to overcome the instinct of self-preservation.Because of its focus on persistent exposure to painful events and social alienation, the ITS strongly suggests that repeated and long-term exposure to negative treatment and social exclusion from one’s peers or supervisors at work constitutes a risk factor for suicidal ideation and behavior.Although previous research has assumed bullying to be an antecedent to suicidal ideation, it is possible that the established cross-sectional association reflects a relationship in which suicidal ideation is a precursor to bullying. Two different mechanisms can explain such a reverse association. First, employees with suicidal ideation may report less favorable work characteristics because their distress makes them evaluate their work environment increasingly more negatively.20 Second, employees with suicidal ideations may elicit aggressive behavior in others because their psychological state creates aversive feelings among co-workers and supervisors.21,22To provide better indications of how workplace bullying is related to suicidal ideation, we investigated direct forward and reverse associations with longitudinal data. We tested the following hypotheses:

• Hypothesis 1: Victimization from bullying is associated with an increased risk of later suicidal ideation.
• Hypothesis 2: Suicidal ideation is associated with an increased risk of later victimization from bullying.

     

School-Based Screening for Suicide Risk: Balancing Costs and Benefits

Objectives. We examined the effects of a scoring algorithm change on the burden and sensitivity of a screen for adolescent suicide risk.Methods. The Columbia Suicide Screen was used to screen 641 high school students for high suicide risk (recent ideation or lifetime attempt and depression, or anxiety, or substance use), determined by subsequent blind assessment with the Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children. We compared the accuracy of different screen algorithms in identifying high-risk cases.Results. A screen algorithm comprising recent ideation or lifetime attempt or depression, anxiety, or substance-use problems set at moderate-severity level classed 35% of students as positive and identified 96% of high-risk students. Increasing the algorithm''s threshold reduced the proportion identified to 24% and identified 92% of high-risk cases. Asking only about recent suicidal ideation or lifetime suicide attempt identified 17% of the students and 89% of high-risk cases. The proportion of nonsuicidal diagnosis–bearing students found with the 3 algorithms was 62%, 34%, and 12%, respectively.Conclusions. The Columbia Suicide Screen threshold can be altered to reduce the screen-positive population, saving costs and time while identifying almost all students at high risk for suicide.Adolescents commonly keep their thoughts about suicide to themselves and many suicide attempts go unrevealed to parents and other adults^1–4; furthermore, adolescents rarely seek treatment on their own. ^5,6 Proactive screening programs for adolescent suicidality rely on the identification of the principal risk factors for completed suicide (i.e., current suicidal ideation, previous attempt behavior, and the presence of a mood, anxiety, or substance use disorder). ^5,6One proactive screening program, the Columbia Teen Screen program, has employed a school-based screening approach, the Columbia Suicide Screen (CSS), that involves administering a self-completion form with questions about risk factors for suicide such as suicidal ideation, prior suicide attempts, depression, anxiety, and substance use. Students who screen positive (stage 1) are then seen by a clinician for a secondary confirmatory evaluation (stage 2) and, if indicated, the student is case managed to an appropriate referral. With its original algorithm, the CSS has been shown to identify 75% of students considered to be at high risk for suicide⁷and a third of students who had unspecified mental health problems that were not already known to school professionals.⁸ Criticisms that the approach generated many false positives were based on our previous reports⁷ that were limited to identifying high-risk cases^9–11 and ignored the fact that screening for suicidal ideation and behaviors will commonly reveal nonsuicidal mental illnesses that have never been disclosed.Much of the cost of screening comes from providing confirmatory evaluations to students identified during the initial part of a 2-stage procedure. Falsely identifying students who do not have a significant mental health problem adds to the cost of screening. To minimize this problem, these costs need to be weighed against the benefits of identifying students considered to be at high risk for suicide along with those who are not deemed to be at high risk for suicide but who do have an undiagnosed but significant, impairing, and treatable mental health condition. Second-stage evaluations that fail to confirm the need for clinical referral are therefore a necessary but at times onerous burden.We report, for the first time, how varying the items and threshold of the items that determine whether an adolescent screens positive affects the accuracy and the program burden of the CSS. Our research questions were: (1) What effect does altering the scoring algorithm of the CSS have on identifying adolescents at high risk for suicide? and (2) What effect does altering the scoring algorithm of the CSS have on reducing the burden of confirmatory evaluations for a screening setting?     

Rates and Predictors of Suicidal Ideation During the First Year After Traumatic Brain Injury

Objectives. We examined rates of suicidal ideation (SI) after traumatic brain injury (TBI) and investigated whether demographic characteristics, preinjury psychiatric history, or injury-related factors predicted SI during the first year after injury.Methods. We followed a cohort of 559 adult patients who were admitted to Harborview Medical Center in Seattle, Washington, with a complicated mild to severe TBI between June 2001 and March 2005. Participants completed structured telephone interviews during months 1 through 6, 8, 10, and 12 after injury. We assessed SI using item 9 of the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9).Results. Twenty-five percent of the sample reported SI during 1 or more assessment points. The strongest predictor of SI was the first PHQ-8 score (i.e., PHQ-9 with item 9 excluded) after injury. Other significant multivariate predictors included a history of a prior suicide attempt, a history of bipolar disorder, and having less than a high school education.Conclusions. Rates of SI among individuals who have sustained a TBI exceed those found among the general population. Increased knowledge of risk factors for SI may assist health care providers in identifying patients who may be vulnerable to SI after TBI.Suicide is a major public health problem among the 1.7 million people who sustain traumatic brain injury (TBI) each year in the United States.1 People with a history of TBI in both civilian and military populations are 1.55 to 4.05 times more likely to die by suicide than the general population.2–5 In a study of Australian outpatients with a history of TBI, the majority of whom had no preinjury history of suicide attempts, suicide attempts were reported by 17.4% (30 of 172) of the sample over a 5-year period.6 Nearly half of the individuals who attempted suicide had made multiple attempts.6,7 The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recently called for investigations of individual-level risk and protective factors for self-directed violence among people with TBI as an important component of improving long-term outcomes.8Rates of suicidal ideation (SI) after TBI have been found to exceed 20% in some studies6,9–14; however, in a recent systematic review of SI and behavior after TBI, Bahraini et al. highlighted the paucity of research in this area.15 They concluded that additional research is needed to determine the prevalence of SI and behavior after brain injury, as well as to ascertain patient-level factors that may be associated with increased suicide risk. Studies examining whether injury severity predicts post-TBI suicidality have yielded inconclusive findings.6,13,16,17 In perhaps the most thorough study on this topic to date, Tsaousides et al.12 surveyed 356 community-dwelling adults with a self-reported history of TBI and found that preinjury substance abuse was the only correlate of current SI. Risk factors for SI after TBI have been underinvestigated. Research in this area has been limited by reliance on retrospective reporting and self-reported history of TBI,12,18–20 with only a few studies including objective indicators of TBI severity.6 Most studies have involved cross-sectional designs and have included participants whose time since injury varied from several months to many years.12,21 Finally, because most existing studies have included relatively small, potentially biased samples21 recruited from outpatient clinics or TBI survivor programs,6,7,12 they may not be representative of the population of people who sustain TBI.Given these gaps in the existing literature, our objectives were (1) to investigate rates of SI during the first year after complicated mild to severe TBI in a representative sample of adults who had been admitted to a level I trauma center and (2) to investigate whether demographic characteristics, preinjury psychiatric history, or injury-related factors predicted SI.     

Suicide Risk in Nursing Homes and Assisted Living Facilities: 2003–2011

Objectives. We investigated the epidemiology of suicide among adults aged 50 years and older in nursing homes and assisted living facilities and whether anticipating transitioning into long-term care (LTC) is a risk factor for suicide.Methods. Data come from the Virginia Violent Death Reporting System (2003–2011). We matched locations of suicides (n = 3453) against publicly available resource registries of nursing homes (n = 285) and assisted living facilities (n = 548). We examined individual and organizational correlates of suicide by logistic regression. We identified decedents anticipating entry into LTC through qualitative text analysis.Results. Incidence of suicide was 14.16 per 100 000 in nursing homes and 15.66 in the community. Better performance on Nursing Home Compare quality metrics was associated with higher odds of suicide in nursing homes (odds ratio [OR] = 1.95; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.21, 3.14). Larger facility size was associated with higher suicide risk in assisted living facilities (OR = 1.01; 95% CI = 1.00, 1.01). Text narratives identified 38 decedents anticipating transitioning into LTC and 16 whose loved one recently transitioned or resided in LTC.Conclusions. LTC may be an important point of engagement in suicide prevention.Approximately 40% of adults aged 65 years and older will need skilled residential nursing care at some point in their lifetime.1 Older adults have among the highest suicide risks in the United States2; the rate of suicide among men aged 65 years and older is 30 per 100 000; by contrast, it is 7 per 100 000 for men younger than 25 years.3 A key element of suicide prevention is the identification of points of engagement to interact with potential victims.4 Risk factors for suicide, such as social isolation, depression, and functional impairment, are common among long-term care (LTC) residents,5–7 and these facilities may therefore be important locations for preventing suicide among older adults. Indeed, the 1987 Nursing Home Reform Act mandated screening of LTC admissions to facilitate appropriate placement and increased psychiatric services,8 and the Minimum Data Set 3.0 includes a mandatory screener for depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation.9 Nearly 1.5 million adults reside in nursing homes,10,11 and another 1 million reside in assisted living facilities.12Little is known regarding risk and protective factors for suicide in LTC.13 In 2011 the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration released a tool kit on preventing suicide in senior-living communities, which notes,

We do not know how many residents of senior living communities attempt suicide or die by suicide. But, we do know that a suicide in a facility . . . profoundly impacts the lives of everyone concerned—residents, families, and staff.^14(p4)

Suicidal ideation is common among LTC residents, with between 5% and 33% reporting ideation (active or passive) within the past month.15 As a result, suicide risk may be substantial in these facilities despite countervailing factors such as regular monitoring by staff and limited access to lethal means. The handful of studies that have compared incidence of completed suicide in LTC to the general community are mixed, with 1 reporting higher16 and another reporting lower17 risk in these settings.Suicidal behavior in LTC likely reflects a combination of factors shared with community cases (e.g., presence of a psychiatric disorder), as well as factors that are unique to LTC (e.g., facility characteristics). For example, bed size (number of beds) and high staff turnover have been associated with higher risk of suicidal behaviors among residents.18,19 However, these studies were conducted in the 1980s, prior to the growth of assisted living,20 which reduces their applicability to modern facilities. Finally, it is unknown whether the transition to LTC, or the process of having a loved one transition, is a risk factor for suicide.21 These transitions often involve a complex interplay of social and psychological factors, including feelings of autonomy, social connectedness, and identity,22,23 and can produce feelings of anxiety, loneliness, and hopelessness because they affect a people’s sense of being at home, which is not simply their physical residence.24 Such transitions have potential implications for the psychological well-being of caregivers of the person moving into LTC as well.25To identify whether LTC settings are important points of engagement for reducing suicide risk among older adults,4,26 we analyzed data from the 2003 to 2011 Virginia Violent Death Reporting System (VVDRS). We aimed to (1) describe the epidemiology of completed suicide in nursing homes and assisted living facilities, (2) examine whether facility characteristics were related to suicide risk, and (3) assess whether the process of transitioning into an LTC facility was associated with suicide.     

Lesbian,Gay, Bisexual,and Transgender Hate Crimes and Suicidality Among a Population-Based Sample of Sexual-Minority Adolescents in Boston

Objectives. We examined whether past-year suicidality among sexual-minority adolescents was more common in neighborhoods with a higher prevalence of hate crimes targeting lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals.Methods. Participants’ data came from a racially/ethnically diverse population-based sample of 9th- through 12th-grade public school students in Boston, Massachusetts (n = 1292). Of these, 108 (8.36%) reported a minority sexual orientation. We obtained data on LGBT hate crimes involving assaults or assaults with battery between 2005 and 2008 from the Boston Police Department and linked the data to the adolescent’s residential address.Results. Sexual-minority youths residing in neighborhoods with higher rates of LGBT assault hate crimes were significantly more likely to report suicidal ideation (P = .013) and suicide attempts (P = .006), than were those residing in neighborhoods with lower LGBT assault hate crime rates. We observed no relationships between overall neighborhood-level violent and property crimes and suicidality among sexual-minority adolescents (P > .05), providing evidence for specificity of the results to LGBT assault hate crimes.Conclusions. Neighborhood context (i.e., LGBT hate crimes) may contribute to sexual-orientation disparities in adolescent suicidality, highlighting potential targets for community-level suicide-prevention programs.Suicide is the second-leading cause of death among all youths worldwide and is the third-leading cause of death among all youths in the United States,1 making the topic of adolescent suicidality a global public health and medical priority.2 One of the most consistent findings in psychiatric epidemiology is the existence of marked sexual orientation disparities in adolescent suicidality (e.g., suicidal ideation and suicide attempts).3 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT, or sexual minority) adolescents are more likely to contemplate,4–6 plan,7 and attempt4,5,8 suicide than their heterosexual peers, and these disparities have been documented across multiple countries.4,5,8Despite the increased attention devoted to eliminating sexual orientation disparities in adolescent suicide, a 2011 report from the Institute of Medicine on LGBT health disparities noted the dearth of research into determinants of adverse health outcomes, including suicidality, within this population.9 To date, research has focused predominantly on individual (e.g., hopelessness, depressed mood),5,8,10–13 peer (e.g., recent suicide attempts by a peer, peer victimization),5,8,14,15 family (e.g., family rejection, family abuse),5,8,13,16–18 and school (e.g., presence of gay–straight alliances in schools, school safety)14,18,19 factors that are associated with suicidality among sexual-minority adolescents, which mirrors research on adolescent suicidality more broadly.20 This research has offered key insights into determinants of suicide risk, but sexual orientation–related disparities in suicidality remain after control for these established risk factors.4,5,8 The persistence of these disparities indicates the importance of considering additional risk factors, including at the social-ecological level, which we define as influences that occur above individuals, peers, families, and schools, including neighborhoods as well as institutional practices and policies (e.g., state policies that ban same-sex marriage).21,22Decades of research in medical sociology and social epidemiology have provided substantial evidence for the role that broad social-ecological factors play in shaping population health,23,24 and Healthy People 2020 recognizes that such factors may be implicated in LGBT health.25 Yet there is a paucity of research into the social-ecological risk factors for suicide among sexual-minority adolescents. In one of the few studies to address this topic, Hatzenbuehler26 created an ecological measure of the social environment surrounding lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths living in counties across the state of Oregon. Compared with lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths living in counties with supportive environments, the risk of attempting suicide was 20% higher among sexual-minority youths in less-supportive environments,26 suggesting that ecological measures can reveal previously unrecognized social determinants of suicide risk among sexual-minority adolescents. However, additional research on other social-ecological factors that may influence suicide risk within this population is warranted.Therefore, in the current study, we used a novel measure of the social environment: neighborhood-level hate crimes targeting LGBT persons. Hate crimes refer to “unlawful, violent, destructive or threatening conduct in which the perpetrator is motivated by prejudice toward the victim’s putative social group.”27^(p480) Evidence demonstrates that many sexual minorities experience hate crimes28; data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation demonstrated that 17.4% of the 88 463 hate crimes between the years of 1995 and 2008 targeted sexual minorities,29 a rate that was more than 8 times what would be expected when one considers the relatively low percentage of sexual minorities in the general population.30The objective of the present study was to examine whether suicidal ideation and suicide attempts among sexual-minority adolescents are more common in neighborhoods with a higher prevalence of hate crimes targeting LGBT individuals. Although there is limited research on the relationship between neighborhood-level LGBT hate crimes and suicidality among sexual-minority populations, existing research suggests strong associations between neighborhood-level exposure to violence and suicide in general (i.e., non-LGBT) populations.31,32 On the basis of this literature, we hypothesized higher rates of suicidal ideation and attempts among sexual minority adolescents residing in neighborhoods with more LGBT hate crimes. To test this hypothesis, we obtained LGBT hate crimes data from the Boston Police Department Community Disorders Unit and linked this information to individual-level data on suicidality (i.e., ideation and attempts) and sexual orientation from a population-based sample of Boston, Massachusetts, adolescents. This study therefore capitalizes on a rare opportunity to examine a potentially salient social-ecological risk factor for suicidality among sexual-minority adolescents.     

Mental Health and Suicidality Among Racially/Ethnically Diverse Sexual Minority Youths

Objectives. We examined the relationships among sexual minority status, sex, and mental health and suicidality, in a racially/ethnically diverse sample of adolescents.Methods. Using pooled data from 2005 and 2007 Youth Risk Behavior Surveys within 14 jurisdictions, we used hierarchical linear modeling to examine 6 mental health outcomes across 6 racial/ethnic groups, intersecting with sexual minority status and sex. Based on an omnibus measure of sexual minority status, there were 6245 sexual minority adolescents in the current study. The total sample was n = 72 691.Results. Compared with heterosexual peers, sexual minorities reported higher odds of feeling sad; suicidal ideation, planning and attempts; suicide attempt treated by a doctor or nurse, and self-harm. Among sexual minorities, compared with White youths, Asian and Black youths had lower odds of many outcomes, whereas American Native/Pacific Islander, Latino, and Multiracial youths had higher odds.Conclusions. Although in general, sexual minority youths were at heightened risk for suicidal outcomes, risk varied based on sex and on race/ethnicity. More research is needed to better understand the manner in which sex and race/ethnicity intersect among sexual minorities to influence risk and protective factors, and ultimately, mental health outcomes.Over the past 20 years, research has documented elevated suicidality1—defined as behavior related to contemplating, attempting, or completing suicide2—among sexual minority youths (an umbrella term, generally including those who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender [LGBT]; engage in same-sex sexual behavior; or have same-sex attractions). This research has consistently demonstrated substantial sexual orientation disparities in suicidality, with sexual minority youths having higher prevalence of suicidality than their heterosexual peers.3–6 A recent review of the literature indicated that sexual minority youths are at least twice as likely as heterosexual youths to contemplate suicide, and 2 to 7 times as likely to attempt suicide.7 A meta-analysis found that 28% of sexual minority youths had a history of suicidality, compared with 12% of their heterosexual peers.8Despite the development of knowledge about suicidality among sexual minority youths, little is known about suicidality in sexual minority youths of color. To the extent that existing researchers have explored racial/ethnic differences, analyses have rarely gone beyond dichotomous (White vs “youths of color”) or trichotomous (White vs Black vs Latino) comparisons. As a result, there exists scant literature exploring the full spectrum of racial/ethnic differences in suicidality among sexual minority youths.The literature on suicide in the general adolescent population demonstrates racial/ethnic differences in suicide ideation and attempts. For example, prevalence of suicide among Native American and Alaska Native youths is twice that of other youths,9 and Latino youths are more likely than either Black or White youths to have considered and attempted suicide.10 Differences are further moderated by participants’ gender: girls are more likely to consider suicide and attempt suicide than boys,10 although boys are more likely to complete suicide.11Studies that have considered racial/ethnic differences in suicidality among sexual minority youths have found differences, though the patterns have been inconsistent. A study based on Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) data from Massachusetts, reported that among self-identified lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) youths3 Latinos were significantly more likely than Whites to report past-year suicide attempt. Another study found that same-sex–attracted Black and White youths were more likely than their other-sex–attracted peers to report suicidal ideation, whereas same-sex–attracted Latino and Asian/Pacific Islander youths did not differ from other-sex–attracted peers.12 In a nonprobability sample of urban LGBT youths,13 Black and White youths were more likely to report suicidal ideation than Latinos; however, Latinos reported the highest frequency of suicide attempts. A study of New York City adults found that Latino and Black LGB participants were more likely to report serious suicide attempts than were White LGB participants, with most reported attempts occurring during adolescence and young adulthood.14 These conflicting results suggest that there are important differences in suicidality at the intersections of sexual minority status and race/ethnicity, yet further study requires data of sufficient scale and scope to enable analyses of low-prevalence behaviors across small subgroups of youths.To address the need for information about suicidality among racially/ethnically diverse sexual minority populations, we assess suicidality patterns among youths based on sexual orientation, race/ethnicity, and sex. With this, we respond to calls for public health to utilize minority stress and intersectional frameworks as potential lenses through which to understand health and health disparities among sexual minority populations.15,16 Rather than treating social identities as separate and discrete phenomena, our inquiry allows that co-occurring minority identities operate together. An intersectional approach suggests that sexual identity–race–sex intersections are informed by unique cultural, historical, social, and political factors that differentially influence life experiences, including discrimination based on such identities.17–19 In turn, minority stress theory posits that discriminatory experiences predispose populations to stress and adverse mental health outcomes, including suicidality.20The focus on health differences among sexual minority youths across race/ethnicity and sex is vital to creating effective health interventions and programs. Such a focus is particularly relevant within the context of youth suicide, as risk and protective factors associated with suicidality vary across both racial/ethnic and sexual minority groups, and there is a need to better integrate these bodies of research.21     

Social support, exposure to violence and transphobia, and correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work

Objectives. We determined racial/ethnic differences in social support and exposure to violence and transphobia, and explored correlates of depression among male-to-female transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW).Methods. A total of 573 THSW who worked or resided in San Francisco or Oakland, California, were recruited through street outreach and referrals and completed individual interviews using a structured questionnaire.Results. More than half of Latina and White participants were depressed on the basis of Center For Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale scores. About three quarters of White participants reported ever having suicidal ideation, of whom 64% reported suicide attempts. Half of the participants reported being physically assaulted, and 38% reported being raped or sexually assaulted before age 18 years. White and African American participants reported transphobia experiences more frequently than did others. Social support, transphobia, suicidal ideation, and levels of income and education were significantly and independently correlated with depression.Conclusions. For THSW, psychological vulnerability must be addressed in counseling, support groups, and health promotion programs specifically tailored to race/ethnicity.The term “transgender” has been used as an umbrella term, capturing people who do not conform with a binary male–female gender category.¹ In this study, we use the term “transgender women” or “male-to-female transgender women” to describe individuals who were born biologically male but self-identify as women and desire to live as women.² Although transgender persons or those who identify their gender other than male or female have been historically reported in many cultures around the world, their social roles, status, and acceptance have varied across time and place.³ In the United States, as part of the gay rights movement in the 1970s, a transgender civil rights movement emerged to advocate for transgender people''s equal rights and to eradicate discrimination and harassment in their daily lives.⁴ However, transphobia—institutional, societal, and individual-level discrimination against transgender persons—is still pervasive in the United States and elsewhere. It often takes the form of laws, regulations, violence (physical, sexual, and verbal), harassment, prejudices, and negative attitudes directed against transgender persons.^5–7Studies have reported that transgender persons lack access to gender-sensitive health care^6,8,9 and often experience transphobia in health care and treatment.^5,9 Transgender persons are frequently exposed to violence, sexual assault, and harassment in everyday life, mainly because of transphobia.^5–7,9–11 Physical and sexual assaults and violence, and verbal and nonphysical harassment, derive from various perpetrators (e.g., strangers, acquaintances, partners, family members, and police officers). Transgender persons suffer from assaults, rape, and harassment at an early age, and these experiences persist throughout life.¹ A number of studies have examined violence and harassment against sexual minorities, although these have mainly focused on gay men.^12–15 A limited literature has described the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and health disparities among transgender persons.^7–9Psychological indicators such as depression and suicidal ideation and attempts have been reported among transgender persons.^{5,6,10,16–18} Transgender women of color, such as African Americans, Latinas, and Asians/Pacific Islanders (APIs), are at high risk for adverse health outcomes because of racial/ethnic minority status and gender identity,⁶ as well as for depression through exposure to transphobia.¹⁹ Although transgender persons have reported relatively high rates of using basic health care services,²⁰gender-appropriate mental health services are needed,⁵ particularly among African Americans.²¹ A lack of social support, specifically from the biological family, is commonly reported among transgender persons and is associated with discomfort and lack of security and safety in public settings.²² Sparse research exists on social support among transgender persons, although such support could ameliorate adverse psychological consequences associated with transphobia and also mitigate racial discrimination for transgender persons of color.Because of relatively high rates of unemployment, lack of career training and education, and discrimination in employment, many transgender women engage in sex work for survival.^23,24 Sex work is linked to high-risk situations, including substance abuse, unsafe sex, and sexual and physical abuse.²⁵ Physical abuse, social isolation, and the social stigma associated with sex work exacerbate transgender women''s vulnerability to mental illness and HIV risk.^5,17 High HIV seroprevalence rates among transgender women have been reported,^5,20,26–28 particularly among racial/ethnic minorities,⁵ substance users,²⁷ and sex workers.^{20,24,25,29–31} Transgender women of color face multiple adversities, such as racial and gender discrimination; transphobia; economic challenges including unemployment, substance abuse, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections; and mental illness. However, few studies have investigated racial/ethnic differences in psychological status among transgender women of color in relation to social support and exposure to transphobia.To develop culturally appropriate and transgender specific mental health promotion programs, we describe the prevalence of violence, transphobia, and social support in relation to racial/ethnic background among transgender women with a history of sex work (THSW). We also investigated the role of social support and exposure to transphobia on participants’ levels of depression.     

The association between perceived discrimination and obesity in a population-based multiracial and multiethnic adult sample

Objectives. We examined whether perceived chronic discrimination was related to excess body fat accumulation in a random, multiethnic, population-based sample of US adults.Methods. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression and logistic regression analyses to examine the relationship between interpersonal experiences of perceived chronic discrimination and body mass index and high-risk waist circumference.Results. Consistent with other studies, our analyses showed that perceived unfair treatment was associated with increased abdominal obesity. Compared with Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who did not experience perceived chronic discrimination, Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who perceived chronic discrimination were 2 to 6 times more likely to have a high-risk waist circumference. No significant relationship between perceived discrimination and the obesity measures was found among the other Whites, Blacks, or Hispanics.Conclusions. These findings are not completely unsupported. White ethnic groups including Polish, Italians, Jews, and Irish have historically been discriminated against in the United States, and other recent research suggests that they experience higher levels of perceived discrimination than do other Whites and that these experiences adversely affect their health.It is estimated that 2 of every 3 adults in the United States are overweight or obese.^1,2 Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic health conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, hypertension, stroke, some forms of cancer, and osteoarthritis.³ Although it is widely accepted that high-fat diets and physical inactivity are preventable risk factors,⁴ obesity continues to increase.^1,2,5There is a growing interest in the relationship between psychosocial risk factors and excess body fat accumulation.^6–16 In particular, some evidence suggests that psychosocial stressors may play a role in disease progression in general and in excess body fat in particular.^7,8,17 The key factors underlying physiological reactions to psychosocial stress have not been completely elucidated, but McEwen and Seeman¹⁷ and others^7,18,19 posit that the continued adaptation of the physiological system to external challenges alters the normal physiological stress reaction pathways and that these changes are related to adverse health outcomes.^8,17,18,20 For example, in examining the association between psychosocial stress and excess body fat accumulation, Björntorp and others have suggested that psychosocial stress is linked to obesity, especially in the abdominal area.^7,8Perceived discrimination, as a psychosocial stressor, is now receiving increased attention in the empirical health literature.^21–24 Such studies suggest perceived discrimination is inversely related to poor mental and physical health outcomes and risk factors, including hypertension,^24,25 depressive symptoms,^26–28 smoking,^29–31 alcohol drinking,^32,33 low birthweight,^34,35 and cardiovascular outcomes.^36–38Internalized racism, the acceptance of negative stereotypes by the stigmatized group,³⁹ has also been recognized as a race-related psychosocial risk factor.⁴⁰ Recent studies have also suggested that race-related beliefs and experiences including perceived discrimination might be potentially related to excess body fat accumulation. Three of these studies^9,13,41 showed that internalized racism was associated with an increased likelihood of overweight or abdominal obesity among Black Caribbean women in Dominica⁴¹ and Barbados¹³ and adolescent girls in Barbados.⁹ These researchers posit that individuals with relatively high levels of internalized racism have adopted a defeatist mindset, which is believed to be related to the physiological pathway associated with excess body fat accumulation. However, Vines et al.¹⁶ found that perceived racism was associated with lower waist-to-hip ratios among Black women in the United States. Although the assessment of race-related risk factors varied across these studies, the findings suggest that the salience of race-related beliefs and experiences may be related to excess body fat accumulation.Collectively, the results of these studies are limited. First, because they examined the relationship between race-related beliefs and experiences and excess body fat only among women, we do not know if this relationship is generalizable to men.^13,16,41 Second, these studies only examined this relationship among Blacks, even though perceived unfair treatment because of race/ethnicity has been shown to be adversely related to the health of multiple racial/ethnic population groups in the United States^42–49 and internationally.^27,50–55 Third, none of the studies have examined the relationship between excess body fat accumulation and perceived nonracial/nonethnic experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Some evidence suggests that the generic perception of unfair treatment or bias is adversely related to health, regardless of whether it is attributed to race, ethnicity, or some other reason.^45,55,56 Fourth, none of these studies included other measures of stress. We do not know if the association between race-related risk factors and obesity is independent of other traditional indicators of stress.Using a multiethnic, population-based sample of adults, we examined the association of perceived discrimination and obesity independent of other known risk factors for obesity, including stressful major life events. Additionally, because reports of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and non-racial/ethnic discrimination vary by racial/ethnic groups^24,45,46,57 and because Whites tend to have less excess body fat than do Blacks and Hispanics,^1,3 we examined the relationships between perceived discrimination and excess body fat accumulation among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, and non-Hispanic Blacks.     

Protective Factors in the Lives of Bisexual Adolescents in North America

Objectives. We compared protective factors among bisexual adolescents with those of heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, and gay or lesbian adolescents.Methods. We analyzed 6 school-based surveys in Minnesota and British Columbia. Sexual orientation was measured by gender of sexual partners, attraction, or self-labeling. Protective factors included family connectedness, school connectedness, and religious involvement. General linear models, conducted separately by gender and adjusted for age, tested differences between orientation groups.Results. Bisexual adolescents reported significantly less family and school connectedness than did heterosexual and mostly heterosexual adolescents and higher or similar levels of religious involvement. In surveys that measured orientation by self-labeling or attraction, levels of protective factors were generally higher among bisexual than among gay and lesbian respondents. Adolescents with sexual partners of both genders reported levels of protective factors lower than or similar to those of adolescents with same-gender partners.Conclusions. Bisexual adolescents had lower levels of most protective factors than did heterosexual adolescents, which may help explain their higher prevalence of risky behavior. Social connectedness should be monitored by including questions about protective factors in youth health surveys.Adolescence is a key developmental period with long-term effects on physical and psychological health, and adolescents negotiate a variety of environmental challenges during these years. Although public health practice often focuses on preventing or decreasing health risks, in the past decade increasing attention has been paid to identifying protective factors that can foster healthy development. Protective factors are events, circumstances, and life experiences that promote confidence and competence among adolescents and help to protect them from negative developmental risks and health outcomes.^1,2 Such protective resources enhance resilience among adolescents who face adversities,³ and they arise from individual characteristics and social environments such as families, schools, and communities.⁴Several individual assets and external resources have been identified as protective factors that reduce the likelihood of risky behaviors such as suicidality, substance use, unprotected sexual behavior, and disordered eating. Individual-level protective factors include higher levels of self-esteem, psychological well-being, and religiosity.^5–8 Relational factors such as strong connectedness to family^5,7–13 and school^{5,7,9,10,12,13} also reduce the likelihood of engaging in behaviors that compromise health. Some community-level factors also appear to be protective against risk taking among adolescents; these include the presence of a caring adult role model outside the family^8,13 and community involvement, including volunteering.⁸Most studies focus on adolescents in general, but some populations, such as lesbian, gay, and bisexual adolescents, face greater environmental challenges in negotiating adolescence and navigating developmental tasks. LGB adolescents are disproportionately subjected to violence and harassment at school^14–16 and to physical and sexual abuse.^17,18 In addition, LGB adolescents are more likely than their heterosexual peers to be involved in health-compromising behaviors, including substance use,^14–17 risky sexual behaviors and injection drug use,^14,19,20 and suicide attempts.^{10,14,15,17,21–24}Researchers have recently started illuminating relationships between lower levels of protective factors and negative health outcomes among LGB adolescents. In an analysis of the 2004 Minnesota Student Survey, Eisenberg and Resnick found that LGB students were less likely than were other students to report high levels of family connectedness, teacher caring, other adult caring, and perceived safety at school.²⁵ However, these protective factors, when present, decreased the likelihood of suicidal ideation and attempts, and protective factors accounted for more of the variation in suicide behaviors than did sexual orientation. Similarly, in his analysis of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, Ueno found that less-positive relationships with parents, school, and friends explained higher levels of psychological distress among sexual-minority students than among heterosexual students.²⁶ Homma and Saewyc found that higher levels of perceived family caring and more-positive perceptions of school climate were linked to lower levels of emotional distress among Asian American LGB high school students in Minnesota.²⁷These studies provide some evidence that protective factors may work in similar ways for LGB adolescents as for other adolescents, but not consistently; for example, high levels of religious involvement in a faith with negative attitudes about nonheterosexual orientations might actually be more harmful than protective. Further, if LGB adolescents as a group experience lower levels of these assets, this might help explain their higher risks. Only a handful of population-based studies have focused on sexual-minority adolescents and protective factors, and they provide limited information about protective factors among bisexual adolescents separately from gay or lesbian adolescents; most research combines these groups because of small samples. Measuring sexual orientation during adolescence can be difficult; sexual identity development is a task of adolescence, and many youths engage in exploration of romantic attraction, sexual behavior, or identity labels during the adolescent years. Behavior and self-labeling may be discordant at various times, and there is evidence that some adolescents’ perception of their orientation and labels will shift during adolescence and young adulthood.In the few studies that have disaggregated the groups, bisexual adolescents were more likely than were heterosexual peers to report risky sexual behaviors,^19,20 suicide attempts,¹⁶ victimization,¹⁶ delinquency,²⁸ and substance use^16,28; in some cases gay and lesbian adolescents did not significantly differ from their heterosexual peers in these risks.^16,19,28 Some studies used romantic attraction as a measure of orientation,^23,24,26 some used self-labels,^18,22 and some used gender of sexual partners.^{16,20,25,27,28} Few studies offer the opportunity to incorporate correlates for orientation measured in different ways in the same data set.No matter how it is measured, it is important to examine levels of protective factors among bisexual adolescents separately, given the greater likelihood of risk-taking behavior and negative experiences at school among bisexual students. Drawing on data from different waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, 2 studies have found lower levels of connectedness to family and school and lower perceived caring by other adults among bisexual than among heterosexual adolescents.^29,30 Bisexual and gay or lesbian adolescents generally did not differ in their levels of protective factors, but this may have been partly attributable to relatively small samples of LGB adolescents in the longitudinal study cohort, which limits statistical power for comparisons between the 2 groups. Furthermore, the study is nationally representative of US adolescents in general but may not reflect the full ethnic diversity of LGB populations across the United States or Canada. Studies analyzing larger regional population-based surveys offer opportunities to confirm those findings for specific regions.Identifying whether protective factors work similarly for bisexual adolescents and their peers is useful, but it is equally important to monitor whether bisexual adolescents have the same levels of those protective factors in their lives. We therefore explored levels of protective factors among bisexual adolescents compared with heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, and gay or lesbian peers in 6 school-based surveys in the midwestern United States and western Canada. We posed 3 questions: (1) Are levels of protective factors different between bisexual adolescents and heterosexual adolescents? (2) Are levels of protective factors different between bisexual adolescents and gay or lesbian adolescents? (3) Are these patterns consistent across varying measures of sexual orientation?     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

Effects of Statewide Job Losses on Adolescent Suicide-Related Behaviors

Objectives. We investigated the impact of statewide job loss on adolescent suicide-related behaviors.Methods. We used 1997 to 2009 data from the Youth Risk Behavior Survey and the Bureau of Labor Statistics to estimate the effects of statewide job loss on adolescents’ suicidal ideation, suicide attempts, and suicide plans. Probit regression models controlled for demographic characteristics, state of residence, and year; samples were divided according to gender and race/ethnicity.Results. Statewide job losses during the year preceding the survey increased girls’ probability of suicidal ideation and suicide plans and non-Hispanic Black adolescents’ probability of suicidal ideation, suicide plans, and suicide attempts. Job losses among 1% of a state’s working-age population increased the probability of girls and Blacks reporting suicide-related behaviors by 2 to 3 percentage points. Job losses did not affect the suicide-related behaviors of boys, non-Hispanic Whites, or Hispanics. The results were robust to the inclusion of other state economic characteristics.Conclusions. As are adults, adolescents are affected by economic downturns. Our findings show that statewide job loss increases adolescent girls’ and non-Hispanic Blacks’ suicide-related behaviors.Suicide among young people has been identified as a serious public health concern. Among youths and young adults 10 to 24 years of age, suicide is the third leading cause of death, resulting in 4600 deaths each year.1 Every year, 157 000 young people in the 10- to 24-year age group are treated for self-inflicted injuries.1A number of individual characteristics and circumstances serve as risk factors for suicide and suicide-related behaviors among adolescents, including suicidal ideation and suicide attempts. Risk factors for suicide-related behaviors include a history of previous suicide attempts, a family history of suicide, a history of depression or other mental illness, alcohol or drug use, stressful life events, and exposure to the suicidal behavior of others.2 In addition, low levels of parental monitoring and engagement in risk-taking behaviors are associated with increased suicidal ideation and suicide attempts.3 What is less well understood, however, is how broader contextual factors, such as economic conditions, alter adolescents’ risk for suicide and suicide-related behaviors.Economic downturns such as the recent “Great Recession” represent large changes in the economic context and have well-known effects on adults’ physical and mental health, although these physical and mental effects work in opposite directions.4–6 Economic downturns have been shown to improve adults’ physical health, including decreasing health risk behaviors such as smoking and decreasing mortality.4–6 In contrast, however, economic downturns worsen adults’ mental health, including increasing suicide, one of the most serious mental health consequences.6–8 A recent review article concluded that the economic context of a geographic area is related to the area’s overall suicide rate.9 Across many studies of different geographic areas, the review showed that, at any given point in time, areas with worse economic contexts have higher suicide rates. Work that has considered changes in economic contexts, rather than static conditions, has shown that recessions and unemployment rate increases are positively correlated with suicide rates.6–8,10Despite the well-known associations between economic contractions and adult suicide rates and the great public concern around adolescent suicide, the relationships between changes in economic circumstances and the suicide-related behaviors of adolescents have received relatively little attention. Evidence exists that adolescent suicide and suicide-related behaviors are more likely to occur in neighborhoods with increased levels of economic disadvantage.11 In addition, recent studies suggest that adolescents’ mental health is affected by changes in local economic contexts. Research focused on one US state showed that job losses attributable to mass layoffs increased use of emergency psychiatric care among young people, and increases were especially large among Black youths.12–14Statewide job loss may increase adolescent suicide-related behaviors through changes in parental well-being as well as through changes in the broader community context. Within families, parental job loss has been associated with increased mental health problems and lower quality parent–child interactions, which in turn affect adolescents’ mental health.15–17 Adolescents may be more aware of their families’ worsening economic circumstances than younger children and may be more likely to bear the brunt of their families’ increased stress. In the broader community context, changes in the economic and psychological well-being of adults outside of the family may lead indirectly to changes in adolescent functioning.18 When parents, teachers, coaches, and other adults with whom adolescents interact experience increased stress, this increase in stress may affect adolescents’ mental health. Statewide job loss could also lead to loss of resources that affect adolescents’ neighborhood, school, or extracurricular activities.Previous literature suggests that risk of adolescent suicide and suicide-related behaviors varies according to gender and race/ethnicity. Boys are more likely than girls to commit suicide, but girls are more likely to attempt suicide.2 Among all racial and ethnic groups, non-Hispanic Black adolescents are least likely to have planned or attempted suicide,19 and they also display lower levels of mental disorder.20,21Racial/ethnic differences in suicide-related behaviors may be particularly relevant given that economic downturns disproportionately affect minority households.22 In addition, because non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic adolescents are more likely than non-Hispanic White adolescents to live in households with lower incomes and fewer assets,23 they may be less able to buffer the economic consequences of downturns. Even in the case of families who do not experience household job loss, minority adolescents may be more worried than non-Hispanic White adolescents about their future job prospects, insofar as minority workers are more vulnerable to economic downturns than are White workers.22 Consistent with these theories, Black youths’ use of emergency psychiatric care has been shown to increase more after statewide job losses than that of White youths.12,14In our study, we sought to build on previous literature by considering how changes over time in statewide job loss rates across the United States affect the suicide-related behaviors of a nationally representative survey of adolescents in high school. We used the state as the geographic unit because data on suicide-related behaviors for smaller areas of aggregation are not readily available across the country and over time. An important component of the study was our examination of 3 behaviors that are precursors to suicide: suicidal ideation, suicide planning, and suicide attempts.2 Understanding factors that influence these precursors may facilitate suicide prevention efforts.Our measure of economic downturns, statewide job losses attributable to mass layoffs and closings, offers several advantages over more conventionally used measures such as unemployment rates. For example, our measure of job loss, unlike the unemployment rate, can be considered an unanticipated “shock” to a community and is therefore likely to be exogenously related to suicide-related behaviors. Research in economics has demonstrated that statewide job losses typically reflect global changes in technology and trade rather than being driven by changes in either individual or community characteristics that might themselves be related to adolescent suicide-related behaviors.24–26In addition, a change in our measure of job loss represents an unequivocally bad piece of economic news. In contrast, the unemployment rate can change for either positive or negative reasons. For example, it can decrease because workers become discouraged and stop looking for work. This “positive” change in the unemployment rate may reflect worker discouragement rather than job growth. The reverse may also be true: as economic conditions improve, workers may decide to reenter the labor market, leading the unemployment rate to increase.     

Canadian military personnel's population attributable fractions of mental disorders and mental health service use associated with combat and peacekeeping operations

Objectives. We investigated mental disorders, suicidal ideation, self-perceived need for treatment, and mental health service utilization attributable to exposure to peacekeeping and combat operations among Canadian military personnel.Methods. With data from the Canadian Community Health Survey Cycle 1.2 Canadian Forces Supplement, a cross-sectional population-based survey of active Canadian military personnel (N = 8441), we estimated population attributable fractions (PAFs) of adverse mental health outcomes.Results. Exposure to either combat or peacekeeping operations was associated with posttraumatic stress disorder (men: PAF = 46.6%; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 27.3, 62.7; women: PAF = 23.6%; 95% CI = 9.2, 40.1), 1 or more mental disorder assessed in the survey (men: PAF = 9.3%; 95% CI = 0.4, 18.1; women: PAF = 6.1%; 95% CI = 0.0, 13.4), and a perceived need for information (men: PAF = 12.3%; 95% CI = 4.1, 20.6; women: PAF = 7.9%; 95% CI = 1.3, 15.5).Conclusions. A substantial proportion, but not the majority, of mental health–related outcomes were attributable to combat or peacekeeping deployment. Future studies should assess traumatic events and their association with physical injury during deployment, premilitary factors, and postdeployment psychosocial factors that may influence soldiers’ mental health.The current military occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan have created a substantial resurgence of international interest in the mental health consequences of combat.^1,2–7 Epidemiological studies of soldiers during postdeployment of combat and peacekeeping missions have demonstrated a high prevalence of mental disorders, mental health service use, and somatic complaints.^2–4,8–17 However, it is important to note that several studies have not found an association between peacekeeping or combat operations and mental disorders⁵ or suicide.^18,19To the best of our knowledge, there is only 1 study that has examined the population attributable fractions (PAFs) associated with combat, and it was conducted in a nationally representative civilian sample.²⁰ This study found that 28% of past-year posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and approximately 10% of past-year major depression and substance use problems were attributable to lifetime combat exposure in men.²⁰ Because none of the women in the study²⁰ reported exposure to combat, the study was limited to men.To date, there has been no empirical evaluation of PAFs for mental disorders in relation to combat in a representative sample of active military personnel. Also, no data are available on the PAFs for mental disorders associated with peacekeeping operations. There are many studies suggesting that soldiers involved in peacekeeping operations experience stressors different from those of soldiers involved in combat.^21,22 Finally, there is no empirical evaluation of PAFs among female soldiers.We studied data from a large population-based survey of active military personnel, the Canadian Community Health Survey Cycle 1.2 Canadian Forces Supplement.¹⁴ This survey is unique because it uses a multistage sampling design in active military personnel and includes the use of standardized state-of-the-art variable assessment of mental disorders,²³ the self-perceived need for treatment,^24,25 and mental health service use.²³ Our main objective was to estimate the PAFs for mental disorders, suicidal ideation, and treatment need and use parameters (i.e., self-perceived need for treatment and mental health service utilization) associated with combat or peacekeeping operations.