Teenage Childbearing and Educational Attainment in South Africa

The relationship between teenage childbearing and school attainment is investigated using nationally representative longitudinal data drawn from South Africa's National Income Dynamics Study. The analysis focuses on the outcomes by 2010 of a panel of 673 young women who were aged 15–18 and childless in 2008. Controlling for other factors, girls who went on to give birth had twice the odds of dropping out of school by 2010 and nearly five times the odds of failing to matriculate. Few girls from households in the highest‐income quintile gave birth. Girls who attended schools in higher‐income areas and were behind at school were much more likely to give birth than those who were in the appropriate grade for their age or were in no‐fee schools. New mothers were much more likely to have re‐enrolled in school by 2010 if they were rural residents, they belonged to relatively well‐off households, or their own mother had attended secondary school. These findings suggest that, in South Africa, interventions that address poor school attainment would also reduce teenage childbearing.     

Adolescent girls’ perceptions of breastfeeding in two low-income periurban communities in South Africa

In South Africa, exclusive breastfeeding rates are low, and rates of teenage pregnancy are high. Educational policy enables mothers’ return to school, which conflicts with policy emphasizing exclusive breastfeeding. We elicited adolescent women’s perceptions and experiences of infant feeding choices, and conducted six focus groups (N?=?57) in two periurban settlements. Participants knew arguments in favor of and against breast and formula-feeding, but in practice, mixed feeding occurred early after birth. While completion of high school was emphasized, exclusive breastfeeding was viewed as impractical. Congruent education policies and infant feeding policies/guidelines must address the constraints and contexts of adolescent mothers.     

South African teachers' responses to teenage pregnancy and teenage mothers in schools

South African law forbids excluding pregnant teenagers from school and permits young parents to continue with their schooling. However, the existence of progressive policy and law does not by itself ensure that pregnant teenagers and young parents remain in school or experience as little disruption to their studies as possible. Two of the factors influencing the experiences that pregnant girls and young parents have are the attitudes and practices of teachers. We explore how teachers in diverse South African secondary schools respond to young women's pregnancy and parenting. Teachers' responses are situated within a complex set of meanings invoking sexuality (and sexual censure), gender, class and race. We argue that many teachers view teenage pregnancy and parenting as social problems – a domain of sexual shame with negative effects and disruptive to the academic life of the school (including teachers and other learners). Teachers do not monolithically subscribe to such negativity and, in the context of changing policy and gender equality, there are glimmers of hope. Without much support, training or any formal school-based support, many teachers show care and concern for pregnant women and young parents, providing some hope for better experiences of schooling.     

The effects of the sequencing of marriage and first birth during adolescence

Whether or not they marry, black adolescent mothers are more likely than whites to attend school following the birth of their first child. Marrying to legitimate a birth reduces the likelihood that a teenager will return to school after childbearing; this impact of marriage is much stronger among black than among white teenagers. The timing of marriage appears to affect school enrollment among white teenagers through its impact on living arrangements. However, the negative impact of marriage on educational achievement does not seem to be a consequence of earlier differences in educational expectations among the teenagers. Teenage mothers appear less likely to separate from their husbands in later years if they marry before the birth than if they marry afterward. Delaying marriage until after the birth has a long-term effect on the probability of separation among white teenage mothers, but has only a short-term impact among blacks. Among teenagers who marry before giving birth, there is little difference in the likelihood of separation between those who marry before becoming pregnant and those who do so afterward. In addition, the effect of the sequence of marriage and first birth among white teenage mothers may have declined in recent years. Adolescent mothers who do not marry before their first birth experience a longer interval between that birth and their second than do those who marry either before or during the pregnancy. These differences are primarily the result of short-term variations in the amount of time they spend married; that is, women who are unmarried when they give birth are less likely to have a second birth soon afterward.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

Risk factors for childbearing during adolescence in a population-based birth cohort in southern Brazil.

OBJECTIVE: To use a case-control study to analyze risk factors associated with teenage childbearing among adolescents who were in a birth cohort study that began in 1982 in the city of Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. METHODS: Adolescent mothers in Pelotas who gave birth between January 1995 and March 2001 and who had been born in 1982 were identified through the local birth information system. These subjects from the 1982 birth cohort were compared to adolescents from the same cohort who had not given birth before March 2001. Standardized interviews were used in 2001 to obtain information about socioeconomic, maternal reproductive, demographic, and lifestyle characteristics. This information was combined with data obtained in earlier phases of this 1982 birth cohort study. Unconditional logistic regression was used to analyze the risk factors associated with childbearing during adolescence. RESULTS: A total of 420 parous adolescents from the 1982 birth cohort were identified and then compared with 408 cohort adolescents who had not given birth by March 2001. Higher family income in 1982 and more parental schooling in 1982 were inversely related to childbearing among the birth cohort adolescents. Cohort girls whose mothers were under age 20 when they gave birth in 1982 had a higher risk of becoming pregnant while still an adolescent. Cohort girls who, during childhood, lived with siblings from different fathers were twice as likely to become an adolescent mother. Compared to cohort adolescents who had not failed during the first four years of school, those girls who had done so had twice the risk of giving birth during adolescence. Among the cohort girls a positive association was found between younger age at first intercourse and childbearing in adolescence. CONCLUSIONS: The results indicate that the educational level of the adolescent mothers must be considered in planning policies that attempt to disrupt successive cycles of socioeconomic deprivation. Early interventions to improve sex education and to increase the motivation of young girls to achieve higher levels of education are needed. The interventions should aim for a reduction in the risk of long-term poverty and poorer educational achievements of teenage mothers and their children.     

Why we measure teenage pregnancy but do not count teenage mothers?

Teenage pregnancy has been labelled as a major social and health problem and has become a key policy area in several industrialized countries. In England, current policy aims (1) to halve teenage pregnancy rates for under-18s by 2010, and (2) to reduce teenage parents’ risk of social exclusion by supporting their participation in education, training and employment. Official statistics are published on the rate of teenage pregnancy but not on the number of teenage mothers. In this paper we calculate the number of teenage mothers aged 15–17 in England in 2001 using routine data on fertility, stillbirths and mortality. We find that there were approximately 30,000 teenage mothers in England in 2001. This is a calculation which could, and should, be produced regularly by the Office for National Statistics. By only producing statistics on the rate of teenage pregnancy and not the number of teenage mothers, the first policy goal is thereby given precedence.     

The problem of teenage pregnancy

In this question and answer dialogue along with a case study, the psychosocial issues and medical aspects of teenage pregnancy are discussed. Suggestions for improving the situation included 1) developing a community based approach which utilizes school sex education integrated with parent, church, and community groups, 2) increasing teenage knowledge of contraception, and 3) providing counseling and medical and psychological health, education, and nutrition of the mother and father in order to reduce low birth weight babies and the school dropout rates. Advice to providers is to involved in supporting community based adolescent pregnancy and childbearing programs, and serving the needs of of teenagers by providing contraceptive information in confidence, and providing nonjudgmental information to parents and teenagers on sexuality, pregnancy and birth control. The cost of teenage childbearing is estimated at 16.6 billion for 1985, with the U.S. fertility rate, birth and abortion rates higher than Canada, France, the Netherlands, Great Britain and Sweden. Within 1 month of 1st initial intercourse, 20% result in teenage pregnancy. 50% will give birth to a second child. The health risk to the mother and child due to poor nutrition, toxemia conditions, while psychosocial effect is the cycle of failure and low self-esteem. For disadvantaged youth, a baby appears as a reachable achievement, and for those with an additional child, the goal of security and financial independence is less likely. Financial and emotional support from family or social services and family planning practices can lead to completion of H.S., limitation in family size, and independence. Of those receiving public assistance in 1969, 66% were independent, and only 12% receiving assistance between 1969 and 1974 were still receiving assistance. Teen fatherhood has not been adequately addressed, and findings suggest that parenting and contraceptive education, job training, support to stay in school are receptive ideas to fathers and also impact favorable on mothers and children.     

Supporting young mothers into education, employment and training: assessing progress towards the target

The government has set a target of increasing the participation of teenage mothers in education, employment and training (EET) to 60% by 2010 to reduce their risk of long-term social exclusion. This paper presents the findings of a qualitative research project conducted in the South West region of England to establish the tracking practices employed by practitioners working with young parents to ascertain whether and to what extent teenage parents are engaged in EET. The range of support that is currently needed by and provided to teenage parents when returning to or continuing their EET was also investigated. Semi-structured telephone interviews were conducted with 24 participants from a unitary authority, county and city within the region; participants were working in a variety of professional roles with responsibilities for teenage parents. The results show that in the South West there are currently no standard procedures or practices in place for effectively tracking the participation of teenage parents in EET. There was evidence of a good understanding of the needs of young parents amongst practitioners and that a variety of support was being provided to them. However, it needs to be understood, and addressed, that having contact with young parents and providing them with support does not necessarily lead to the standardised information that is needed in order to assess progress towards the target. We conclude that in order to assess in a meaningful way progress towards the target of 60% participation by 2010, a clear protocol for the collection and collation of information--and responsibility for this--needs to be developed and implemented.     

Early childbearing and completion of high school

This article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience of Youth (NLSY) for 4696 US women who were aged 20-26 in 1983, and thus were past the normal age of high school completion, to examine patterns of high school termination and completion associated with teenage childbearing. The role of the General Educational Development (GED) program is examined as the means by which teenage mothers obtain high school credentials once they have dropped out of school. Most employers, training programs and colleges accept the GED certificates in the same manner as they do regular high school diplomas. Tabulated data indicate that high school completion rates for women aged 20-26 in 1983 range from only 53% among women who gave birth within 7 months after leaving school, to 79% among those who became pregnant after leaving school. Among Hispanic mothers who gave birth shortly after leaving school, the proportion completing their 2ndary education is 20 points lower than it is among whites or blacks (33% vs. 55%). Among Hispanic mothers who became pregnant after leaving school, the proportion is nearly 30 points lower (55% vs. 81-85%). Overall, only 5% of young women obtain their high school credentials through the GED equivalency program. However, young mothers are about 2-3 times as likely to go this route as are childless women. The GED program emerges as the predominant means of high school completion among white mothers (51% of those with accreditation), whereas it is considerably less important among black mothers (28%). The data also indicate how age at childbearing is closely associated with the probability of school completion and the type of credential received. The analyses highlight the importance of the GED program for women who bear children at an early age. Among women who complete high school but bear a child prior to the date of high school accreditation, about 40% obtain their credential through the GED program. Most of the women who 1st give birth at ages 15-16 do not finish high school by their early 20s, but those who do finish are almost as likely to obtain a GED credential as they are to receive a standard diploma. Although it is possible that availability of the GED option may encourage some young mothers to prematurely terminate their formal schooling, in all likelihood it permits a greater number to receive high school accreditation.     

The children of teenage mothers: patterns of early childbearing in two generations

Twenty years after a mostly black group of Baltimore women became adolescent mothers, the majority of their first-born children had not become adolescent parents, a finding that challenges the popular belief that the offspring of teenage mothers are themselves destined to become adolescent parents. Almost all of the offspring had had intercourse by age 19. About half of the young women had experienced a pregnancy before that age, and approximately one-third of the young men reported having impregnated a partner before age 19. The Baltimore youths were just as likely to have had a live birth before age 19 as were the children of teenage mothers in a national sample of urban blacks, and both of these groups were more likely to have done so than were the children of older mothers in the national sample. In the Baltimore sample, maternal welfare experience only increased a daughter's likelihood of early childbearing if welfare was received during her teenage years. Within the Baltimore sample, a direct comparison of the daughters who became adolescent mothers with their own mothers at a comparable age reveals that the daughters have bleaker educational and financial prospects than their mothers had, and are less likely to ever have married. These results suggest that today's teenage parents may be less likely than were previous cohorts of adolescent mothers to overcome the handicaps of early childbearing. This trend could portend the growth of an urban underclass, even though only a minority of the offspring of teenage mothers go on to become adolescent parents.     

Characteristics of Sexually Active Teenage Girls Who Would Be Pleased with Becoming Pregnant

To investigate factors associated with favorable pregnancy attitudes among teenage girls. Participants were sexually active teenage girls aged 15–18 years old (n = 965) who took part in the 2002 or 2006–2010 National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG). Multinomial multivariable logistic regression was used to assess the likelihood of being pleased with a teenage pregnancy. Sixteen percent of sexually active teenage girls (n = 164) would be pleased (11 % a little pleased, 5 % very pleased) if they became pregnant. In a multivariable model, participants who had not yet discussed sexual health topics (i.e., how to say no to sexual intercourse or birth control) or had only discussed birth control with a parent were more likely to be very pleased with a teenage pregnancy than participants who had discussed both topics with a parent. Prior pregnancy, racial/ethnic group status, older age, and having parents with a high school education or less also increased the odds of being pleased with a teenage pregnancy. Being pleased with a teenage pregnancy was correlated with a lack of discussion of sexual health topics with parents, prior pregnancy, and sociodemographic factors (having less educated parents, racial/ethnic group status). Pregnancy prevention efforts can be improved by acknowledging the structural and cultural factors that shape teenage pregnancy attitudes.     

Becoming a mother: perspectives and experiences of young women in a South African Township

There has been growing interest in the high levels of pregnancy among young women in South Africa. This study aimed to explore a range of perspectives and experiences of early motherhood among young women in a township in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. This was done using in-depth interviews from a small sample of young mothers aged 18–24 years. All the young mothers reported that they had had their first child while still at school. None of them had intended or planned to have a child, and were therefore not ready for motherhood. Limited information on pregnancy prevention methods plays a key role in influencing early childbearing. Young mothers in the study wanted to assume financial responsibility for their children but they were finding it difficult to do so. Many faced numerous obstacles as they were no longer in a relationship with the father of their child and depended on their own parents for support. Participants described how the difficulties they faced in their daily lives and their new roles as mothers impacted negatively on their education and career aspirations. The study recommends greater involvement of schools and community in addressing the challenges of early childbearing.     

A comparison of pregnancy and child health outcomes between teenage and adult mothers in the slums of Nairobi, Kenya

The study assessed and compared pregnancy and child health outcomes of teenage (aged less than 20 years) and adult (20-34 years of age) mothers. A total of 226 teenage and 205 adult mothers met the study criteria out of the 3,256 women in the reproductive age group (15-49 years) and 318 adolescent girls (12-14 years of age) covered by the Nairobi Cross-sectional Slums Survey (NCSS). The main comparison involved socio-demographic variables, events during pregnancy, obstetric outcome, child morbidity and mortality and care provided during an illness episode. Results showed that a significantly higher percentage of teenage mothers and their partners had lower educational achievement compared with adult mothers and their partners. They were more likely to be economically disadvantaged than the adult mothers. Teenage mothers and their parents were also less likely to have ever been married. The two groups of mothers were comparable in terms of the rate and timing of antenatal care visits, place of delivery, rate of operative deliveries, reported size of the baby at birth, child vaccination status and reported morbidity and health care practice during an illness episode. The index child was alive during the survey period for 89.4% of the teenage and 96.6% of the adult mothers (OR = 3.36; 95% CI = 1.34, 8.79; P = 0.004). Child survival rates in the two groups of mothers were found to be quite similar after controlled analysis for the influence of socio-economic factors. The study concluded that bad obstetric outcomes were not associated with maternal age. Although teenage and adult mothers were not significantly different on child health practices, children born to the former group died most frequently probably due to their poor socioeconomic achievements.     

Adolescent Mothers’ Perceptions of Fathers’ Parental Involvement: Satisfaction and Desire for Involvement*

Abstract: Grounded in family systems and ecological theories, this study examined teenage mothers’ perceptions of fathers’ parental involvement and the role of teenage mothers’ gatekeeping beliefs. Fathers’ involvement was perceived to be greater when teenage parents were romantically involved (n = 55). When they no longer shared a romantic relationship (n = 59), mothers’ satisfaction with and desire for fathers’ involvement (i.e., gatekeeping beliefs) mediated the association between mothers’ perceptions of developmental and contextual factors and their perceptions of fathers’ involvement. Overall, the proposed developmental‐contextual model was not significant for romantically involved teenage parents. Findings underscore the need to account for and incorporate issues related to relationship status, grandparent support, historical support, and maternal gatekeeping beliefs when developing programs for adolescent parents.     

The effects of early childbearing on schooling over time.

CONTEXT: In recent studies, the effects of teenage childbearing on the schooling of young women have been smaller than those in earlier research. The discrepancy has been attributed to the use in the later studies of controls for unmeasured differences between young women who start childbearing early and those who do not, but could instead reflect changes in the effect of early childbearing over time. METHODS: Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of the Labor Market Experience of Youth and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics are used to identify the reasons for this difference. Logistic regression, ordinary least-squares regression and fixed-effects models examine the impact of early childbearing on rates of high school graduation and college attendance, and number of years of schooling completed through age 29. RESULTS: The two data sets show a significant negative impact of a teenage birth on rates and years of completed schooling. For example, teenage mothers complete 1.9-2.2 fewer years of education than do women who delay their first birth until age 30 or older. Moreover, compared with women who give birth at age 30 or older, teenage mothers have odds of high school completion 10-12% as high and odds of postsecondary schooling 14-29% as high. Unobserved differences between young mothers and their childless peers reduce, but do not eliminate, the effects of early births. Effects on high school completion declined in recent periods because more young women completed high school, regardless of the timing of their first birth. However, the gap between early and later childbearers in postsecondary school attendance widened from 27 to 44 percentage points between the early 1960s and the early 1990s. CONCLUSIONS: Given the current importance of a college education, teenage childbearers today are at least as disadvantaged as those of past generations.     

Counselling teenage girls on problems related to the 'protection of family honour' from the perspective of school nurses and counsellors

Approximately 1,500 young immigrant women living in Sweden sought help from various public organisations during 2004 due to problems related to Protection of Family Honour (PFH). Often they seek help from school nurses and counsellors. Information on how the school nurses and counsellors manage this complex PFH phenomenon is limited in Sweden. The aim was to generate a theoretical model that illuminates the experiences of school counsellors and school nurses counselling teenage girls, who worry about problems related to protection of family honour. Data were collected through individual interviews of the school welfare staff. The study subjects included welfare staff from six upper-secondary schools consisting of four nurses and six counsellors. Grounded theory methods were used to generate new knowledge as this is a new field of research. The staff's main goal was to provide the best support and help for the teenage girls. In addition, they wanted to be true to their professional ethics and values. However, this was difficult and created professional dilemmas because some teenage girls prevented them from doing what they thought was needed to support the teenage girls and protect them from violence. As a result, staff sometimes felt hampered, unable to help or able to help only in ways hidden from the teenage girls' families.     

Education and childbearing among teenagers

While a recent study showed a considerable increase in school attendance among adolescent mothers following changes in federal law which made it illegal to expel such women from public schools, analysis of the June 1980 Current Population Survey provide a context for this finding. Because women who do not give birth as teenagers are also remaining in school longer, teenage mothers have not gained any ground relative to women who postpone birth or remain childless. Thus the absolute level of education among adolescent mothers has improved but their disadvantage relative to other women has not changed.     

A randomized controlled trial of home visits by neighborhood mentor mothers to improve children's nutrition in South Africa

Malnourished children and babies with birth weights under 2500 g are at high risk for negative outcomes over their lifespans. Philani, a paraprofessional home visiting program, was developed to improve nutritional outcomes for young children in South Africa. One "mentor mother" was recruited from each of 37 neighborhoods in Cape Town, South Africa. Mentor mothers were trained to conduct home visits to weigh children under six years old and to support mothers to problem-solve life challenges, especially around nutrition. Households with underweight children were assigned randomly on a 2:1 ratio to the Philani program (n = 500) or to a standard care condition (n = 179); selection effects occurred and children in the intervention households weighed less at recruitment. Children were evaluated over a one-year period (n = 679 at recruitment and n = 638 with at least one follow-up; 94%). Longitudinal random effects models indicated that, over 12 months, the children in the intervention condition gained significantly more weight than children in the control condition. Mentor mothers who are positive peer deviants may be a viable strategy that is efficacious and can build community, and the use of mentor mothers for other problems in South Africa is discussed.     

Exploring variation in teenage mothers' and fathers' educational attainment

CONTEXT: A substantial body of research has compared educational outcomes of teenage parents with those of their childless peers, but less attention has gone to variations among teenage parents. Additionally, gender differences in teenage parents’ educational outcomes have rarely been studied. METHODS: Characteristics associated with high school graduation by age 26 were assessed among 317 teenage mothers and fathers who participated in the 1988–2000 National Education Longitudinal Study. Logistic regression models included socioeconomic and educational characteristics, gender, parenting responsibilities and resources, and gender interactions. RESULTS: Married or cohabiting teenage parents living with no or one parent had 73% lower odds of graduation than single respondents living with two parents. Gender moderated the relationships between two parenting responsibilities and the likelihood of graduation: Fathers working at least half‐time were less likely than nonworking fathers to graduate (odds ratio, 0.2), and fathers who were primary caregivers had substantially elevated odds of graduating (7.4), but no similar relationships were seen among mothers. Sixty‐one percent of fathers who worked but were not primary caregivers were predicted to graduate by age 26, compared with 97% of those who were nonworking primary caregivers. CONCLUSIONS: Traditional parenting norms, according to which mothers are primary caregivers and fathers are breadwinners, do not appear to be associated with improved odds of graduating. Policies and interventions aimed at helping teenage parents graduate may be most effective if they target both genders, but some are likely to be more beneficial for one gender than the other.