The complex web of health: relationships among chronic conditions, disability, and health services

Objectives

A critical issue in health-care reform concerns how to realign health-care delivery systems to manage medical care services for people with ongoing and costly needs for care. We examined the overlapping health-care needs of two such population groups among the U.S. working-age population (those aged 18–64 years): people with chronic medical conditions and people with disabilities.

Methods

Using the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (2002–2004), we examined differences in health status, service use, and access to care among and between working-age adults reporting disabilities and/or one or more chronic conditions. We also analyzed people with three key chronic conditions: arthritis, diabetes, and depression.

Results

More than half of working-age people with disabilities reported having more than one chronic condition. Among those with activities of daily living or instrumental activities of daily living limitations, 35% reported four or more chronic conditions at a time. We found considerable variability in access problems and service use depending on how we accounted for the overlap of multiple conditions among people with arthritis, diabetes, and depression. However, disability consistently predicted higher emergency department use, higher hospitalization rates, and greater access problems.

Conclusions

The overall prevalence of chronic conditions among the U.S. working-age population, coupled with the high concentration of multiple chronic conditions among those with disabilities, underscores the importance of reforming health-care delivery systems to provide person-centered care over time. New policy-relevant measures that transcend diagnosis are required to track the ongoing needs for health services that these populations present.As the United States considers dramatic changes in the way its health-care delivery system is organized, two groups merit particular attention: individuals with disabilities and individuals with chronic health conditions. At a time when health-care costs are escalating at an unsustainable pace, both groups consume health-care services at a disproportionately high rate^1–6 while also experiencing less than optimal health outcomes.^7–9 Furthermore, health-care resources are not equitably distributed,¹⁰ calling for substantive changes in the way in which services are provided.The health of people with disabilities gained additional visibility on the national health agenda via the Healthy People 2010 objectives¹¹ and the Surgeon General''s Call to Action to Improve the Health and Wellness of Persons with Disabilities.¹² At the same time, the growing number of adults with chronic conditions has led to a proliferation of disease management programs,^13–17 as well as a substantial body of research describing chronic disease, its consequences, and associated responses.^1,2,9,18,19 What remains less articulated in the scientific literature is that these are actually overlapping groups. While adults with disabilities are likely to have multiple chronic conditions, adults with chronic conditions are likely to develop limitations in functioning or participation, particularly as conditions accumulate over time. In this study, we directly analyzed this overlap, with a focus on health, access to care, and service use in the U.S.Previous research shows that a substantial number of adults have multiple chronic conditions and may also have limitations in activities or functioning. For instance, in 1997, nearly 25% of Medicare beneficiaries had limitations in activities of daily living (ADLs).³ Within this group, the prevalence of cancer, stroke, diabetes, and rheumatoid arthritis was each more than 20%, and the prevalence of hypertension and osteoarthritis was higher than 50%. Treatment of these conditions required up to one health-care visit a week, and these individuals were twice as likely to be dissatisfied with the coordination of their care.²⁰Whether one considers the new medical home initiatives,²¹ obesity reduction,²² disease self-management,²³ prevention of secondary conditions among people with disabilities,²⁴ or any number of further priority items on the nation''s public health agenda,²⁵ there remains a pressing need to quantify the extent of comorbidity in the U.S. population and to clarify its associations with disability. About half of all Americans have at least one chronic condition, and given that roughly half of those individuals actually have more than one such condition at a time, the pursuit of these agenda items may be hampered if approached only one disease at a time.² Furthermore, when individuals accrue limitations in how they function or the activities they can do, additional interventions may be required to assure their access to health-care services, to coordinate the providers involved in their care, or to craft treatment regimens that accommodate their functional needs.²⁶To build upon the existing literature, we analyzed a nationally representative sample of working-age Americans, clarifying the way in which health, access to care, and service use is impacted by a single chronic condition vs. multiple chronic conditions, with or without self-reported disability limitations. As exemplars, we also examined three conditions in greater detail: arthritis, diabetes, and depression. Among the most highly prevalent chronic conditions in the U.S., these three conditions were selected because they potentially result in a wide range of health and functional impacts across different body systems, are accompanied by differing constellations of comorbid conditions, and may require care from providers in differing specialties or settings.^27–29 Thus, we examined the relative contributions of a single primary diagnosis, multiple comorbidities, and disability limitations to several key health-care measures, including access to care, ambulatory visits, hospitalizations, and emergency department (ED) use.While substantial health services research has been conducted on the impact of chronic conditions on older Americans^3,30,31 and children,^32–34 less is known about these phenomena among the working-aged, particularly for people with disabilities. Additionally, the impact of chronic conditions and disability on major life activities, such as school or work, necessarily varies with life course stage. Given the large size of the working-age population, additional concerns regarding their insurance coverage, and their distinct role expectations relative to older adults or children, we limited our analysis to people aged 18–64 years.     

The persistent gap in health-care coverage between low- and high-income workers in Washington State: BRFSS, 2003-2007

Objectives

We examined the disparities in health-care coverage between low- and high-income workers in Washington State (WA) to provide support for possible policy decisions for uninsured workers.

Methods

We examined data from the WA Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System 2003–2007 and compared workers aged 18–64 years of low income (annual household income <$35,000) and high income (annual household income ≥$35,000) on proportions and sources of health-care coverage. We conducted multivariable logistic regression analyses on factors that were associated with the uninsured.

Results

Of the 54,536 survey respondents who were working-age adults in WA, 13,922 (25.5%) were low-income workers. The proportions of uninsured were 38.2% for low-income workers and 6.3% for high-income workers. While employment-based health benefits remained a dominant source of health insurance coverage, they covered only 40.2% of low-income workers relative to 81.5% of high-income workers. Besides income, workers were more likely to be uninsured if they were younger; male; Hispanic; less educated; not married; current smokers; self-employed; or employed in agriculture/forestry/fisheries, construction, and retail. More low-income workers (28.7%) reported cost as an issue in paying for health services than did their high-income counterparts (6.7%).

Conclusion

A persistent gap in health-care coverage exists between low- and high-income workers. The identified characteristics of these workers can be used to implement policies to expand health insurance coverage.Socioeconomic disparities in health and health care have increased since the 1990s.^1–3 In the U.S., while employment-based insurance is the major source of paying for health care,^4,5 the increase in health insurance premiums has outpaced workers'' earnings and inflation rates. The average cost of health insurance rose 9.6% annually from 2003 to 2007, a rate that was much higher than the overall rate of inflation (2.8%) or the increase in workers'' earnings (2.9%) during the same time period (author calculation based on a 2007 report by the Kaiser Family Foundation⁴). Rising costs impose a greater burden on low-income workers than their higher-income counterparts because low-income workers are less likely to work for a company that offers health insurance coverage.^5–9 Without employer-sponsored health insurance, few low-income workers are able to afford private coverage on their own.^7,10 Further, most of these low-income workers are ineligible for public health insurance programs.^6,10,11 This ineligibility is because in most states, income eligibility is lower for parents than for children and for those adults without dependent children.¹⁰Many factors affect the likelihood of an individual having health insurance and the source of that coverage. Work status and income play a dominant role in determining an individual''s likelihood of having health insurance.^5,7–9,12 Uninsured workers were found disproportionately in the agriculture, construction, and trade industries,^5,8,9,13 and in the farming, operators/fabricators/labors, and services sectors.^8,9 Uninsured workers also were more likely to be self-employed,^8,14 to work for small firms,^{5,7–9,13,15,16} and to be employed as part-time or temporary workers.^5,14,17,18 Socioeconomic characteristics related to lack of health-care coverage include being male, younger, from a racial/ethnic minority group, less educated, and in a low-wage or low-income job.^5,8,12,14,19 Consequently, uninsured workers were less likely to have a usual source of care and receive timely preventive services, and more likely to experience a decline in overall health.^{7,9,12,20–22}Although national uninsured trends are well documented, published work concurrently considering workers'' socioeconomics, industry, and occupation characteristics in Washington State (WA) is lacking. In an effort to expand the current knowledge on uninsured workers in WA and provide support for possible policy decisions, we conducted a multivariate analysis on health-care coverage comparing low-income workers with high-income workers by pooling the five-year WA Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) data. Because most of the uninsured come from working families and have low incomes,^4,6,10 we identified characteristics of workers who did not have health-care coverage and examined how low-income workers have fared in health-related outcomes. The analysis presents trends, examines multiple factors that affect health insurance coverage, and discusses policy implications. We hypothesized that even after controlling the multiple factors associated with being uninsured, less health-care coverage and increased health-care costs would impose a greater burden for low-income workers and families.     

Changes in the relationship between marriage and preterm birth, 1989-2006

ObjectiveMaternal marriage has historically been protective against preterm birth (PTB); however, social norms and behaviors surrounding marriage have changed over time in the United States. We analyzed secular trends in the relationship between marriage and PTB.MethodsWe collected data about all births in Michigan between 1989 and 2006 to assess (1) the relationship between marital status and PTB and moderately PTB risk by year, and (2) the relationship between married and unmarried status and PTB and moderately PTB by year relative to similar marital status in 1989.ResultsAmong nearly 2.4 million births between 1989 and 2006, PTB risk among married mothers increased while risk among unmarried mothers decreased. In adjusted models, married status became less protective against PTB relative to unmarried status over time by year, and was associated with higher risk of PTB over time. Moderately PTB risk increased among both married and unmarried groups, but more so among married mothers.ConclusionOur findings suggest that marriage is becoming less protective against PTB over time. The influence of social factors on risk for adverse birth outcomes is likely dynamic, suggesting that ongoing revisions to our understanding are in order.Defined by the World Health Organization as birth before 37 completed weeks of gestation, preterm birth (PTB) is a major contributor to perinatal and neonatal mortality, serious neonatal morbidity, and moderate to severe childhood disability.¹ In wealthy countries such as the United States, 6%–10% of all births are preterm, and deaths to preterm infants comprise more than two-thirds of all neonatal deaths.²Married status has long been associated with a lower risk of PTB,^1,3,4 as well as other adverse perinatal outcomes including low birthweight,^3,5,6 small-for-gestational-age infants,^3,5,7,8 and fetal and neonatal mortality.⁹ Several factors may explain the relationship between marital status and risk for adverse birth outcomes, including differences between married and unmarried mothers in financial security,^10–12 health-care access,^4,13 social support, and mental health.^14–18The presumed health-promoting effect of marriage has led to its promotion as a positive social construct that may improve the health of populations.^19–22 However, in the past two decades, the role of marriage has changed in North America. Bumpass and Cherlin independently contended that marriage has undergone a “decline in significance” and a deinstitutionalization as a result of a deterioration of the marital norms that shape partners’ social behaviors and a trend toward individuation, personal choice, and self-development.^23,24 It is plausible, therefore, that as norms governing partners’ marital behaviors have deteriorated over time, mechanisms mediating the relationship between marriage and PTB risk may have weakened, thereby altering the relationship between marital status and the risk of PTB. For example, as partners involved in marital relationships become more independent and self-oriented, and therefore invest fewer of their resources (e.g., money, time, and attention) in one another, it follows that the financial and social support afforded married mothers via their marriages may diminish, with plausible downstream effects on maternal mental health and access to health-care services.In addition, the increasing incidence of PTB in wealthy countries in the past two decades has been shown to be partially attributable to the increasing rate of obstetric interventions,²⁵ such as cesarean section and induced labor.²⁶ Compared with unmarried mothers, married mothers have been shown to have more ready access to health services.^4,13 It is possible that a higher rate of later-term obstetric interventions among married vs. unmarried mothers could change the relationship between marital status and PTB over time by increasing the incidence of obstetrically induced PTB among married vs. unmarried mothers.We hypothesized that the apparent protective effect of marriage on risk of PTB has decreased with time as a result of the aforementioned mechanisms. We analyzed secular trends in PTB, very PTB, and moderately PTB risk among married and unmarried mothers over time using data from one U.S. state between 1989 and 2006.     

Prospectively assessed posttraumatic stress disorder and associated physical activity

Objectives

We examined the association of physical activity with prospectively assessed posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms in a military cohort.

Methods

Using baseline and follow-up questionnaire data from a large prospective study of U.S. service members, we applied multivariable logistic regression to examine the adjusted odds of new-onset and persistent PTSD symptoms associated with light/moderate physical activity, vigorous physical activity, and strength training at follow-up.

Results

Of the 38,883 participants, 89.4% reported engaging in at least 30 minutes of physical activity per week. At follow-up, those who reported proportionately less physical activity were more likely to screen positive for PTSD. Vigorous physical activity had the most consistent relationship with PTSD. Those who reported at least 20 minutes of vigorous physical activity twice weekly had significantly decreased odds for new-onset (odds ratio [OR] = 0.58, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.49, 0.70) and persistent (OR=0.59, 95% CI 0.42, 0.83) PTSD symptoms.

Conclusions

Engagement in physical activity, especially vigorous activity, is significantly associated with decreased odds of PTSD symptoms among U.S. service members. While further longitudinal research is necessary, a physical activity component may be valuable to PTSD treatment and prevention programs.Recent military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan have been characterized by sustained ground combat, persistent risk, and multiple protracted deployments. Increased psychological symptom reporting has engendered heightened concern for the postdeployment mental health of service members and, in particular, the public health burden of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).^1–4 A previous study using data from all U.S. service branches identified new-onset self-reported PTSD symptoms in 7.6%–8.7% of deployers who reported combat exposures, 1.4%–2.1% of deployers who did not report combat exposures, and 2.3%–3.0% of nondeployers.⁴PTSD is associated with poor physical health as well as negative health behaviors, such as tobacco use and problem alcohol drinking.^5–11 The extent to which behavioral correlates of PTSD mitigate or mediate PTSD symptoms and associated morbidities is currently under investigation.¹² While research has focused on adverse health behaviors, the relationship between positive health behaviors (e.g., physical activity) and PTSD has not been fully explored.Studies of depression and anxiety have pointed to the mental health benefits of physical activity, and researchers have postulated a number of mechanisms by which physical activity may modulate mood and the stress response.^13–19 While previous research indicates that physical activity may mitigate PTSD and related symptoms, other studies indicate that exercise habits of PTSD patients may be substandard.^20–23 In a retrospective study among Brazilians, physical activity levels decreased after the onset of PTSD.²⁴ These previous studies, however, were limited by small sample sizes, retrospective designs, and an inability to control for possible confounders.^20,22–25 The purpose of this study was to investigate new-onset, resolution, and persistence of PTSD symptoms in relation to type and quantity of physical activity in a large, population-based cohort of U.S. military service members.     

Evaluation of a Community Health Worker Intervention to Reduce HIV/AIDS Stigma and Increase HIV Testing Among Underserved Latinos in the Southwestern U.S.

Objectives

Latinos are at an elevated risk for HIV infection. Continued HIV/AIDS stigma presents barriers to HIV testing and affects the quality of life of HIV-positive individuals, yet few interventions addressing HIV/AIDS stigma have been developed for Latinos.

Methods

An intervention led by community health workers (promotores de salud, or promotores) targeting underserved Latinos in three southwestern U.S. communities was developed to decrease HIV/AIDS stigma and increase HIV knowledge and perception of risk. The intervention was led by HIV-positive and HIV-affected (i.e., those who have, or have had, a close family member or friend with HIV/AIDS) promotores, who delivered interactive group-based educational sessions to groups of Latinos in Spanish and English. To decrease stigma and motivate behavioral and attitudinal change, the educational sessions emphasized positive Latino cultural values and community assets. The participant pool comprised 579 Latino adults recruited in El Paso, Texas (n=204); San Ysidro, California (n=175); and Los Angeles, California (n=200).

Results

From pretest to posttest, HIV/AIDS stigma scores decreased significantly (p<0.001). Significant increases were observed in HIV/AIDS knowledge (p<0.001), willingness to discuss HIV/AIDS with one''s sexual partner (p<0.001), and HIV risk perception (p=0.006). Willingness to test for HIV in the three months following the intervention did not increase. Women demonstrated a greater reduction in HIV/AIDS stigma scores when compared with their male counterparts, which may have been related to a greater increase in HIV/AIDS knowledge scores (p=0.016 and p=0.007, respectively).

Conclusion

Promotores interventions to reduce HIV/AIDS stigma and increase HIV-related knowledge, perception of risk, and willingness to discuss sexual risk with partners show promise in reaching underserved Latino communities.Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) has disproportionately affected U.S. Latinos during the last 25 years. Although Latinos constitute 16% of the U.S. population, they account for 19% of those living with HIV and 21% of new HIV infections.¹ Since 2006, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has recommended HIV testing for all people aged 13–64 years.² However, nearly half (46%) of Latino adults aged 18–64 years have never been tested, compared with 23% of black and 50% of white adults.³ Additionally, HIV testing often occurs at a late stage among HIV-positive Latinos. More than one-third (36%) of HIV-positive Latinos were diagnosed with AIDS within one year of learning their HIV status, compared with 32% of white people and 31% of black people.³ Late HIV testing hinders treatment options and may contribute to unknowing HIV transmission.Factors contributing to low HIV testing rates among Latinos include poverty, lack of health-care access, and limited availability of culturally and linguistically responsive services.^1,4–6 HIV/AIDS stigma is another factor.^7,8 UNAIDS (Joint United Nations Programme on AIDS) defines HIV stigma as the “devaluation of people either living with or associated with HIV/AIDS.”⁹ Stigma often results from fears about HIV as well as the associations of HIV with stigmatized groups such as homosexuals, sex workers, and injection drug users.^9,10HIV/AIDS stigma has negative consequences both at a population level and for individuals who are its targets, including people living with HIV/AIDS. Stigmatizing attitudes toward people living with HIV/AIDS are associated with decreased HIV testing, limited utilization of HIV prevention services, and high-risk sexual behaviors.^7,10,11 Additionally, for people living with HIV/AIDS, the stigma associated with HIV/AIDS contributes to unwillingness to disclose HIV status, unsafe sexual behaviors, delays in care seeking, reduced treatment adherence, mental health issues, and difficulties obtaining social support.^9,11–14Despite significant implications, few interventions have been developed to reduce HIV/AIDS stigma.^10,11,15 Existing interventions have often focused on specific populations (e.g., university students and health-care providers), with few interventions focused on Latinos,^11,15,16 who have high levels of stigmatizing attitudes toward people living with HIV/AIDS^1,17,18 that contribute to negative outcomes.^7,19Among Latinos, research indicates that community health workers (promotores de salud, hereinafter “promotores”) are an effective and culturally acceptable means of reaching the population with health information and motivating health behaviors.^20,21 Promotores are well positioned to promote changes in their communities because they share language and cultural values, are held in high esteem, and are perceived as role models.²¹ Promotores have been used to address health conditions ranging from chronic diseases to preventive screenings.^20–22 Several interventions have incorporated promotores into HIV prevention, finding significant changes in HIV risk behaviors, HIV counseling and testing, and other psychosocial constructs important to prevention.^16,23–29 To date, few studies have used promotores in interventions to reduce HIV stigma among Latinos.¹⁶We describe and report findings of an intervention using promotores to reduce HIV/AIDS stigma and increase willingness to seek HIV testing among Latinos in three communities in the southwestern United States: Los Angeles, California; San Ysidro, California; and El Paso, Texas.     

Health selection among migrants from Mexico to the U.S.: childhood predictors of adult physical and mental health

Objectives

We tested whether positive selection on childhood predictors of adult mental and physical health contributed to health advantages of Mexican-born immigrants to the United States relative to U.S.-born Mexican Americans.

Methods

We combined data from surveys conducted during 2000–2003 in Mexico and the U.S. with the same structured interview. We examined retrospective reports of childhood (i.e., <16 years of age) predictors of adult health—education, height, childhood physical illness, childhood mental health, early substance use, and childhood adversities—as predictors of migration from Mexico to the U.S. at ≥16 years of age. We estimated overall selection by comparing migrants to all non-migrants. We also examined selection at the family (members of families of migrants vs. members of families without a migrant) and individual (migrants vs. non-migrants within families of migrants) levels.

Results

Distinguishing between family and individual selection revealed evidence of positive health selection that is obscured in the overall selection model. In particular, respondents in families with migrants were more likely to have ≥12 years of education (odds ratio [OR] = 1.60) and be in the tallest height quartile (OR=1.72) than respondents in families without migrants. At both the family and individual levels, migrants are disadvantaged on mental health profiles, including a higher prevalence of conduct problems, phobic fears, and early substance use.

Conclusions

Positive health selection may contribute to physical health advantages among Mexican immigrants in the U.S. relative to their U.S.-born descendants. Mental health advantages likely reflect a lower prevalence of psychiatric disorders in Mexico, rather than protective factors that distinguish migrants.Mexican-born immigrants in the United States are in better health than U.S.-born Mexican Americans with respect to a broad range of physical and mental health conditions, including overweight and obesity,¹ asthma,² cardiovascular risk factor profiles,^3,4 substance use,⁵ and psychiatric disorders.^6,7 One proposed explanation for these findings is positive health selection⁸ (i.e., that compared with the non-migrating population of Mexico, migrants are predisposed pre-migration to better health), an advantage that is lost due to environmental influences on the second generation. Understanding the contribution of pre-migration factors to intergenerational differences in health in the Mexican-origin population in the U.S. is limited by the lack of information on pre-migration health of migrants, relative to the non-migrant population of Mexico.Ecological comparisons based on population averages estimated separately in the U.S. and Mexico provide indirect evidence of better health among migrants with respect to life expectancy,⁹ height,¹⁰ and educational attainment.¹¹ However, because many migrants arrive in the U.S. as children, ecological comparisons reflect differences that might have risen after arrival in the U.S. Rubalcava et al.,¹² in the only prospective study of migrant health selection, followed a nationally representative sample of the Mexican population assessed in 2001 and identified individuals who migrated to the U.S. during the following three years. Baseline assessments included height, body mass index (BMI), blood pressure, hemoglobin, and self-rated health. In that study, migrants had been in slightly better-than-average health prior to migration with respect to some indicators of physical health (e.g., blood pressure and height).Two recent studies have examined selection on mental health by combining data from surveys in Mexico and the U.S. collected retrospectively with the same structured interview. Both studies used information on age at migration to identify mental health problems that began prior to migration. Breslau et al.¹³ found that anxiety disorders were associated with a higher likelihood of subsequent migration, suggesting negative selection (i.e., worse mental health among migrants prior to migration than non-migrants). However, the migrant sample in that study was small (n=75) and limited to proficient English speakers. Borges et al.,¹⁴ using a larger sample of migrants interviewed in both English and Spanish, found no association between suicidality and subsequent likelihood to migrate to the U.S.This study used a large epidemiologic dataset from surveys in Mexico and the U.S. to examine whether childhood predictors of adult health prior to age 16 were associated with migration to the U.S. at ≥16 years of age. We examined a broader range of mental health conditions than previous studies have done and covered, for the first time, early substance use and childhood family adversities, both of which are predictive of poor physical and mental health in adulthood.^15–17 In addition, data from the Mexican survey identify those respondents who had previously been to the U.S. as labor migrants and those with an immediate family member living in the U.S. These data allowed for two additional methodological innovations.First, we identified and grouped return migrants (i.e., people living in Mexico who have previously lived in the U.S.) with other migrants. Previous studies have misclassified return migrants as non-migrants. Second, in addition to estimating overall selection (i.e., differences between all migrants and all non-migrants), we also distinguished between selection at the family level (i.e., differences between families with and without migrants) and selection at the individual level (i.e., differences within families of migrants between those who migrate and those who remain in Mexico). Previous studies have not distinguished these two levels at which selection might occur, despite sociological evidence suggesting that migration is influenced by familial as well as individual factors.¹⁸ Health selection might occur at the family level because migrants tend to come from families with sufficient material and social resources to facilitate migration,¹⁸ including ties to cross-national migrant networks.^19,20 Families with more resources are also likely to enjoy better health. Selection at the individual level would occur if decisions about migration take into account individual characteristics related to health. For instance, among family members, those less likely to succeed in the local vs. U.S. labor market due to lower educational attainment²¹ may be more likely to migrate.Estimation of each of these two levels of selection was possible in this study because the sampling design in the U.S. and the Mexico surveys involved random selection of households and random selection of one respondent within each household. Because of this design, the sample included subsamples of respondents who were representative of the relevant comparison groups. We estimated family-level selection by comparing respondents from families without a migrant with respondents from families with a migrant (migrants in the U.S., return migrants in Mexico, and non-migrants in Mexico with a family member in the U.S.). We estimated individual-level selection within the subsample of respondents from families of migrants by comparing respondents who were themselves migrants (migrants in the U.S. and return migrants in Mexico) with respondents from families of migrants who were not migrants (non-migrants in Mexico with a family member in the U.S.). Countervailing migrant selection processes at the family and individual levels may be obscured when only overall selection is examined.     

Obesity Among Chronically Homeless Adults: Is It a Problem?

Objective

We examined rates of obesity and associated characteristics in the chronically homeless population to explore how a range of factors, including sociodemographics, housing, food source, physical and mental health, and health service use, were related to being overweight or obese.

Methods

We conducted multivariate regression analyses on a community sample of 436 chronically homeless adults across 11 U.S. cities to examine the prevalence of obesity.

Results

The majority (57%) of chronically homeless adults were overweight or obese. Chronically homeless adults who were female or Hispanic appeared to be at particular risk for obesity. There were few differences on physical and mental health by weight group. Although overweight and obese chronically homeless adults were more likely to discuss exercise with a health-care provider, they reported engaging in less exercise than those who were underweight or normal weight.

Conclusion

These findings underscore the need for greater attention to obesity in chronically homeless adults and demonstrate a food insecurity-obesity paradox or poverty-obesity link.Obesity has become a worldwide epidemic.^1–3 In the United States, 34% of adults are obese and 34% are overweight, meaning 68% are either overweight or obese.⁴ Obesity has been linked to various health problems, many of which have high morbidity and mortality, including diabetes, musculoskeletal disorders, cardiovascular disease, pulmonary disorders, and cancer.^3,5 Thus, identifying and intervening with people who are overweight or obese has become important for primary and secondary prevention.^6–8There has been little study of obesity among chronically homeless adults. Homeless adults represent a marginalized, neglected segment of the population and are known to experience poorer physical health than the general population.^9,10 Because adults who are chronically homeless lack a stable, secure residence and often cannot afford regular, healthy meals,^11–13 they are presumed to be underweight. However, this assumption has not been empirically examined, and there is evidence to suggest there may be an obesity problem among the homeless.A nationally representative survey of 1,704 homeless adults and 400 soup kitchens and shelter providers in 20 cities found that 63% of homeless adults reported obtaining meals from soup kitchens and 51% from shelters in a one-week period.¹⁴ Only 17% of soup kitchens, food pantries, and shelters surveyed were working with a nutritionist or dietician. The nutritional value of food served in many soup kitchens and shelters has been found to be low in vitamins and to exceed fat, energy, and protein content recommendations.^15,16A growing literature in the past decade has reported on a food insecurity-obesity paradox, whereby food insecurity, which often results from inadequate economic resources to purchase food, is associated with obesity, which is a consequence of overconsumption of food.^17,18 Many theories have been proposed to explain this correlation, including the low cost of energy-dense foods, binge eating habits as an adaptive physiological response to food scarcity, and childhood poverty leading to obesity in adulthood.^17,19 Related literature has also suggested a poverty-obesity link, finding that populations with high poverty rates and low education levels have the highest obesity rates.^1,20–22Yet the question remains whether there is an obesity problem among chronically homeless adults, and no prior study could be found directly addressing this question. Thus, this study aimed to examine the prevalence of obesity in a multisite community sample of chronically homeless adults and explore how a range of variables known to be related to weight, including sociodemographics, income and insurance, housing, food source, physical and mental health, and health service use, may be related to being overweight or obese.     

HIV testing and management: findings from a national sample of Asian/Pacific islander men who have sex with men

Objectives

We examined reasons for and barriers to participating in HIV voluntary counseling and testing for Asian/Pacific Islander (A/PI) men who have sex with men (MSM) in the U.S.

Methods

We collected data between June 2007 and September 2009 in a study known as Men of Asia Testing for HIV, using a cross-sectional community-based participatory design. This national study was conducted in seven U.S. metropolitan cities through a coalition of seven community-based organizations.

Results

Participants included 445 self-identified A/PI MSM aged ≥18 years. Perception of being at risk was the number one reason for testing behaviors. For first-time testers, structural barriers (e.g., language barriers with health professionals) and fear of disclosure (e.g., sexual orientation not known to parents) were deterrents for nontesting in the past. Among previously known HIV-positive men, 22% were not seeing a doctor and 19% were not taking any HIV medications.

Conclusions

HIV testing, care, and treatment policies would be less than optimal without addressing barriers to testing, including stigma related to sexual orientation, among A/PI MSM.Men who have sex with men (MSM) continue to have the highest human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection rates in the U.S., with MSM of color being disproportionately affected by the disease.¹ Compared with MSM of other racial/ethnic groups, Asian/Pacific Islander (A/PI) MSM have the highest proportion of acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) cases, with a majority of them being non-U.S.-born.^2,3 Research attributes this disparity to low testing rates^4–6 and late diagnosis, which are often associated with advanced AIDS symptoms⁷ as well as late entry into care.^8,9Voluntary counseling and testing (VCT) has been a successful standard of HIV prevention since the emergence of the epidemic in the U.S. and other developed countries.^10–14 This prevention strategy has also been adopted by other developing countries.¹⁵ Nonetheless, the uptake of VCT is still less then optimal.¹⁶ For example, combining multiple datasets from the 2000 to 2005 National Health Interview Surveys, Ostermann et al. found little change in lifetime and past year testing, respectively. However, individuals who perceived higher risks of contracting HIV were more likely to plan for and engage in actual HIV testing.¹⁷Meanwhile, the literature consistently indicates that the stigma of having HIV and/or being a sexual minority is a major barrier or determinant for efficacious or effective prevention, intervention, and treatment, especially among marginalized, vulnerable, or underserved populations.¹⁸ Using a qualitative methodology (i.e., in-depth interview), Yoshioka and Schustack found three major barriers to disclosure of HIV status among a sample of HIV-positive men of Asian descent in the U.S.: (1) protection of family from shame, (2) protection of family from obligation to help, and (3) avoidance of communication regarding highly personal information (including same-sex sexual orientation).¹⁹Collectively, these articles in the literature lend to the postulation that the effectiveness of VCT hinges on at-risk individuals having well-informed information regarding the attitudes, beliefs, and practices of HIV testing.²⁰ Although a small number of cross-sectional studies have been conducted,^6,7,9,21 little to no national data are available addressing HIV testing and HIV management among A/PI MSM. To that end, we used data from a national study of HIV prevention to describe and examine (1) reasons for and barriers to HIV testing among a national sample of A/PI MSM, and (2) care and treatment among those who have tested HIV-positive in the past, by nativity (U.S.-born vs. non-U.S.-born).     

Legionnaires' Disease and Associated Comorbid Conditions as Causes of Death in the U.S., 2000–2010

ObjectiveRecent U.S. outbreaks of Legionnaires'' disease (LD) underscore the virulent nature of this infectious pneumonia. To date, only a paucity of literature has described the mortality burden of LD. This study updates LD mortality using U.S. multiple-cause-of-death data from 2000–2010.MethodsWe calculated crude and age-adjusted rates for LD mortality for age, sex, race, state, Census region, and year. We conducted Poisson regression to assess seasonal and temporal trends. We generated matched odds ratios (MORs) to describe the association between LD-related deaths and other comorbid conditions listed on the death certificates.ResultsWe identified a total of 1,171 LD-related deaths during 2000–2010. The age-adjusted mortality rate remained relatively static from 2000 (0.038 per 100,000 population, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.031, 0.046) to 2010 (0.040 per 100,000 population, 95% CI 0.033, 0.047). The absolute number increased from 107 to 135 deaths during this period, with adults ≥45 years of age having the highest caseload. Overall, LD mortality rates were 2.2 times higher in men than in women. White people accounted for nearly 83.3% of all LD-related deaths, but the age-adjusted mortality rates for black and white people were similar. Comorbid conditions such as leukemia (MOR=4.8, 95% CI 3.5, 6.6) and rheumatoid arthritis (MOR=5.6, 95% CI 3.3, 9.4) were associated with LD diagnosis on death certificates.ConclusionComorbid conditions that could lead to an immunocompromised state were associated with fatal LD on U.S. death certificates. Characterization of LD mortality burden and related comorbidities has practice implications for clinical medicine and public health surveillance.Legionnaires'' disease (LD) is a severe form of pneumonia that can become fatal in vulnerable individuals.^1–5 The condition is caused by the gram-negative bacterium Legionella pneumophila, a naturally occurring organism found in water.^2,3 The organism is primarily transmitted to humans through inhalation of contaminated aerosolized water droplets. Typical sources of outbreaks include, but are not limited to, hot tubs, hot water tanks, large plumbing systems, decorative fountains, and cooling towers. The pneumophila species is generally not found in car or window air-conditioners.^1–4 To date, no person-to-person transmission has been documented.^1–4,6,7Risk factors that increase susceptibility to LD include advanced age, smoking, chronic lung disease, and having a weak or suppressed immune system.^1–4,6,7 Among individuals with a weakened immunity, those with cancer, diabetes, or kidney failure are particularly at risk. Although human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection has been linked to more severe infections, LD is generally not more common among people with HIV/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS).^1,8,9 More than 20% of cases in the United States reported to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) each year are travel-related.³ Nosocomial transmissions of LD can be problematic, as at-risk individuals are plentiful and plumbing in hospital facilities is often old.^1,4 Because in-house diagnostic testing is readily available, detection of LD is more likely in the hospital setting.⁴ Currently, CDC recommends urinary antigen assay and a culture of respiratory secretions on selective media as the diagnostic tests of choice for confirming Legionella infection.³Annually, CDC estimates that as many as 18,000 individuals are hospitalized with LD in the U.S.³ However, this number is considered an underestimate, as the disease is often underreported due in part to its diagnostic complexity and its resemblance to other pneumonias with similar symptom presentations.^3,7 Symptoms of LD include cough, shortness of breath, fever, muscle aches, and headaches; they often start shortly after exposure to the bacteria.^1–4,6Recent LD outbreaks in the Veterans Affairs (VA) Medical Center in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and in a retirement community in Ohio affirm the virulent nature of this infection and underscore the importance of the causative infectious pathogen to clinical practice and public health surveillance.^10,11 Based on hospitalizations and treatment data, the annual costs for LD have been estimated at nearly $684 million.¹² Few studies have recently examined LD mortality and its associated comorbid conditions. This study contributes to the closing of this gap in the literature by analyzing the national multiple-cause-of-death (MCD) data to describe the current mortality profile of LD in the U.S., for the period 2000–2010.     

Assessing the Validity and Reliability of Three Indicators Self-Reported on the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System Survey

Objectives

We investigated the reliability and validity of three self-reported indicators from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) survey.

Methods

We used 2008 PRAMS (n=15,646) data from 12 states that had implemented the 2003 revised U.S. Certificate of Live Birth. We estimated reliability by kappa coefficient and validity by sensitivity and specificity using the birth certificate data as the reference for the following: prenatal participation in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC); Medicaid payment for delivery; and breastfeeding initiation. These indicators were examined across several demographic subgroups.

Results

The reliability was high for all three measures: 0.81 for WIC participation, 0.67 for Medicaid payment of delivery, and 0.72 for breastfeeding initiation. The validity of PRAMS indicators was also high: WIC participation (sensitivity = 90.8%, specificity = 90.6%), Medicaid payment for delivery (sensitivity = 82.4%, specificity = 85.6%), and breastfeeding initiation (sensitivity = 94.3%, specificity = 76.0%). The prevalence estimates were higher on PRAMS than the birth certificate for each of the indicators except Medicaid-paid delivery among non-Hispanic black women. Kappa values within most subgroups remained in the moderate range (0.40–0.80). Sensitivity and specificity values were lower for Hispanic women who responded to the PRAMS survey in Spanish and for breastfeeding initiation among women who delivered very low birthweight and very preterm infants.

Conclusion

The validity and reliability of the PRAMS data for measures assessed were high. Our findings support the use of PRAMS data for epidemiological surveillance, research, and planning.The Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) is one of the largest state-based surveillance systems of women with live births documenting experiences before, during, and after pregnancy. The data from PRAMS surveys are linked to the birth certificate information. The birth certificate is an important source of data for examining infant health at the state and national levels and is used widely.^1–3 Many studies have examined the reliability and validity of data from the U.S. birth certificate and other data sources such as postpartum surveys, medical records, and registry data.^1–19 Some indicators on the birth certificate are found to be more reliable than others, such as maternal demographics, insurance, and birthweight.^{4,5,7,13,15,19} Birth certificate data have been reported to have lower sensitivity for tobacco and alcohol use;^6,10 birth defects;²⁰ prenatal care;¹¹ and maternal weight gain, medical risks, and obstetric complications,^2,8,9,12,13 although the sensitivity varies by subgroups of women and birth outcomes for many items.^16,17Because PRAMS data are self-reported, it is important to examine the reliability and validity with other population-based data-collection systems such as the birth certificate, which is an established system mandated to assess the health of mothers and babies in the U.S. According to state laws, each live birth must be registered and a birth certificate must be filed. Federal law mandates the national collection and publication of birth certificate data.²¹ A new electronic birth certificate reporting standard was implemented in 2003, replacing the version that had been in place since 1989.²² The 2003 version updated the birth certificate by revising or dropping items and adding new elements with detailed guidance provided on coding data.²³States participating in the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention''s (CDC''s) PRAMS project sample women with recent live-born deliveries using the state birth certificate files. Selected data from the state birth certificate file are linked to the PRAMS survey of women with live-born infants. Some of the measures on the new birth certificate reporting standard are the same as or similar to those on the PRAMS survey. Several studies have compared the validity of measures on PRAMS with birth certificate data, and this study examines additional indicators that had not been assessed previously.^7,18Little has been available on the validity and reliability of information on participation in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) during pregnancy; Medicaid payment for delivery; and breastfeeding initiation in the early postpartum period, comparing PRAMS data with other data sources. WIC and Medicaid are important sources of services for low-income women and, because these data are used to examine research and programming questions, we investigated the reliability and validity of these indicators. The PRAMS data were compared with the birth certificate as the standard because the comparison of PRAMS data might provide insight about improving the accuracy and quality of PRAMS data. In addition, this investigation may provide insight into using both sources of data in concert to maximize the accuracy of information on women and children. Two research questions guided this investigation: (1) What degree of agreement/reliability exists between PRAMS survey responses and the birth certificate on participation in prenatal WIC services, Medicaid payment for delivery, and breastfeeding initiation? and (2) Do the reliability and validity vary by selected maternal characteristics and birth outcomes as suggested by previous research?¹⁷     

Sun-seeking behavior to increase cutaneous vitamin D synthesis: when prevention messages conflict

Objectives

The public has long been encouraged to engage in sun-safe practices to minimize exposure to sunlight, the major cause of nonmelanoma skin cancer. More recently, some have advocated unprotected sun exposure to increase cutaneous synthesis of vitamin D as a way to promote health. We assessed the net result of these conflicting messages.

Methods

In a cross-sectional survey in 2007, questionnaires were mailed to participants of an ongoing cohort study in Washington County, Maryland. The study population consisted of 8,027 adults (55% response rate).

Results

Thirty percent of respondents were aware that unprotected sun exposure increased endogenous vitamin D levels. Among those who were aware of this benefit, 42% reported going out into the sun to increase vitamin D levels. Sun-seeking to increase vitamin D production did not significantly differ according to self-reported personal history of skin cancer, but was significantly higher among women, older age groups, those with less education, and vitamin D supplement users.

Conclusion

A substantial proportion of respondents reported sun-seeking behavior expressly to increase endogenous vitamin D levels. The message about sun exposure and vitamin D is reaching the general public; however, this finding poses challenges to skin cancer prevention efforts.Among all human malignancies, skin cancers are by far the most common^1,2 and in the U.S. are among the most costly.³ With exposure to solar ultraviolet (UV) radiation as the major cause of nonmelanoma skin cancer,² prevention strategies have emphasized sun avoidance and skin-protection behaviors such as use of sunscreen and skin-protective clothing. Longstanding public education campaigns have sought to reduce sunlight exposure with the goal of reducing skin cancer incidence rates.^4,5In addition to being the primary cause of human skin cancer, solar UV radiation is also responsible for stimulating cutaneous vitamin D synthesis. In turn, vitamin D is critical for calcium homeostasis and skeletal maintenance.⁶ The observation that hypovitaminosis D was common in general medical inpatients, even in those with vitamin D intakes exceeding the recommended daily allowance and those without apparent risk factors for vitamin D deficiency, led to the hypothesis that the general population may have suboptimal levels of vitamin D.^6,7 As understanding of this topic progressed, it gradually gave rise to the observation that sun avoidance, with the goal of preventing skin cancer, may compromise vitamin D sufficiency.⁷ For bone health, consensus has been achieved concerning the definition of vitamin D deficiency (<25 nanograms per milliliter [ng/ml] 25-hydroxyvitamin D [25(OH)D]). For overall health, however, the general definition of vitamin D insufficiency varies.^6,7Both interest and concern regarding vitamin D has increased as evidence has accumulated that its potential health benefits may extend beyond skeletal health. The public''s concerns about vitamin D insufficiency have been raised as studies reporting health benefits have received media coverage, touting the health benefits of the “sunshine vitamin.”^4,8,9 Based on the premise that vitamin D is important to overall health and well-being, some reports have extolled the benefits of regular sun exposure^6,10 and even tanning bed use.¹⁰ For example, vitamin D deficiency and decreased exposure to sunlight have been hypothesized to increase the risks of many common cancers, type 1 diabetes, rheumatoid arthritis, and multiple sclerosis.^6,10 Based on these potentially wide-ranging health benefits of vitamin D, some have suggested that the benefits of sun exposure to increase cutaneous vitamin D synthesis may outweigh the risks (e.g., skin cancer) associated with unprotected exposure to solar UV radiation.^6,10The importance of understanding the public''s perceptions of these issues is accentuated by the fact that the actual relationship between sun exposure and cutaneous vitamin D synthesis and metabolism is complex and incompletely understood even by the scientific community. In a study of highly sun-exposed (average weekly sun exposure of 29 hours) young adults in Hawaii, approximately one-half had 25(OH)D concentrations <30 ng/ml, and 9% had concentrations <20 ng/ml.¹¹ Under tightly controlled experimental conditions among adults in the United Kingdom, UV radiation exposure of approximately 35% of the total skin surface area at doses similar to summer sunlight three days a week for 13 minutes per day resulted in 25(OH)D concentrations of ≥20 ng/ml (“sufficient”) in 10% and concentrations of ≥32 ng/ml (“optimal”) in 74% of the adults.¹² Thus, in addition to factors affecting UV radiation dose, such as season of year, time of day, latitude, altitude, and atmospheric conditions,^13,14 results such as these suggest there is considerable inter-individual variability in cutaneous vitamin D synthesis in response to sunlight. The determinants of these inter-individual differences in vitamin D synthesis and metabolism are undoubtedly complex and multifactorial, but contributors appear to be factors such as age, race, vitamin D supplement use, calcium intake, body mass index (BMI), skin type, and genetic characteristics.^7,8,13,15 Advances are being made in understanding how genetic variants contribute to inter-individual differences in vitamin D status; for example, the results of a recent genome-wide association study revealed variants at three loci that were associated with a significantly higher likelihood of vitamin D insufficiency.¹⁶Further complicating matters, some researchers currently recommend lower-level sun exposure of approximately 15 minutes per day with face and hands exposed,^13,17 but the evidence described previously adds uncertainty with respect to the extent to which this level of sun exposure results in the desired increase in circulating vitamin D concentrations. Furthermore, application of this recommendation is controversial given that solar UV radiation is the major cause of skin cancer.² Additionally, even those who engage in sun-protective behaviors (e.g., sunscreen use) may not apply the sunscreen in a manner that would prevent vitamin D synthesis to the degree theoretically possible on the basis of the sun protection factor.^14,15,18The small but growing body of evidence on this topic indicates that lack of attention to this issue may lead to further escalation in the incidence of skin cancer. Few studies have examined the impact on the general population of the mixed medical and media messages that range from sun avoidance for skin cancer prevention to the sun-seeking, pro-vitamin D message. We addressed this evidence gap by describing the prevalence of (1) awareness of unprotected sun exposure to increase vitamin D and (2) the extent to which concerns about vitamin D may be influencing sun exposure behaviors.     

Barriers to Care and Comorbidities Along the U.S.-Mexico Border

Objective

While limited access to care is associated with adverse health conditions, little research has investigated the association between barriers to care and having multiple health conditions (comorbidities). We compared the financial, structural, and cognitive barriers to care between Mexican-American border residents with and without comorbidities.

Methods

We conducted a stratified, two-stage, randomized, cross-sectional health survey in 2009–2010 among 1,002 Mexican-American households. Measures included demographic characteristics; financial, structural, and cognitive barriers to health care; and prevalence of health conditions.

Results

Comorbidities, most frequently cardiovascular and metabolic conditions, were reported by 37.7% of participants. Controlling for demographics, income, and health insurance, six financial barriers, including direct measures of inability to pay for medical costs, were associated with having comorbidities (odds ratios [ORs] ranged from 1.7 to 4.1, p<0.05). The structural barrier of transportation (OR=3.65, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.91, 6.97, p<0.001) was also associated with higher odds of comorbidities, as were cognitive barriers of difficulty understanding medical information (OR=1.71, 95% CI 1.10, 2.66, p=0.017), being confused about arrangements (OR=1.82, 95% CI 1.04, 3.21, p=0.037), and not being treated with respect in medical settings (OR=1.63, 95% CI 1.05, 2.53, p=0.028). When restricting analyses to participants with at least one health condition (comparing one condition vs. having ≥2 comorbid conditions), associations were maintained for financial and transportation barriers but not for cognitive barriers.

Conclusion

A substantial proportion of adults reported comorbidities. Given the greater burden of barriers to medical care among people with comorbidities, interventions addressing these barriers present an important avenue for research and practice among Mexican-American border residents.Limited access to health care has been associated with a wide range of adverse health consequences including premature mortality^1,2 and increased risk for many common chronic conditions.^3–5 Despite prior research documenting associations between sustained lack of access and many health conditions independently,^6,7 very little research has described whether people with more than one health condition (i.e., comorbidities) experience greater barriers to obtaining health care.Prior research based on information from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey has further indicated that people with multiple chronic conditions incur far greater health-care costs (up to seven times as many) as patients with only one chronic condition.⁸ It is essential, therefore, to understand the barriers to care that are disproportionately faced by people with comorbidities who need ongoing care, particularly among populations at high risk for developing comorbidities.Populations at high risk for having multiple health conditions include most minority populations in the U.S. and, in particular, Hispanic people, the largest and most rapidly growing minority group in the U.S.⁹ For example, the largest subgroup of Hispanic people, Mexican-Americans, has been found to have the highest incidence (an estimated 33.2%) of metabolic syndrome,¹⁰ a cluster of risk factors placing people at higher risk for heart disease, type 2 diabetes, and stroke.¹¹ Although there is substantial variability among Hispanic subgroups, based on information from the National Health Interview Survey, Mexican-American populations have the poorest access to care and the lowest use of health services of all Hispanic subgroups.^12,13 An estimated 32% of Hispanic people in the U.S. do not have health insurance compared with 15% of non-Hispanic white people.¹⁴ Besides economic limitations, Hispanic populations often face additional barriers to accessing health services. Factors that have been reported to impede Hispanic populations from obtaining medical care include, but are not limited to, language and literacy barriers,^15–17 lack of transportation and geographic inaccessibility,^15,17 the perception of being treated without respect in medical settings, and the perception that they would have received better quality care if they belonged to a difference racial/ethnic group.¹⁸A valuable guiding framework for the current study that provides a comprehensive overview of modifiable factors associated with access to health care is the recently developed Health Care Access Barriers model, an evidence-based analytical framework developed by Carillo and colleagues.¹⁹ This model describes the assessment of three categories of barriers to health care (financial, structural, and cognitive) that have been shown to be associated with poor health outcomes.Given the limited access to health care and high risk for comorbidities, gaining insight into which financial, structural, and cognitive barriers to care are associated with comorbidities among Mexican-Americans can provide valuable information for preventive efforts. Therefore, based on information from a randomized household survey conducted in a large city along the U.S.-Mexico border, the primary aim of the current study was to compare barriers to health care of participants with and without comorbidities. We hypothesized that people reporting comorbidities would be disproportionately affected by financial, cognitive, and structural barriers to care.     

Preschool Vision Screening in Primary Care Pediatric Practice

Objectives

We determined the efficacy of pediatric-based preschool vision screening, as knowledge of vision screening effectiveness in primary care pediatrics is incomplete.

Methods

Pediatricians and staff at nine primary care pediatric practices were trained in vision screening, and practices screened children aged 3–5 years from May 2007 through July 2008. Children failing or considered untestable were referred for pediatric ophthalmology examinations. We determined rates of testability, failure, referral, and ophthalmologic examination completion, as well as positive predictive values (PPVs) of screening failure and untestability. We also surveyed practices to assess the ease and accuracy of preschool vision screening.

Results

Of 2,933 children screened, 93 (3.2%) failed the vision screening and 349 (11.9%) were untestable. Untestability was highest (27.1%) among 3-year-olds. The PPV for failing any aspect of the vision screening was 66.7%; for children aged 3, 4, and 5 years, the PPVs for failing were 30.0%, 77.8%, and 87.5%, respectively. However, only 38.7% of children who failed the vision screening received ophthalmologic examinations, despite multiple follow-up attempts. Pediatricians rated the ease and accuracy of screening 3-year-old children lower than for screening older children.

Conclusions

Visual acuity-based screening had good PPV for vision loss for 4- and 5-year-old children but was less successful for 3-year-olds. Rates of referral and ophthalmologic examination completion were low, especially among children from low-income families.Amblyopia, the primary target condition of preschool vision screening, is caused by deficient visual stimulation of an eye during the years of visual development. Untreated amblyopia leads to permanent vision loss.¹ The estimated prevalence of amblyopia in the United States is 1%–4%.^2–4 For detection of amblyopia or its risk factors, the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force recommends vision screening of all children at least once between the ages of 3 and 5 years.⁵ Vision screening is recommended as a component of the well-child examination by the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), the American Academy of Ophthalmology, and the American Association for Pediatric Ophthalmology and Strabismus (AAPOS).^6–8 The AAP states that visual acuity screening should begin at 3 years of age as part of routine pediatric care. In addition, children aged 3–5 years should undergo assessment of the external eye appearance, ocular alignment and motility, pupils, and ocular media clarity.⁷In the U.S., however, many children fail to receive timely screening examinations.^9,10 Only 21%–36% of children younger than 6 years of age have undergone vision screening or comprehensive examinations.^9,11 In a recent survey, 35% of pediatricians reported routinely screening 3-year-old children using eye charts, and 73% reported screening 4-year-old children.¹² Barriers to primary care vision screening may include deficiencies in reimbursement, incomplete primary care education in screening, and limitations of the testing techniques themselves.^12,13 Problems have been reported with primary care screening related to screening penetrance, testability, and referral.^13,14 Evidence for the real-world effectiveness of preschool vision screening in the primary care setting is lacking.¹⁵ Therefore, the Children''s Eye Foundation (CEF), the charitable foundation of AAPOS, established its See by Three program with the goal of significantly reducing amblyopia in young children. The CEF requested proposals for two projects to assess the effectiveness of preschool vision screening in primary care pediatric practice.     

Disparities in infectious disease hospitalizations for American Indian/ Alaska Native people

Objectives

We described disparities in infectious disease (ID) hospitalizations for American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) people.

Methods

We analyzed hospitalizations with an ID listed as the first discharge diagnosis in 1998–2006 for AI/AN people from the Indian Health Service National Patient Information Reporting System and compared them with records for the general U.S. population from the Nationwide Inpatient Survey.

Results

The ID hospitalization rate for AI/AN people declined during the study period. The 2004–2006 mean annual age-adjusted ID hospitalization rate for AI/AN people (1,708 per 100,000 populiation) was slightly higher than that for the U.S. population (1,610 per 100,000 population). The rate for AI/AN people was highest in the Southwest (2,314 per 100,000 population), Alaska (2,063 per 100,000 population), and Northern Plains West (1,957 per 100,000 population) regions, and among infants (9,315 per 100,000 population). ID hospitalizations accounted for approximately 22% of all AI/AN hospitalizations. Lower-respiratory--tract infections accounted for the largest proportion of ID hospitalizations among AI/AN people (35%) followed by skin and soft tissue infections (19%), and infections of the kidney, urinary tract, and bladder (11%).

Conclusions

Although the ID hospitalization rate for AI/AN people has declined, it remains higher than that for the U.S. general population, and is highest in the Southwest, Northern Plains West, and Alaska regions. Lower-respiratory-tract infections; skin and soft tissue infections; and kidney, urinary tract, and bladder infections contributed most to these health disparities. Future prevention strategies should focus on high-risk regions and age groups, along with illnesses contributing to health disparities.Infectious diseases (IDs) have historically caused widespread morbidity and mortality both worldwide and in the United States.^1–3 IDs remain a public health issue and are of particular concern for the American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) population, which has had excessive ID morbidity and mortality for several decades.^4–9 Both hospitalizations and outpatient visits due to IDs have been disproportionately higher in the AI/AN population compared with the U.S. population.^7,10–13 These disparities affect all ages, especially infants and older adults.^6,8,13 Studies of specific IDs, including lower-respiratory-tract infections (LRTIs), diarrhea-related infections, and skin and ear infections, have also shown a disparity between AI/AN people and the general U.S. population.^{10,11,14–16} However, the trends and disparities of ID hospitalizations for AI/AN people have not been analyzed since an evaluation of 1994 ID hospitalizations.⁷We determined the epidemiology and trends of ID hospitalizations for AI/AN people in 1998–2006 using Indian Health Service (IHS) inpatient data to assess any changes in their ID burden, and to determine high-risk regions and age groups that should be targeted for further intervention. We also compared the trends and rates for AI/AN people with those for the general U.S. population to determine whether health disparities in ID hospitalizations remain for AI/AN people.     

Children and Adolescents Unvaccinated Against Measles: Geographic Clustering,Parents' Beliefs,and Missed Opportunities

Objective

We evaluated the extent to which children and adolescents were not vaccinated against measles (“unvaccinated”), clustering within U.S. counties, and factors associated with unvaccination, including parents'' vaccine-related beliefs and missed opportunities.

Methods

We analyzed data from the 2010–2013 National Immunization Survey (NIS) and NIS-Teen Survey of households with 19- to 35-month-old children and 13- to 17-year-old adolescents, respectively. We used provider-reported vaccination histories to assess measles vaccination status.

Results

In 2013, 7.5% of children and 4.5% of adolescents were unvaccinated against measles. Four-fifths (80.0%) of unvaccinated children lived in counties containing 41.9% of the nation''s children, and 80.0% of unvaccinated adolescents lived in counties containing 30.4% of the nation''s adolescents. Multivariable statistical analyses found that 74.6% of children who were unvaccinated against measles missed being vaccinated for reasons other than parents'' negative vaccine-related beliefs, and 89.6% could be deemed as having at least one missed opportunity for being vaccinated against measles because they were administered at least one dose of other recommended vaccines after 12 months of age. Among adolescents, multivariable analyses found that only demographic factors, not vaccine-related parental beliefs, were independently associated with being unvaccinated.

Conclusions

Reasons other than negative vaccine-related beliefs, including missed opportunities, accounted for the vast majority of unvaccinated children and adolescents.In 2000, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) declared measles to be eliminated in the United States,¹ an accomplishment achieved because of the high levels of population immunity resulting from high measles vaccination coverage levels across the United States.² Despite the elimination of endemic measles in the United States, sporadic outbreaks have continued as a consequence of importations from countries where measles is endemic.^3–17High national and state measles vaccination coverage rates may mask considerable variability in vaccination rates at the county or community level.¹⁸ Geographic clustering of susceptible children and adolescents increases the risk of outbreaks and could lead to reestablishment of endemic measles transmission.¹⁹In this article, we evaluate the extent to which children and adolescents who are unvaccinated against measles cluster within U.S. counties. Also, although the popular media^20,21 and scientific literature^22–27 have reported an association between lower vaccination coverage and negative vaccine-related parental beliefs, some literature suggests that under-immunization may result primarily from missed opportunities to vaccinate rather than from negative vaccine-related beliefs.²⁸ We assessed the associations among not being vaccinated against measles, parents'' vaccine-related beliefs, and missed opportunities, and evaluated the extent to which not being vaccinated against measles is attributable to factors other than negative vaccine-related beliefs.     

Using GIS and Secondary Data to Target Diabetes-Related Public Health Efforts

Objectives

To efficiently help communities prevent and manage diabetes, health departments need to be able to target populations with high risk but low resources. To aid in this process, we mapped county-level diabetes-related rates and resources/use using publicly available secondary data to identify Michigan counties with high diabetes prevalence and low or no medical and/or community resources.

Methods

We collected county-level diabetes-related rates and resources from Web-based sources and mapped them using geographic information systems (GIS) software. Data included age-adjusted county diabetes rates, diabetes-related medical resource and resource use (i.e., the number of endocrinologists and percentage of Medicare patients with diabetes who received hemoglobin A1c testing in the past year), community resources (i.e., the number of certified diabetes self-management education and diabetes support groups), as well as population estimates and demographics (e.g., rural residence, education, poverty, and race/ethnicity). We created GIS maps highlighting areas that had higher-than-median rates of disease and lower-than-median resources. We also conducted linear, logistic, and Poisson regression analyses to confirm GIS findings.

Results

There were clear regional trends in resource distribution across Michigan. The 15 counties in the Upper Peninsula were lacking in medical resources but higher in community resources compared with the 68 counties in the Lower Peninsula. There was little apparent association between need (diabetes prevalence) and diabetes-related resources/use. Specific counties with high diabetes prevalence and low resources were easily identified using GIS mapping.

Conclusion

Using public data and mapping tools identified diabetes health-service shortage areas for targeted public health programming.Diabetes is endemic in the United States and its prevalence is increasing. From 2004 to 2010, the age-adjusted rate of diabetes among adults rose from 7.3% to 8.4%, and annual incidence rates continue to rise.^1,2 Type 2 diabetes accounts for approximately 95% of diabetes cases,³ and this increased prevalence has been attributed primarily to lifestyle changes and the increasing rates of obesity in the U.S.^4–6Diabetes is a chronic condition that involves a considerable amount of medical care as well as careful disease self-management.⁷ In addition to regularly scheduled primary care visits and endocrinology visits for complicated cases,⁸ those with diabetes must adhere to appropriate self-management practices, including glucose monitoring; foot self-examinations; and regimens for nutrition, exercise, and prescribed medications.^9,10 These lifestyle changes can be confusing, especially regarding nutrition, and adherence is difficult.^11,12 However, public health strategies, such as individual and group health education within clinic and community settings, have proven effective in facilitating these changes.^13–16 As a result, diabetes self-management education (DSME) programs are recommended by the American Diabetes Association (ADA) for all people diagnosed with diabetes.^17,18 Diabetes support groups have also emerged as a popular community resource for diabetes management.¹⁹Unfortunately, demand for these services is rising at a time that public health budgets are shrinking.^20,21 In the face of limited public health funds, developing strategies to accurately target services is crucial. Historically, public health data have played a key role, frequently through large-scale surveillance efforts and longitudinal survey studies.^22,23 However, the expense of collecting these data places them outside the reach of most state and local public health efforts. The increased availability of electronically, publicly accessible health-related information^24,25 can allow state and local systems to more efficiently target diabetes programming.²⁶ This study describes one such method that was conducted using county-level Michigan data coupled with geographic information systems (GIS), a powerful tool for identifying and communicating problem areas. The purpose of this study was to demonstrate the utility of secondary data analysis and GIS in determining if diabetes rates were associated with diabetes-related resources and resource use, as well as to identify diabetes-related high need/low resource counties within Michigan.     

Cancer-related disparities and opportunities for intervention in Northern Plains American Indian communities

Objectives

We examined behavioral trends associated with cancer risk and cancer screening use from 1997 through 2006 among American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs) in the Northern Plains region (North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, and Iowa) of the United States. We also examined disparities between that population and non-Hispanic white (NHW) people in the Northern Plains and AI/ANs in other regions.

Methods

We analyzed Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for 1997–2000 and 2003–2006. We used age-adjusted Wald Chi-square tests to test the difference between these two periods for AI/ANs and the difference between AI/ANs and NHW people during 2003–2006.

Results

There was no statistically significant improvement among AI/ANs in the Northern Plains region for behaviors associated with cancer risk or cancer screening use, and there was a significant increase in the obesity rate. The prevalence of binge drinking, obesity, and smoking among AI/ANs in the Northern Plains was significantly higher than among NHW people in the same region and among AI/AN populations in other regions. Although the percentage of cancer screening use was similar for all three groups, the use of sigmoidoscopy/colonoscopy was significantly lower among the Northern Plains AI/ANs than among NHW people.

Conclusion

These results indicate a need for increased efforts to close the gaps in cancer health disparities between AI/ANs and the general population. Future efforts should focus not only on individual-level changes, but also on system-level changes to build infrastructure to promote healthy living and to increase access to cancer screening.American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs) who live in the Northern Plains region of the United States have disproportionate cancer disparities. In all regions of the country combined, the cancer incidence rate is lower among AI/ANs (368.4 per 100,000 population) than among non-Hispanic white (NHW) people (457.9 per 100,000 population). However, in the Northern Plains, AI/ANs have a higher cancer incidence rate (538.1 per 100,000 population) than do NHW people (464.8 per 100,000 population). Northern Plains AI/AN men and women also have the highest and second highest cancer incident rates, respectively, within the AI/AN population in the U.S.¹ Moreover, Northern Plains AI/ANs have the highest cancer mortality rate among the AI/AN population nationally (275.5 per 100,000 population), a higher rate than for all races combined in the U.S. (200.9 per 100,000 population).² Northern Plains AI/ANs, when compared with their NHW counterparts in the region and in the U.S., have an elevated risk of developing and/or dying from lung, colorectal, breast, cervical, and prostate cancers.^2–7 Liver, kidney, stomach, cervical, and gallbladder cancers that are relatively rare among NHW people are more prevalent among AI/ANs.^8–10 Further, AI/ANs in the Northern Plains and other regions are more likely to be diagnosed at a late stage for breast, cervical, colorectal, and prostate cancers than are NHW people.^4,5,7,8,11About 80% of cancers are attributable to environmental and lifestyle factors.^12,13 Regional variations in cancer risk within the AI/AN population and variations between AI/AN and other population groups may be due in part to differences in behavioral risk factors such as tobacco and alcohol use, lack of physical activity, and obesity.^14–16There is a well-established link between voluntary and involuntary commercial tobacco exposure and cancers of the lung, larynx, oral cavity and pharynx, esophagus, pancreas, bladder, cervix, and gastrointestinal systems, as well as acute myeloid leukemia.^17,18 Chronic alcohol consumption is another important risk factor for the development of various types of cancers, including cancers of the organs and tissues of the respiratory tract and upper digestive tract, liver, colorectum, and breast.^19,20 Excessive and prolonged use of alcohol is a strong risk factor for cancer in the upper aerodigestive tract.^21,22 Excessive alcohol use is also a major risk factor for hepatocarcinogenesis²³ and alcohol-related liver cancer that primarily develops in people with liver cirrhosis resulting from chronic excessive alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Although the risk for alcohol-related colorectal and breast cancer is smaller than for upper aerodigestive tract cancer, alcohol is still likely an important risk factor because of the high prevalence of alcohol use in the U.S.^19,21,24,25 Moreover, synergistic effects of alcohol and smoking have been noted for cancers of the esophagus, head, and neck.^26–29Obese individuals are at higher risk of developing post-menopausal breast cancer; cancers of the endometrium, colon, and kidney; and malignant adenomas of the esophagus.²⁰ Recent studies also suggest that obesity may be linked to other types of cancer, including pancreatic, hepatic, and gallbladder. Possible mechanisms that relate obesity to cancer risk include insulin resistance and chronic hyperinsulinemia (tissue inflammation mediated by adipose tissue), although the underlying mechanisms for the increased cancer risk as a result of obesity are not clearly understood.^20,30Epidemiologic research provides evidence for the effects of physical activity in reducing cancer risk.^31–33 For example, on average, moderate-intensity or greater physical activity can reduce the risk of developing breast cancer by 20%–30%^34–37 and colon cancer by 30%–40%.^31,38 Strong evidence exists to support the theory that a diet high in fruit, vegetables, and fiber-rich foods and low in processed foods and red meats may reduce the risk of developing gastrointestinal cancers (e.g., cancers of the stomach, colon, and rectum).^39–43In 2005, the Northern Plains Comprehensive Cancer Control Program (NPCCCP) was established by the Great Plains Tribal Chairmen''s Health Board (GPTCHB, formerly the Aberdeen Area Tribal Chairmen''s Health Board) to address cancer disparities among AI communities in the four-state Northern Plains region (North Dakota, South Dakota, Iowa, and Nebraska), which is served by the GPTCHB. In 2007, the Northern Plains Tribal Cancer Data Initiative was developed to improve access to cancer data. As part of the initiative, an analysis of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention''s (CDC''s) Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) data was proposed to evaluate the patterns and trends of behaviors associated with cancer risk and screening behaviors among AI/ANs residing in the four-state Northern Plains region.Our study addressed two questions: (1) Did behaviors associated with cancer risk and screening use among AI/ANs residing in the Northern Plains improve from 1997 through 2006? and (2) What is the extent of the disparities in behaviors associated with cancer risk and cancer screening use among AI/ANs in the Northern Plains, NHW people in the Northern Plains, and AI/ANs in other regions? In this article, we report findings from our analysis of national and regional BRFSS data to answer these questions. In addition, we discuss strategies to reduce cancer disparities in the AI/AN population.     

Using disability-adjusted life years to assess the burden of disease and injury in Rhode Island

Objectives

Disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) measure the burden of disease and injury in a population. We tested the feasibility of calculating DALYs to assess the burden of disease and injury in Rhode Island (RI).

Methods

We computed DALYs for the 2008 RI population using methods developed by the World Health Organization, Harvard University, and the World Bank. DALYs are a composite measure that sum years of life lost (YLLs) due to premature mortality with years lived with disability (YLDs). We calculated crude mortality, YLLs, YLDs, and DALYs for 90 major health conditions for RI and stratified them by gender and age. Calculations for YLLs and YLDs were based on five-year averages. We compared our results with U.S. and Los Angeles County, California, estimates.

Results

A DALYs ranking produces a different picture of RI''s disease and injury burden than does mortality-based ranking. Of 90 major health conditions assessed for RI, six of the top 10 causes for mortality and DALYs were the same, but were ranked differently: ischemic heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, Alzheimer dementia and other dementias, trachea/bronchus/lung cancer, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and diabetes mellitus. These six conditions accounted for 59% of deaths but only 35% of DALYs. Causes and rank orders for DALYs differed between males and females and among age groups.

Conclusions

Including nonfatal health conditions in an assessment of population health provides a different picture than traditional mortality-based assessments. This study demonstrates the feasibility and constraints of using DALYs to assess the burden of disease and injury at the state level.Mortality data have been used traditionally to identify a population''s most important health problems.¹ However, falling death rates often mean people are living longer but with years of illness and disability. Mortality measures provide incomplete information about overall population health, necessitating the development of alternate summary measures.^1,2 The World Health Organization (WHO), Harvard University, and the World Bank introduced disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) in the Global Burden of Disease (GBD) study.^3,4 DALYs reflect the years of life lost (YLLs) to premature death and the years spent in unhealthy states, combining the impacts of mortality and disability.DALYs are a “health gap” measure that represents the gap between the current health status of a population and one in which everyone lives into old age free of disease and injury.^5,6 It includes the impact of usually nonfatal conditions, such as alcohol use, mental disorders, arthritis, and injuries, and provides a different picture of population health than traditional mortality-based assessments.Several studies have implemented DALYs and published disease and injury burden reports for countries and subnational entities, ^1–3,5,7 including for the United States² and for Los Angeles (LA) County, California.³ In this study, we applied DALYs to the Rhode Island (RI) population using the GBD study methods.⁴ We estimated DALYs for major health conditions, compared DALYs results with traditional mortality measures, and assessed the benefits and limitations of estimating DALYs at the state level. To our knowledge, RI is the first U.S. state to attempt the use of DALYs to evaluate the burden of disease and injury at the state level.     

Who Are California's Late HIV Testers? An Analysis of State AIDS Surveillance Data, 2000–2006

Objectives

Late HIV testing leads to preventable, severe clinical and public health outcomes. California, lacking a mature HIV surveillance system, has been excluded from documented analyses of late HIV testers in the United States. We identified factors associated with late HIV testing in the California AIDS surveillance data to inform programs of HIV testing and access to treatment.

Methods

We analyzed data from California AIDS cases diagnosed between 2000 and 2006 and reported through November 1, 2007. Late testers were people diagnosed with HIV within 12 months before their AIDS diagnosis. We identified factors significantly associated with late HIV testing using multivariable logistic regression.

Results

Among 28,382 AIDS cases, 61.2% were late HIV testers. Late testing was significantly associated with those ≥35 years of age, heterosexual contact or unknown/other reported transmission risk, and being born outside of the U.S. When further classified by country of birth, people born in Mexico were most likely to be HIV late testers who progressed to AIDS.

Conclusions

Our findings support wider implementation of opt-out HIV testing and HIV testing based in emergency departments. Services for HIV testing and treatment should be inclusive of all populations, but especially targeted to populations that may have more limited access.Among the more than one million people in the United States estimated to be infected with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), nearly one-quarter remain undiagnosed.¹ Increasing evidence suggests that earlier antiretroviral therapy (ART) for HIV improves survival compared with deferred therapy.^2,3 The benefits of HIV diagnosis well before acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) diagnosis are clearly documented and include survival benefit for asymptomatic HIV-infected people with early initiation as compared with deferred initiation of ART,² decreased viral transmission due to lower-serum HIV-1 ribonucleic acid levels⁴ as well as risk modification in people who know their HIV serostatus,⁵ and decreased health expenditures.⁶ In Canada, the estimated annual medical cost of a late presenter, after adjusting for patient characteristics, was more than twice that of a non-late presenter, with a difference of more than $8,000 per person. This discrepancy is mostly due to hospital care costs, which are 15 times higher for those diagnosed late.⁷Given that the period from primary HIV infection to AIDS is estimated at seven to eight years⁸ and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) guidelines advocate routine HIV testing for all U.S. adults,⁹ late HIV testing (defined as the first diagnosis of HIV within one year of an AIDS diagnosis)¹⁰ should be an unusual clinical outcome. However, national estimates from CDC reported that 45% of people with AIDS at 16 sites in the U.S. were late testers.¹⁰ Among AIDS surveillance cases in San Francisco and South Carolina, 39% and 41%, respectively, were late testers.^11,12 In the U.S., AIDS diagnoses can be arguably regarded as a measure of diagnostic or treatment failure.In California, approximately 85% of adult HIV cases are male, 28% are Hispanic, 20% are African American, and 50% are white. Men who have sex with men (MSM) comprise the main risk exposure for men (77%). For women, heterosexual contact is the main risk exposure (52%), followed by injection drug use (23%).¹³ California is home to about 4.4 million Mexican immigrants, about 40% of the total immigrant population in the U.S., and is a key destination for Mexican migrants.^11,14 Both the U.S. and Mexico have concentrated HIV epidemics, where prevention and testing campaigns prioritize traditionally high-risk groups such as MSM and injection drug users (IDUs).The role of migration on the vulnerability of immigrants in California, historically considered a low-risk group, is complex and poorly understood but may have a significant impact on the likelihood of becoming infected with HIV while in the U.S.¹⁵ The denominator of Mexican immigrants in California likely varies by structural factors such as agricultural season. The effect and extent of this varying denominator on HIV/AIDS estimates is not well characterized. In this analysis of California AIDS surveillance data, we identified factors that are significantly associated with late HIV testing in the state.