Framing Indoor Tanning Warning Messages to Reduce Skin Cancer Risks Among Young Women: Implications for Research and Policy

Objectives. We investigated the impact of indoor tanning device warnings that communicate the risks associated with indoor tanning (i.e., loss framed) or the benefits of avoiding indoor tanning (i.e., gain framed).Methods. A convenience sample of non-Hispanic White women aged 18 to 30 years who tanned indoors at least once in the past year (n = 682) participated in a within-subjects experiment. Participants completed baseline measures and reported indoor tanning intentions and intentions to quit indoor tanning in response to 5 warning messages in random order. A text-only control warning was based on Food and Drug Administration–required warnings for indoor tanning devices. Experimental warnings included graphic content and were either gain or loss framed.Results. In multivariable analyses, gain-framed warnings did not differ from the control warning on women’s intentions to tan indoors, but they prompted stronger intentions to quit than the control message. Loss-framed warnings significantly reduced intentions to tan indoors and increased intentions to quit indoor tanning compared with control and gain-framed warnings.Conclusions. The public health impact of indoor tanning device warnings can be enhanced by incorporating graphic content and leveraging gain- and loss-framed messaging.Skin cancer is the most common malignancy in the United States, where approximately 3.5 million cases of nonmelanoma skin cancer and 75 000 cases of melanoma are diagnosed each year.1,2 Although most skin cancers are preventable by reducing ultraviolet radiation exposure, their incidence is increasing.3–6 An estimated 9000 deaths occur each year as a result of melanoma,2 and the costs of skin cancer treatment exceed $8 billion annually.7Indoor tanning is major concern for skin cancer prevention.4,8 Approximately 380 000 skin cancer cases are attributable to indoor tanning annually in the United States.9 Recent meta-analyses have indicated that indoor tanning increases lifetime risks of nonmelanoma skin cancer by 29% to 67% and melanoma by approximately 20%.10,11 Among US adults, the prevalence of indoor tanning is highest among young adult, non-Hispanic White women, with nearly 30% tanning each year and 15% tanning 10 or more times each year.12,13 Indoor tanning before age 30 years and tanning more frequently further increase lifetime skin cancer risks,10,11,14,15 and tanning at a young age is associated with early-onset skin cancer.16As in other areas of public health, policies are advocated as part of a comprehensive approach to skin cancer prevention.4,17 Until recently, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) regulated indoor tanning devices as class I medical devices presenting minimal risks and largely exempt from premarket controls.18 In part because of advocacy for tighter regulations,17 the FDA recently published a new rule changing indoor tanning devices to class II devices with additional premarket controls and revised labeling requirements. Now, indoor tanning devices are required to display a text-only warning reading “Attention: This sunlamp product should not be used on persons under the age of 18 years.”19 Consumer-facing information for indoor tanning devices is also required to include several contraindication and warning statements.19Unfortunately, the required warnings do not reflect evidence for skin cancer prevention messaging20,21 and are inconsistent with warnings for other FDA-regulated products with associated health risks, such as tobacco.22 The FDA’s strategic plan for regulatory science emphasizes designing evidence-based public health messages to empower consumers to make healthy decisions about regulated products.23 The public health impact of indoor tanning device warnings could be enhanced through additional research to determine how to best promote preventive behavior. Under federal rulemaking procedures, the FDA could issue new labeling requirements based on the available evidence, and this evidence could also inform state and local policies on indoor tanning. Unlike warnings for tobacco,24 little published research is available on how to design indoor tanning warnings to enhance their public health impact.According to prospect theory, framing health messages in terms of the costs of engaging in risky behavior (i.e., loss framed) or the benefits of avoiding risky behavior (i.e., gain framed) differentially affects behavioral outcomes.25,26 The message-framing concept draws from fundamental tenets of behavioral economics and communication science that postulate that health messages can be crafted around gains or losses to shape perceptions and motivate behavior.25 Although recent reviews have indicated that loss-framed skin cancer prevention messages can promote behavior change,20,21 2 meta-analyses drew different conclusions regarding gain- and loss-framed skin cancer prevention messages,27,28 and no study has tested message-framing effects for indoor tanning warnings. Research has also consistently demonstrated that graphic warnings incorporating imagery to depict the health risks of tobacco use are more effective for promoting behavior change than text-only warnings because they more effectively attract attention, evoke an emotional response, and affect perceived risks and attitudes toward tobacco use.24,29–32 Although the available evidence on skin cancer prevention messages has suggested that graphic messages can promote preventive behaviors,20,21 no study has investigated the effects of graphic content for indoor tanning warnings.Given the theoretical support and empirical evidence indicating that gain- and loss-framed messages incorporating graphic imagery may be important to prevent and reduce indoor tanning, we examined the impact of these message features on indoor tanning intentions and intentions to quit indoor tanning in a convenience sample of young adult women. We compared gain- and loss-framed warnings with graphic imagery with a text-only warning, such as those required by the FDA. We focused on young adult women because of the high prevalence of indoor tanning in this population and evidence that indoor tanning early in life further increases skin cancer risks.10,11 This makes young adult women a priority population for public health skin cancer prevention efforts. We hypothesized that graphic, loss-framed messages conveying the health risks associated with indoor tanning would produce the greatest impact.     

Enforcement Provisions of Indoor Tanning Bans for Minors: An Analysis of the First 6 US States

Several states have passed legislation banning minors from indoor tanning; however, concern has been raised regarding enforcement. We explored the statutes pertaining to enforcement in the first 6 US states to pass legislation banning minors younger than 18 years from indoor tanning. The findings reflect significant variability in enforcement provisions across the 6 states. Further investigations are needed to determine whether the statutes are successful in curbing indoor tanning among youths and ultimately whether indoor tanning bans among minors help to reduce skin cancer incidence.Since 2011, 11 US states have passed indoor tanning bans for minors younger than 18, and many other states are currently considering similar legislation.1 Although there is unprecedented momentum for indoor tanning legislation that protects youths, the recent US Surgeon General’s Call to Action, among others, has raised concerns over whether these new statutes will be enforced.2Policy initiatives for tobacco control can provide important lessons for control of indoor tanning, including enforcement.3 Federal tobacco enforcement policies are set forth in the Synar Amendment, an amendment to the Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administration Act enacted in 1992 and implemented by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration in 1996.4 Notably, the amendment tasks US states with enacting and enforcing legislation aimed at prohibiting the sale and distribution of tobacco to minors younger than 18 years.4 In addition to laws banning tobacco sales to people younger than 18 years, states have enacted legislation requiring licensure of tobacco retailers; random, unannounced inspections; specification of state enforcement authority; and creation of a graduated system of civil or criminal penalties for outlet owners and clerks.4Similar to age restrictions on tobacco sales, legislation banning minors from indoor tanning may play an important role in educating the public about the risks posed by indoor tanning and may denormalize indoor tanning by children. Legislation can also counter the indoor tanning industry’s history of deceptive marketing claims that tend to understate risks and broadly overstate any potential benefits of tanning.5     

Policy Support, Norms, and Secondhand Smoke Exposure Before and After Implementation of a Comprehensive Smoke-Free Law in Mexico City

Objectives. We assessed attitudes and beliefs about smoke-free laws, compliance, and secondhand smoke exposure before and after implementation of a comprehensive smoke-free law in Mexico City.Methods. Trends and odds of change in attitudes and beliefs were analyzed across 3 representative surveys of Mexico City inhabitants: before implementation of the policy (n = 800), 4 months after implementation (n = 961), and 8 months after implementation (n = 761).Results. Results indicated high and increasing support for 100% smoke-free policies, although support did not increase for smoke-free bars. Agreement that such policies improved health and reinforced rights was high before policy implementation and increased thereafter. Social unacceptability of smoking increased substantially, although 25% of nonsmokers and 50% of smokers agreed with smokers'' rights to smoke in public places at the final survey wave. Secondhand smoke exposure declined generally as well as in venues covered by the law, although compliance was incomplete, especially in bars.Conclusions. Comprehensive smoke-free legislation in Mexico City has been relatively successful, with changes in perceptions and behavior consistent with those revealed by studies conducted in high-income countries. Normative changes may prime populations for additional tobacco control interventions.Smoke-free policies can reduce involuntary exposure to toxic secondhand tobacco smoke (SHS), reduce tobacco consumption and promote quitting,^1,2 and shift social norms against smoking.^3–5 These policies are fundamental to the World Health Organization''s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, an international treaty that promotes best-practices tobacco control policies across the world.⁶Evidence of successful implementation of smoke-free policies generally comes from high-income countries. Low- and middle-income countries increasingly bear the burden of tobacco use,⁷ however, and these countries may face particular challenges in implementing smoke-free policies, including greater social acceptability of tobacco use, shorter histories of programs and policies to combat tobacco-related dangers, and greater tolerance of law breaking.^8–10 There is a need for research that will help identify effective strategies for promoting and implementing smoke-free policies in low- and middle-income countries.Studies in high-income countries generally indicate that popular support for laws that ban smoking in public places and workplaces is strong and increases after such laws are passed.^11–15 Weaker laws that allow smoking in some workplaces can leave policy support unchanged.¹⁶ Policy-associated increases in support have been shown across populations that include smokers^{11,13,14,17,18} and bar owners and staff.^19,20 Beliefs about rights to work in smoke-free environments¹¹ and the health benefits of these environments²¹ have also been shown to increase with policy implementation. Support for banning smoking in all workplaces appears high in Latin American countries,²² but responses to smoke-free policies are less well known. In Uruguay, the first country in the Americas to prohibit smoking in all workplaces, including restaurants and bars,²³ support before the law was unknown. However, the level of support was high among both the general population²² and smokers²⁴ after the law''s implementation.Compliance with smoke-free laws in high-income countries has been good, particularly when laws apply across all workplaces, including restaurants and bars, and involve media campaigns. Self-reported declines in exposure in regulated venues^11,17,25 are consistent with findings from observational studies,^11,26 biomarkers of exposure,^11,25,27 and air quality assessments.^11,12Approximately 26% of Mexican adults residing in urban areas smoke.⁸ Most Mexicans recognize the harms of SHS and support smoke-free policies.^9,24,28,29 According to an opinion poll conducted before the August 2007 passage of a smoke-free law in Mexico City, about 80% of both Mexico City inhabitants and Mexicans in general supported prohibiting smoking in enclosed public places and workplaces.²⁸ In 2006, 60% of smokers reported that their workplace had a smoking ban, with Mexico City smokers reporting the lowest percentage of workplace bans at 37%.²⁴Mexico City''s smoke-free workplace law^30–32 initially allowed for designated smoking areas that were ventilated and physically separate.^22,33 Concerns about the inequity of this law for small business owners who could not afford to build designated smoking areas led the hospitality industry to support a comprehensive smoke-free law^31,32 that prohibited smoking inside all enclosed public places and workplaces, including public transport, restaurants, and bars. This law entered into force on April 3, 2008.Media coverage of the law was similar to that in high-income countries, pitting arguments about the government''s obligation to protect citizens from SHS dangers against arguments about discrimination toward smokers and the “slippery slope” of regulating behavior^4,32,34 (J. F. Thrasher et al., unpublished data, 2010). Most print media coverage was either positive or neutral, with much less coverage pitched against tobacco control policies.³⁴In the month before and after the law came into effect, the Mexico City Ministry of Health and nongovernmental organizations disseminated print materials and aired radio spots describing the dangers of SHS and the benefits of the law.³⁰ Community health promoters informed businesses about the law. From September through December 2008, a television, radio, print, and billboard campaign emphasized the law''s benefits.³⁵ We assessed, among Mexico City inhabitants, the prevalence of and increases in support, beliefs, norms, and compliance around the smoke-free law, as well as decreases in SHS exposure.     

The association between perceived discrimination and obesity in a population-based multiracial and multiethnic adult sample

Objectives. We examined whether perceived chronic discrimination was related to excess body fat accumulation in a random, multiethnic, population-based sample of US adults.Methods. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression and logistic regression analyses to examine the relationship between interpersonal experiences of perceived chronic discrimination and body mass index and high-risk waist circumference.Results. Consistent with other studies, our analyses showed that perceived unfair treatment was associated with increased abdominal obesity. Compared with Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who did not experience perceived chronic discrimination, Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who perceived chronic discrimination were 2 to 6 times more likely to have a high-risk waist circumference. No significant relationship between perceived discrimination and the obesity measures was found among the other Whites, Blacks, or Hispanics.Conclusions. These findings are not completely unsupported. White ethnic groups including Polish, Italians, Jews, and Irish have historically been discriminated against in the United States, and other recent research suggests that they experience higher levels of perceived discrimination than do other Whites and that these experiences adversely affect their health.It is estimated that 2 of every 3 adults in the United States are overweight or obese.^1,2 Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic health conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, hypertension, stroke, some forms of cancer, and osteoarthritis.³ Although it is widely accepted that high-fat diets and physical inactivity are preventable risk factors,⁴ obesity continues to increase.^1,2,5There is a growing interest in the relationship between psychosocial risk factors and excess body fat accumulation.^6–16 In particular, some evidence suggests that psychosocial stressors may play a role in disease progression in general and in excess body fat in particular.^7,8,17 The key factors underlying physiological reactions to psychosocial stress have not been completely elucidated, but McEwen and Seeman¹⁷ and others^7,18,19 posit that the continued adaptation of the physiological system to external challenges alters the normal physiological stress reaction pathways and that these changes are related to adverse health outcomes.^8,17,18,20 For example, in examining the association between psychosocial stress and excess body fat accumulation, Björntorp and others have suggested that psychosocial stress is linked to obesity, especially in the abdominal area.^7,8Perceived discrimination, as a psychosocial stressor, is now receiving increased attention in the empirical health literature.^21–24 Such studies suggest perceived discrimination is inversely related to poor mental and physical health outcomes and risk factors, including hypertension,^24,25 depressive symptoms,^26–28 smoking,^29–31 alcohol drinking,^32,33 low birthweight,^34,35 and cardiovascular outcomes.^36–38Internalized racism, the acceptance of negative stereotypes by the stigmatized group,³⁹ has also been recognized as a race-related psychosocial risk factor.⁴⁰ Recent studies have also suggested that race-related beliefs and experiences including perceived discrimination might be potentially related to excess body fat accumulation. Three of these studies^9,13,41 showed that internalized racism was associated with an increased likelihood of overweight or abdominal obesity among Black Caribbean women in Dominica⁴¹ and Barbados¹³ and adolescent girls in Barbados.⁹ These researchers posit that individuals with relatively high levels of internalized racism have adopted a defeatist mindset, which is believed to be related to the physiological pathway associated with excess body fat accumulation. However, Vines et al.¹⁶ found that perceived racism was associated with lower waist-to-hip ratios among Black women in the United States. Although the assessment of race-related risk factors varied across these studies, the findings suggest that the salience of race-related beliefs and experiences may be related to excess body fat accumulation.Collectively, the results of these studies are limited. First, because they examined the relationship between race-related beliefs and experiences and excess body fat only among women, we do not know if this relationship is generalizable to men.^13,16,41 Second, these studies only examined this relationship among Blacks, even though perceived unfair treatment because of race/ethnicity has been shown to be adversely related to the health of multiple racial/ethnic population groups in the United States^42–49 and internationally.^27,50–55 Third, none of the studies have examined the relationship between excess body fat accumulation and perceived nonracial/nonethnic experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Some evidence suggests that the generic perception of unfair treatment or bias is adversely related to health, regardless of whether it is attributed to race, ethnicity, or some other reason.^45,55,56 Fourth, none of these studies included other measures of stress. We do not know if the association between race-related risk factors and obesity is independent of other traditional indicators of stress.Using a multiethnic, population-based sample of adults, we examined the association of perceived discrimination and obesity independent of other known risk factors for obesity, including stressful major life events. Additionally, because reports of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and non-racial/ethnic discrimination vary by racial/ethnic groups^24,45,46,57 and because Whites tend to have less excess body fat than do Blacks and Hispanics,^1,3 we examined the relationships between perceived discrimination and excess body fat accumulation among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, and non-Hispanic Blacks.     

Protective Factors in the Lives of Bisexual Adolescents in North America

Objectives. We compared protective factors among bisexual adolescents with those of heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, and gay or lesbian adolescents.Methods. We analyzed 6 school-based surveys in Minnesota and British Columbia. Sexual orientation was measured by gender of sexual partners, attraction, or self-labeling. Protective factors included family connectedness, school connectedness, and religious involvement. General linear models, conducted separately by gender and adjusted for age, tested differences between orientation groups.Results. Bisexual adolescents reported significantly less family and school connectedness than did heterosexual and mostly heterosexual adolescents and higher or similar levels of religious involvement. In surveys that measured orientation by self-labeling or attraction, levels of protective factors were generally higher among bisexual than among gay and lesbian respondents. Adolescents with sexual partners of both genders reported levels of protective factors lower than or similar to those of adolescents with same-gender partners.Conclusions. Bisexual adolescents had lower levels of most protective factors than did heterosexual adolescents, which may help explain their higher prevalence of risky behavior. Social connectedness should be monitored by including questions about protective factors in youth health surveys.Adolescence is a key developmental period with long-term effects on physical and psychological health, and adolescents negotiate a variety of environmental challenges during these years. Although public health practice often focuses on preventing or decreasing health risks, in the past decade increasing attention has been paid to identifying protective factors that can foster healthy development. Protective factors are events, circumstances, and life experiences that promote confidence and competence among adolescents and help to protect them from negative developmental risks and health outcomes.^1,2 Such protective resources enhance resilience among adolescents who face adversities,³ and they arise from individual characteristics and social environments such as families, schools, and communities.⁴Several individual assets and external resources have been identified as protective factors that reduce the likelihood of risky behaviors such as suicidality, substance use, unprotected sexual behavior, and disordered eating. Individual-level protective factors include higher levels of self-esteem, psychological well-being, and religiosity.^5–8 Relational factors such as strong connectedness to family^5,7–13 and school^{5,7,9,10,12,13} also reduce the likelihood of engaging in behaviors that compromise health. Some community-level factors also appear to be protective against risk taking among adolescents; these include the presence of a caring adult role model outside the family^8,13 and community involvement, including volunteering.⁸Most studies focus on adolescents in general, but some populations, such as lesbian, gay, and bisexual adolescents, face greater environmental challenges in negotiating adolescence and navigating developmental tasks. LGB adolescents are disproportionately subjected to violence and harassment at school^14–16 and to physical and sexual abuse.^17,18 In addition, LGB adolescents are more likely than their heterosexual peers to be involved in health-compromising behaviors, including substance use,^14–17 risky sexual behaviors and injection drug use,^14,19,20 and suicide attempts.^{10,14,15,17,21–24}Researchers have recently started illuminating relationships between lower levels of protective factors and negative health outcomes among LGB adolescents. In an analysis of the 2004 Minnesota Student Survey, Eisenberg and Resnick found that LGB students were less likely than were other students to report high levels of family connectedness, teacher caring, other adult caring, and perceived safety at school.²⁵ However, these protective factors, when present, decreased the likelihood of suicidal ideation and attempts, and protective factors accounted for more of the variation in suicide behaviors than did sexual orientation. Similarly, in his analysis of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, Ueno found that less-positive relationships with parents, school, and friends explained higher levels of psychological distress among sexual-minority students than among heterosexual students.²⁶ Homma and Saewyc found that higher levels of perceived family caring and more-positive perceptions of school climate were linked to lower levels of emotional distress among Asian American LGB high school students in Minnesota.²⁷These studies provide some evidence that protective factors may work in similar ways for LGB adolescents as for other adolescents, but not consistently; for example, high levels of religious involvement in a faith with negative attitudes about nonheterosexual orientations might actually be more harmful than protective. Further, if LGB adolescents as a group experience lower levels of these assets, this might help explain their higher risks. Only a handful of population-based studies have focused on sexual-minority adolescents and protective factors, and they provide limited information about protective factors among bisexual adolescents separately from gay or lesbian adolescents; most research combines these groups because of small samples. Measuring sexual orientation during adolescence can be difficult; sexual identity development is a task of adolescence, and many youths engage in exploration of romantic attraction, sexual behavior, or identity labels during the adolescent years. Behavior and self-labeling may be discordant at various times, and there is evidence that some adolescents’ perception of their orientation and labels will shift during adolescence and young adulthood.In the few studies that have disaggregated the groups, bisexual adolescents were more likely than were heterosexual peers to report risky sexual behaviors,^19,20 suicide attempts,¹⁶ victimization,¹⁶ delinquency,²⁸ and substance use^16,28; in some cases gay and lesbian adolescents did not significantly differ from their heterosexual peers in these risks.^16,19,28 Some studies used romantic attraction as a measure of orientation,^23,24,26 some used self-labels,^18,22 and some used gender of sexual partners.^{16,20,25,27,28} Few studies offer the opportunity to incorporate correlates for orientation measured in different ways in the same data set.No matter how it is measured, it is important to examine levels of protective factors among bisexual adolescents separately, given the greater likelihood of risk-taking behavior and negative experiences at school among bisexual students. Drawing on data from different waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, 2 studies have found lower levels of connectedness to family and school and lower perceived caring by other adults among bisexual than among heterosexual adolescents.^29,30 Bisexual and gay or lesbian adolescents generally did not differ in their levels of protective factors, but this may have been partly attributable to relatively small samples of LGB adolescents in the longitudinal study cohort, which limits statistical power for comparisons between the 2 groups. Furthermore, the study is nationally representative of US adolescents in general but may not reflect the full ethnic diversity of LGB populations across the United States or Canada. Studies analyzing larger regional population-based surveys offer opportunities to confirm those findings for specific regions.Identifying whether protective factors work similarly for bisexual adolescents and their peers is useful, but it is equally important to monitor whether bisexual adolescents have the same levels of those protective factors in their lives. We therefore explored levels of protective factors among bisexual adolescents compared with heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, and gay or lesbian peers in 6 school-based surveys in the midwestern United States and western Canada. We posed 3 questions: (1) Are levels of protective factors different between bisexual adolescents and heterosexual adolescents? (2) Are levels of protective factors different between bisexual adolescents and gay or lesbian adolescents? (3) Are these patterns consistent across varying measures of sexual orientation?     

Life-Course Socioeconomic Position and Incidence of Diabetes Mellitus Among Blacks and Whites: The Alameda County Study, 1965�C1999

Objectives. We examined associations between several life-course socioeconomic position (SEP) measures (childhood SEP, education, income, occupation) and diabetes incidence from 1965 to 1999 in a sample of 5422 diabetes-free Black and White participants in the Alameda County Study.Methods. Race-specific Cox proportional hazard models estimated diabetes risk associated with each SEP measure. Demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and potential pathway components (physical inactivity, body composition, smoking, alcohol consumption, hypertension, depression, access to health care) were included as covariates.Results. Diabetes incidence was twice as high for Blacks as for Whites. Diabetes risk factors independently increased risk, but effect sizes were greater among Whites. Low childhood SEP elevated risk for both racial groups. Protective effects were suggested for low education and blue-collar occupation among Blacks, but these factors increased risk for Whites. Income was protective for Whites but not Blacks. Covariate adjustment had negligible effects on associations between each SEP measure and diabetes incidence for both racial groups.Conclusions. These findings suggest an important role for life-course SEP measures in determining risk of diabetes, regardless of race and after adjustment for factors that may confound or mediate these associations.Diabetes mellitus is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in the United States.^1,2 Type 2 diabetes disproportionately affects Hispanics, as well as non-Hispanic Black Americans, American Indians/Alaska Natives, and some Asian/Pacific Islander groups. In the United States, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are almost twice as likely to develop or have type 2 diabetes than are non-Hispanic Whites.^2–5 Significant racial and ethnic differences also exist in the rates of diabetes-related preventive services, quality of care, and disease outcomes.^6–10Researchers have attempted to determine why, relative to Whites, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are disproportionately affected by diabetes. For example, compared with White Americans, Black Americans are presumed to have stronger genetic^5,11 or physiological^11–13 susceptibility to diabetes, or greater frequency or intensity of known diabetes risk factors, such as obesity, physical inactivity, and hypertension.^14–17Black Americans also are more likely than are White Americans to occupy lower socioeconomic positions.¹⁸ Low socioeconomic position (SEP) across the life course is known to influence the prevalence^19–24 and incidence^3,19,25–30 of type 2 diabetes. The risk of diabetes also is greater for people who are obese,^3,17,31 physically inactive,^3,32 or have hypertension,^33,34 all of which are conditions more common among people with lower SEP.^16,35–37Several studies have focused on the extent to which socioeconomic factors, body composition (i.e., weight, height, body mass index, and waist circumference), and behaviors explain the excess risk of diabetes attributed to race.^4,12,19,30 For example, 2 separate studies, one with data from the Health and Retirement Study¹⁹ and the other with data from the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study,³⁰ used race to predict diabetes incidence. Attempting to separate the direct and indirect effects of race on diabetes,³⁸ these studies assessed, via statistical adjustment, which socioeconomic measures and diabetes-related risk factors, when adjusted, could account for the excess risk among Black participants relative to White participants.^19,30 Adjustment for education lessened the effect of Black race on diabetes incidence in the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study.³⁰ In the Health and Retirement Study, excess risk attributed to Black race was not explained by early-life socioeconomic disadvantage, but it was reduced after adjustment for education and later-life economic resources.¹⁹ The validity of this analytic approach has been challenged, however, because the socioeconomic measures used were assumed to have the same meaning across all racial/ethnic groups, a questionable assumption³⁸ in the United States, especially in 1965.We sought to explore the predictive effects of several life-course socioeconomic factors on the incidence of diabetes among both Black and White Americans. We examined demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and diabetes risk factors (obesity, large waist circumference, physical inactivity, high blood pressure, depression, access to health care) as possible mediators of the observed associations between SEP and incident diabetes (i.e., the development of new cases of diabetes over time).     

Intergenerational relationships between the smoking patterns of a population-representative sample of US mothers and the smoking trajectories of their children

Objectives. We assessed intergenerational transmission of smoking in mother-child dyads.Methods. We identified classes of youth smoking trajectories using mixture latent trajectory analyses with data from the Children and Young Adults of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (n = 6349). We regressed class membership on prenatal and postnatal exposure to maternal smoking, including social and behavioral variables, to control for selection.Results. Youth smoking trajectories entailed early-onset persistent smoking, early-onset experimental discontinued smoking, late-onset persistent smoking, and nonsmoking. The likelihood of early onset versus late onset and early onset versus nonsmoking were significantly higher among youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus either postnatally alone or unexposed. Controlling for selection, the increased likelihood of early onset versus nonsmoking remained significant for each exposure group versus unexposed, as did early onset versus late onset and late onset versus nonsmoking for youths exposed prenatally and postnatally versus unexposed. Experimental smoking was notable among youths whose mothers smoked but quit before the child''s birth.Conclusions. Both physiological and social role-modeling mechanisms of intergenerational transmission are evident. Prioritization of tobacco control for pregnant women, mothers, and youths remains a critical, interrelated objective.Women who smoke during pregnancy are more likely to have offspring who become adolescent smokers.^1–7 Studies link mother''s smoking during pregnancy with youths'' earlier smoking initiation,^3,7–9 greater persistence in regular smoking,^3,7 and stronger nicotine dependency.^6,8,10,11Hypothesized physiological pathways for mother-to-child transmission of smoking are reviewed elsewhere^12–14 and may include inherited susceptibility to addiction alone or in combination with in utero neurodevelopmental exposure and scarring that activates nicotine susceptibility. Furthermore, because few women who smoke during pregnancy quit after delivery^15,16 higher rates of smoking among offspring may reflect role modeling of maternal smoking behavior. Notably, parental smoking is hypothesized to demonstrate pro-smoking norms and solidify pro-smoking attitudes.^17,18Studies considering both smoking during pregnancy and subsequent maternal smoking outcomes have sought to distinguish between these proposed social and physiological transmission pathways.^{1–4,6,7,9,19} Similarly, studies controlling for family sociodemographic factors^{1,2,4,5,7,8,10,11,19,20} or maternal propensity for health or risk taking^1,2,9,10 have sought to further distinguish direct physiological or social transmission from selection. Studies considering children''s cognitive and behavioral outcomes have shown that selection by maternal social and behavioral precursors to smoking during pregnancy strongly biases findings on smoking during pregnancy^21,22; however, it remains unclear whether this is also the case for youth smoking. Some studies^2,3,5,6,19 have observed that smoking during pregnancy operates independently of subsequent maternal smoking. A few have found that smoking during pregnancy is only independently associated in select analyses (e.g., for initiation but not frequency or number of cigarettes^6,9 or only among females^7,20). Several have found that smoking during pregnancy does not operate independently of subsequent maternal smoking behavior,^1,4 and the remaining studies do not address postnatal maternal smoking.^8,9,11We explored whether these inconsistencies in findings supporting social or physiological mechanisms for intergenerational transmission can be accounted for by more comprehensively examining maternal and child smoking behavior. Previous work has established the advantages of statistical models for youth smoking trajectories that capture initiation, experimentation, cessation, or continued use.^23–28 Studies focusing on parental smoking concurrent with youth smoking suggest that postnatal exposures may differentially predispose youths for specific smoking trajectories.^24,26–28 Only 3 known studies have considered whether smoking during pregnancy influences youth smoking progression, and these have shown greater likelihood of early regular use^3,11 and telescoping to dependence.⁸ However, limitations of sample selectivity and measurement and modeling of maternal and youth smoking outcomes restrict the generalizability and scope of these findings.²⁹ To specifically address these limitations and more comprehensively assess hypothesized intergenerational transmission pathways, we used US population–representative data, latent variable techniques, and a rich set of data on maternal and youth smoking and social and behavioral selection factors. We characterized trajectories of youth smoking from adolescence through young adulthood and considered exposure to various maternal smoking patterns from prebirth to the child''s early adolescence.     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

Promoters and Barriers to Fruit, Vegetable, and Fast-Food Consumption Among Urban, Low-Income African Americans��A Qualitative Approach

To identify promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption, we interviewed low-income African Americans in Philadelphia. Salient promoters and barriers were distinct from each other and differed by food type: taste was a promoter and cost a barrier to all foods; convenience, cravings, and preferences promoted consumption of fast foods; health concerns promoted consumption of fruits and vegetables and avoidance of fast foods. Promoters and barriers differed by gender and age. Strategies for dietary change should consider food type, gender, and age.Diet-related chronic diseases—the leading causes of death in the United States^1,2—disproportionately affect African Americans^3–7 and those having low income.^8–10 Low-income African Americans tend to have diets that promote obesity, morbidity, and premature mortality^3,4,11,12; are low in fruits and vegetables^13–18; and are high in processed and fast foods.^19–23Factors that may encourage disease-promoting diets include individual tastes and preferences, cultural values and heritage, social and economic contexts, and systemic influences like media and marketing.^24–30 Because previous research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has largely come from an etic (outsider) perspective, it has potentially overlooked community-relevant insights, missed local understanding, and failed to identify effective sustainable solutions.³¹ Experts have therefore called for greater understanding of an emic (insider) perspective through qualitative methods.³¹ However, past qualitative research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has been limited, focusing mostly or exclusively on ethnic considerations,^28,29 workplace issues,¹⁰ women,^32–38 young people,^38,39 or only those with chronic diseases^34,36,39,40 and neglecting potentially important differences by age and gender.^31,41–43To build on prior research, we conducted interviews in a community-recruited sample using the standard anthropological technique of freelisting.^44–46 Our goals were (1) to identify the promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption most salient to urban, low-income African Americans and (2) to look for variation by gender and age.     

Health Among Caregivers of Children With Health Problems: Findings From a Canadian Population-Based Study

Objectives. We used population-based data to evaluate whether caring for a child with health problems had implications for caregiver health after we controlled for relevant covariates.Methods. We used data on 9401 children and their caregivers from a population-based Canadian study. We performed analyses to compare 3633 healthy children with 2485 children with health problems. Caregiver health outcomes included chronic conditions, activity limitations, self-reported general health, depressive symptoms, social support, family functioning, and marital satisfaction. Covariates included family (single-parent status, number of children, income adequacy), caregiver (gender, age, education, smoking status, biological relationship to child), and child (age, gender) characteristics.Results. Logistic regression showed that caregivers of children with health problems had more than twice the odds of reporting chronic conditions, activity limitations, and elevated depressive symptoms, and had greater odds of reporting poorer general health than did caregivers of healthy children.Conclusions. Caregivers of children with health problems had substantially greater odds of health problems than did caregivers of healthy children. The findings are consistent with the movement toward family-centered services recognizing the link between caregivers'' health and health of the children for whom they care.Caring for a child with health problems can entail greater than average time demands,^1,2 medical costs,^3,4 employment constraints,^5,6 and childcare challenges.^6–8 These demands may affect the health of caregivers, a notion supported by a variety of small-scale observational studies that have shown increased levels of stress, distress, emotional problems, and depression among caregivers of children with health problems.^1,2,5,9–12Whether these problems are caused by the additional demands of caring for children with health problems or by confounding variables is difficult to answer definitively. The literature reports the identification of a variety of factors purported to be associated with caregiver health, including contextual factors such as socioeconomic status^13–17; child factors such as level of disability,^{1,11,13,18–21} presence of behavior problems,^22–25 and overall child adjustment²⁶; and caregiver-related characteristics such as coping strategies^11,22,27 and support from friends and family.^15,17,28,29 In general, this work has been based on small clinic-based samples^9,30 or specific child populations (e.g., cerebral palsy,^5,25 attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder^31,32), and typically has been hampered by limited generalizability and a lack of careful, multivariate analysis. Furthermore, most studies have focused on caregivers'' psychological health,^1,2,5,9–12 although physical health effects may also exist among caregivers.^5,19,25,33One of the few studies to involve large-scale, population-based data compared the health of 468 caregivers of children with cerebral palsy to the health of a population-based sample of Canadian parents.⁵ The study showed that caregivers of children with cerebral palsy had poorer health on a variety of physical and psychological health measures. Furthermore, the data were consistent with a stress process model,^5,25 which proposes that additional stresses associated with caring for a child with cerebral palsy directly contribute to poorer caregiver health. However, these findings were based on a specific subpopulation of caregivers and univariate comparisons that could not control for potentially important confounders such as variation in caregiver education, income, and other demographic factors.We used population-based data to test the hypothesis that the health of caregivers of children with health problems would be significantly poorer than that of caregivers of healthy children, even after we controlled for relevant covariates. Our approach of using large-scale, population-based data representing a broad spectrum of childhood health problems³⁴ makes 4 key contributions to the current literature. First, our use of population-based data rather than small-scale, clinic-based studies yielded results that are potentially generalizable to a wide group of caregivers caring for children with health problems. Second, our examination of children with and without health problems allowed us to examine caregiver health effects across a wide variety of caregiving situations. Third, consideration of physical health outcomes (in addition to more regularly studied psychological outcomes) increased our knowledge of the breadth of caregiver health issues. Finally, controlling for relevant covariates allowed us to rule out a number of alternative explanations for caregiver health effects.     

Impact of individual-, environmental-, and policy-level factors on health care utilization among US farmworkers

Objectives. We examined individual-, environmental-, and policy-level correlates of US farmworker health care utilization, guided by the behavioral model for vulnerable populations and the ecological model.Methods. The 2006 and 2007 administrations of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (n = 2884) provided the primary data. Geographic information systems, the 2005 Uniform Data System, and rurality and border proximity indices provided environmental variables. To identify factors associated with health care use, we performed logistic regression using weighted hierarchical linear modeling.Results. Approximately half (55.3%) of farmworkers utilized US health care in the previous 2 years. Several factors were independently associated with use at the individual level (gender, immigration and migrant status, English proficiency, transportation access, health status, and non-US health care utilization), the environmental level (proximity to US–Mexico border), and the policy level (insurance status and workplace payment structure). County Federally Qualified Health Center resources were not independently associated.Conclusions. We identified farmworkers at greatest risk for poor access. We made recommendations for change to farmworker health care access at all 3 levels of influence, emphasizing Federally Qualified Health Center service delivery.US farmworkers face significant disease burden¹ and excessive mortality rates for some diseases (e.g., certain cancers and tuberculosis) and injuries.² Disparities in health outcomes likely stem from occupational exposures and socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities. US farmworkers are typically Hispanic with limited education, income, and English proficiency.³ Approximately half are unauthorized to work in the United States.³ Despite marked disease burden, health care utilization appears to be low.^1,4–9 For example, only approximately half of California farmworkers received medical care in the previous year.⁶ This rate parallels that of health care utilization for US Hispanics, of whom approximately half made an ambulatory care visit in the previous year, compared with 75.7% of non-Hispanic Whites.¹⁰ Disparities in dental care have a comparable pattern.^6,8,11,12 However, utilization of preventive health services is lower for farmworkers^5,7,13,14 than it is for both US Hispanics and non-Hispanic Whites.^15,16Farmworkers face numerous barriers to health care^1,4,17: lack of insurance and knowledge of how to use or obtain it,^6,18 cost,^{5,6,12,13,18–20} lack of transportation,^{6,12,13,19–21} not knowing how to access care,^6,18,20,21 few services in the area or limited hours,^12,20,21 difficulty leaving work,¹⁹ lack of time,^5,13,19 language differences,^6,8,18–20 and fear of the medical system,¹³ losing employment,⁶ and immigration officials.²¹ Few studies have examined correlates of health care use among farmworkers. Those that have are outdated or limited in representativeness.^5,7,14,22,23 Thus, we systematically examined correlates of US health care use in a nationally representative sample of farmworkers, using recently collected data. The sampling strategy and application of postsampling weights enhance generalizability. We selected correlates on the basis of previous literature and the behavioral model for vulnerable populations.²⁴ The behavioral model posits that predisposing, enabling, and need characteristics influence health care use.²⁵ The ecological model, which specifies several levels of influence on behavior (e.g., policy, environmental, intrapersonal),²⁶ provided the overall theoretical framework. To our knowledge, we are the first to extensively examine multilevel correlates of farmworker health care use. We sought to identify farmworkers at greatest risk for low health care use and to suggest areas for intervention at all 3 levels of influence so that farmworker service provision can be improved.     

Prevalence,Harm Perceptions,and Reasons for Using Noncombustible Tobacco Products Among Current and Former Smokers

Objectives. We provided estimates of noncombustible tobacco product (electronic nicotine delivery systems [ENDS]; snus; chewing tobacco, dip, or snuff; and dissolvables) use among current and former smokers and examined harm perceptions of noncombustible tobacco products and reasons for their use.Methods. We assessed awareness of, prevalence of, purchase of, harm perceptions of, and reasons for using noncombustible tobacco products among 1487 current and former smokers from 8 US designated market areas. We used adjusted logistic regression to identify correlates of noncombustible tobacco product use.Results. Of the sample, 96% were aware of at least 1 noncombustible tobacco product, but only 33% had used and 21% had purchased one. Noncombustible tobacco product use was associated with being male, non-Hispanic White, younger, and more nicotine dependent. Respondents used noncombustible tobacco products to cut down or quit cigarettes, but only snus was associated with a higher likelihood of making a quit attempt. Users of noncombustible tobacco products, particularly ENDS, were most likely to endorse the product as less harmful than cigarettes.Conclusions. Smokers may use noncombustible tobacco products to cut down or quit smoking. However, noncombustible tobacco product use was not associated with a reduction in cigarettes per day or cessation.The use of noncombustible tobacco products has increased rapidly in recent years1–3 and may continue to rise in response to restrictions such as smoke-free indoor air laws and rising cigarette taxes.4–8 Noncombustible tobacco products can be grouped into 2 broad categories—aerosolized products such as e-cigarettes, or more accurately termed electronic nicotine delivery systems (ENDS), which deliver nicotine primarily through vapor inhalation that mimics smoking a traditional cigarette,9 and smokeless tobacco products such as chew, dip, or snuff; snus; and dissolvables, which deliver nicotine via oral mucosal absorption.10 These products are marketed to appeal to unique target audiences,9,11–13 such as smokers and young adults, and vary in levels of harmful constituents.9Noncombustible tobacco products are a critical part of the tobacco industry’s strategy to navigate the changing tobacco product landscape. Phillip Morris14,15 and RJ Reynolds16 have announced their intent to develop and market noncombustible tobacco products as part of a shift to reduced harm products.17 In some cases, noncombustible tobacco products have been used to expand the appeal of established cigarette brands to a broader spectrum of consumers, as with RJ Reynolds’s Camel Snus product.18 Most ENDS are marketed and sold independently; however, this is changing with Lorillard’s acquisition of blu eCigs in 201219,20 and the recent launches of RJ Reynolds’s Vuse digital vapor cigarettes21,22 and Altria’s MarkTen e-cigarettes.23Noncombustible tobacco product awareness and prevalence vary by product. In 2010, approximately 40% of adults reported awareness of e-cigarettes,24,25 rising to nearly 60% in 201125; awareness approached 75% among current and former smokers in 2010 to 2011.26 Between 1.8% and 3.4% of the adult general population has tried an e-cigarette,24,25,27,28 including up to 21.2% of current smokers.25,26 More than 40% of adults have heard of snus,29 5% have tried the product,29 and 1.4% are current users.30 Awareness of dissolvables is low (10%), and use is even lower (0.5%).29 Noncombustible tobacco product use is highest among young adults26,31 and smokers.24,27,28Although use of noncombustible tobacco products could potentially reduce harm associated with smoking if they replace cigarettes,32,33 some studies suggest that current smokers who use noncombustible tobacco products do not reduce combustible use and may delay cessation.12,34–37 For example, a study by Wetter et al.38 found that dual users of smokeless tobacco products and cigarettes were less likely to quit than were either smokeless tobacco product or cigarette users alone. This is of concern given the rising rates of dual use; a recent study reported that 30% of young adults who smoke cigarettes use at least 1 other tobacco product.31 Dual use is more prevalent among men,39,40 those of lower socioeconomic status,39,41 and youths and young adults.35,41,42Studies show that most users (65%–85%) perceive ENDS as less harmful than cigarettes,24,26,43 and 40% to 50% perceive snus and dissolvables as equally harmful as cigarettes.29 Few studies have examined reasons for use; one study of visitors to ENDS and smoking cessation Web sites found that nearly 85% used ENDS because they believed that they were less toxic than tobacco; other responses included use of ENDS to deal with cravings or withdrawal, to quit smoking, and to save money.43 Focus group research has shown that adults associate snus and dissolvables with historic images of chewing tobacco,34,44 express skepticism that the products are safer than cigarettes,34 do not view them as substitutes for cigarettes,34,44 and express concern about the user’s lack of control of nicotine ingestion relative to cigarettes.44 By contrast, young adults expressed positive perceptions of snus, dissolvables, and ENDS, in part because of a willingness to experiment with new products and because they are available in flavors.45With the ever-changing tobacco marketplace and the tobacco companies’ commitment to the development and promotion of noncombustible tobacco products, surveillance is critical. This study built on previous research to provide current estimates of noncombustible tobacco product use among current and former smokers and examined harm perceptions of noncombustible tobacco products and reasons for their use.     

Measuring Indoor Air Quality of Hookah Lounges

Many states have implemented smoke-free workplace laws to protect employees and customers from exposure to secondhand smoke. However, exemptions in these laws have allowed indoor tobacco smoking in hookah lounges to proliferate in recent years. To describe the amount of secondhand smoke in hookah lounges, we measured the indoor air quality of 10 hookah lounges in Oregon. Air quality measurements ranged from “unhealthy” to “hazardous” according to Environmental Protection Agency standards, indicating a potential health risk for patrons and employees.Hookahs are pipes used to smoke flavored, sweetened tobacco. Hookah tobacco smoke contains tar, carbon monoxide and other toxins found in cigarette smoke, and in a typical hookah session, smokers inhale more than 40 times the volume of smoke produced by a cigarette.1–3 Hookah lounges are businesses that provide an indoor environment for hookah smoking and sell hookah tobacco in dozens of candy and fruit flavors.4 Indoor smoking in hookah lounges can expose employees and customers to secondhand smoke. Many states have implemented comprehensive smoke-free workplace laws that protect employees and patrons from exposure to secondhand smoke.5 Whereas some laws ban all tobacco use, others include exemptions which have allowed hookah lounges to proliferate.6,7Tobacco smoke is a mixture of chemical compounds that are bound to aerosol particles or are free in the gas phase.8 The concentration of particulate matter in the air is a strong indicator of pollution from tobacco smoke. Studies have measured particulate matter from cigarette smoke in bars and restaurants that allow indoor smoking, revealing employees and customers were exposed to hazardous levels of air pollution.9–11 Hookah smoke contains many of the same toxins as cigarette smoke2,3 and has been associated with lung cancer, respiratory illness, low birth weight, and periodontal disease.12 Laboratory studies have measured the chemical components of hookah smoke, and carbon monoxide levels have been measured in patrons exiting a hookah lounge.1–3,13 However, no study to date has described the concentration of particulate matter in the air inside hookah lounges. This study fills a research gap by analyzing the air quality inside hookah lounges in Oregon.     

Hombres Sanos: evaluation of a social marketing campaign for heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women

Objectives. We evaluated the effectiveness of Hombres Sanos [Healthy Men] a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexually identified Latino men, especially among heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women (MSMW).Methods. Hombres Sanos was implemented in northern San Diego County, California, from June 2006 through December 2006. Every other month we conducted cross-sectional surveys with independent samples of heterosexually identified Latino men before (n = 626), during (n = 752), and after (n = 385) the campaign. Respondents were randomly selected from 12 targeted community venues to complete an anonymous, self-administered survey on sexual practices and testing for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. About 5.6% of respondents (n = 98) were heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.Results. The intervention was associated with reduced rates of recent unprotected sex with both females and males among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. The campaign was also associated with increases in perception of HIV risk, knowledge of testing locations, and condom carrying among heterosexual Latinos.Conclusions. Social marketing represents a promising approach for abating HIV transmission among heterosexually identified Latinos, particularly for heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Given the scarcity of evidence-based HIV prevention interventions for these populations, this prevention strategy warrants further investigation.In the United States, adult and adolescent Latino males represent 5.6% of the total population¹ but 18.7% of HIV/AIDS cases.² Low rates of condom use^3–5 and limited HIV testing^5–7 likely contribute to the risk for infection and transmission among Latinos.Sex between men continues to account for the majority of new HIV infections in the United States.² HIV prevention efforts have traditionally targeted gay and bisexual men. However, individuals’ self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to their sexual behavior,^8–12 and recent research has been focused on men who self-identify as heterosexual but have sex with men. The results of studies on men who have sex with both men and women (MSMW) suggest that, regardless of sexual identity, this population is at greater risk for HIV than are men who exclusively have sex with men; likewise, MSMW are at greater risk than are men who exclusively have sex with women (MSW).^11,13–16 Reasons for greater risk among MSMW may include lower rates of condom use^11,16 and having sexual partners who engage in high-risk sexual practices.¹¹Previous studies have suggested that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual sexual behavior^9,11,17,18 but less likely than are White men to self-identify as gay or bisexual or to disclose their sexual orientation.^19–23 Cultural factors such as homophobia, social stigma related to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism may inhibit Latino men from self-identifying as homosexual or bisexual.^{10,13,23–26} The degree to which Latinos integrate same-sex sexual practices into their sexual identities may influence their risk for HIV infection.²⁷ Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may perceive that they are at lower risk for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men, and Latino MSMW may thus be less likely to use condoms to protect themselves or their partners. Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.^19,27Nondisclosure of same-sex sexual practices among MSMW also has significant implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^9,17 More than 70% of Latinas living with HIV/AIDS in the United States were infected via heterosexual contact.² Most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with partners who use injection drugs,²⁸ but unprotected sex with men who have multiple partners, including MSMW, has likely contributed to a subset of HIV cases among Latina women.^2,29Social marketing involves applying the principles and techniques of commercial marketing to the promotion of behavioral change for the good of a target audience.^30,31 Social marketing has been successfully used for HIV prevention with gay and bisexual males,^32,33 racial and ethnic minorities,³⁴ and youths.^35–38 Interventions using social marketing have been associated with improvements in HIV/STI testing^32,34 and condom use.^36,37,39,40 To our knowledge, no social marketing campaigns have been designed to reduce HIV risk among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Because of the secrecy of their sexual practices and the perceived association of HIV infection with homosexuality,^24,41,42 heterosexually identified Latino MSMW are difficult to reach with HIV prevention efforts. This population is not likely to be exposed to prevention messages or programs targeted to the gay and bisexual communities.¹⁸ Moreover, interventions requiring active recruitment of heterosexually identified MSMW may fail to reach sufficient numbers or may not reach those who are most secretive about their same-sex sexual practices.⁴¹ We sought to evaluate the effectiveness of a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexual Latino men in northern San Diego County, California, with a special emphasis on heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.     

Associations of acculturation and socioeconomic status with subclinical cardiovascular disease in the multi-ethnic study of atherosclerosis

Objectives. We assessed whether markers of acculturation (birthplace and number of US generations) and socioeconomic status (SES) are associated with markers of subclinical cardiovascular disease—carotid artery plaque, internal carotid intima-media thickness, and albuminuria—in 4 racial/ethnic groups.Methods. With data from the Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis (n = 6716 participants aged 45–84 years) and race-specific binomial regression models, we computed prevalence ratios adjusted for demographics and traditional cardiovascular risk factors.Results. The adjusted US- to foreign-born prevalence ratio for carotid plaque was 1.20 (99% confidence interval [CI] = 0.97, 1.39) among Whites, 1.91 (99% CI = 0.94, 2.94) among Chinese, 1.62 (99% CI = 1.28, 2.06) among Blacks, and 1.23 (99% CI = 1.15, 1.31) among Hispanics. Greater carotid plaque prevalence was found among Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics with a greater number of generations with US residence (P < .001) and among Whites with less education and among Blacks with lower incomes. Similar associations were observed with intima-media thickness. There was also evidence of an inverse association between albuminuria and SES among Whites and Hispanics.Conclusions. Greater US acculturation and lower SES were associated with a higher prevalence of carotid plaque and greater intima-media thickness but not with albuminuria. Maintenance of healthful habits among recent immigrants should be encouraged.Beginning with the Ni-Hon-San study,^1,2 which was initiated in the 1960s, research has associated increased acculturation to Western lifestyles with more-adverse cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk factor profiles and with increased CVD morbidity and mortality. Specifically, greater Western acculturation has frequently been linked to increased body mass index (BMI; weight in kilograms divided by height in meters squared),^3–5 waist circumference and abdominal obesity,^6,7 hypertension,^7–9 type II diabetes,^10,11 and CVD morbidity and mortality.^1,12,13 However, little research has explored associations between acculturation and subclinical CVD.^14,15Abundant research also exists that links low socioeconomic status (SES) to increased levels of CVD risk factors, morbidity, and mortality.^14,16–18 In general, SES has been found to be inversely related to subclinical measures of CVD, including coronary artery calcification (CAC),^14,19–22 carotid artery plaque, and intima-media thickness^20,23–26 and albuminuria.²⁷ Relations with peripheral artery disease have been inconsistent.^28–30 The extent to which these associations vary by race/ethnicity has been examined infrequently. There is, however, some evidence that the relation between SES and disease may differ across racial/ethnic groups.^14,31,32 Specifically, in the Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis (MESA) there was a higher prevalence of CAC among Whites with low education than among those with more education, whereas the reverse was true for Hispanics.¹⁴We investigated whether acculturation and SES were associated with other measures of subclinical disease, specifically with carotid plaque and albuminuria. The relation of acculturation and SES to CAC has been described in MESA.¹⁴ Although CAC, carotid plaque, and albuminuria are all subclinical measures of CVD and are related to adverse clinical outcomes, these measures represent different aspects of the disease process and have relatively weak intercorrelations.³³ Thus, they may be differentially related to our exposures of interest.The investigation of these patterns is important from a public health perspective and may yield clues regarding the etiology of atherosclerosis. On the basis of previous work,¹⁴ we hypothesized that increased Western acculturation, as assessed by place of birth, migration history, and duration of US residence, is associated with increased carotid plaque, intima-media thickness, and albuminuria. Additionally, we expected there to be an interaction between race/ethnicity and SES with respect to their associations with subclinical CVD. Specifically, we expected Whites and Blacks at lower SES to have more-adverse subclinical CVD profiles than those at higher SES, whereas for Hispanics and Chinese, we expected the reverse to be true.     

Health status, neighborhood socioeconomic context, and premature mortality in the United States: The National Institutes of Health-AARP Diet and Health Study

Objectives. We examined whether the risk of premature mortality associated with living in socioeconomically deprived neighborhoods varies according to the health status of individuals.Methods. Community-dwelling adults (n = 566 402; age = 50–71 years) in 6 US states and 2 metropolitan areas participated in the ongoing prospective National Institutes of Health–AARP Diet and Health Study, which began in 1995. We used baseline data for 565 679 participants on health behaviors, self-rated health status, and medical history, collected by mailed questionnaires. Participants were linked to 2000 census data for an index of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. The main outcome was all-cause mortality ascertained through 2006.Results. In adjusted survival analyses of persons in good-to-excellent health at baseline, risk of mortality increased with increasing levels of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. Neighborhood socioeconomic mortality disparities among persons in fair-to-poor health were not statistically significant after adjustment for demographic characteristics, educational achievement, lifestyle, and medical conditions.Conclusions. Neighborhood socioeconomic inequalities lead to large disparities in risk of premature mortality among healthy US adults but not among those in poor health.Research dating back to at least the 1920s has shown that the United States has experienced persistent and widening socioeconomic disparities in premature mortality over time.^1–5 However, it has been unclear whether socioeconomic inequalities affect the longevity of persons in good and poor health equally. Socioeconomic status (SES) and health status are interrelated,^6–8 and both are strong independent predictors of mortality.⁹ Low SES is associated with greater risk of ill health and premature death,^{1–5,8,10–13} partly attributable to disproportionately high prevalence of unhealthful lifestyle practices^10,14,15 and physical and mental health conditions.^13,16 Correspondingly, risk of premature mortality is higher in poor than in more affluent areas.^16,17 Although the association between neighborhood poverty and mortality is independent of individual-level SES,^17,18 aggregation of low-SES populations in poor areas may contribute to variations in health outcomes across neighborhoods. Conversely, economic hardships resulting from ill health may lead persons in poor physical or mental health to move to poor neighborhoods.¹⁹ This interrelatedness may create spurious associations between neighborhood poverty and mortality.Although previous studies have found that the risk of premature death associated with poor health status varies according to individuals'' SES,^20,21 no published studies have examined whether the relative risks for premature mortality associated with living in neighborhoods with higher levels of socioeconomic deprivation vary by health status of individuals. Clarifying these relationships will inform social and public health policies and programs that aim to mitigate the health consequences of neighborhood poverty.^22,23We used data from a large prospective study to examine whether the risk of premature mortality associated with neighborhood socioeconomic context differs according to health status at baseline and remains after adjustment for person-level risk factors for mortality, such as SES, lifestyle practices, and chronic medical illnesses.     

Suicidal Behavior Among Female Sex Workers in Goa, India: The Silent Epidemic

Objectives. We sought to study suicidal behavior prevalence and its association with social and gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors among female sex workers in Goa, India.Methods. Using respondent-driven sampling, we recruited 326 sex workers in Goa for an interviewer-administered questionnaire regarding self-harming behaviors, sociodemographics, sex work, gender disadvantage, and health. Participants were tested for sexually transmitted infections. We used multivariate analysis to define suicide attempt determinants.Results. Nineteen percent of sex workers in the sample reported attempted suicide in the past 3 months. Attempts were independently associated with intimate partner violence (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.70; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.38, 5.28), violence from others (AOR = 2.26; 95% CI = 1.15, 4.45), entrapment (AOR = 2.76; 95% CI = 1.11, 6.83), regular customers (AOR = 3.20; 95% CI = 1.61, 6.35), and worsening mental health (AOR = 1.05; 95% CI = 1.01, 1.11). Lower suicide attempt likelihood was associated with Kannad ethnicity, HIV prevention services, and having a child.Conclusions. Suicidal behaviors among sex workers were common and associated with gender disadvantage and poor mental health. India''s widespread HIV-prevention programs for sex workers provide an opportunity for community-based interventions against gender-based violence and for mental health services delivery.Suicide is a public health priority in India. Rates of suicide in India are 5 times higher than in the developed world,^1,2 with particularly high rates of suicide among young women.^3–5 Verbal autopsy surveillance from southern India suggests that suicide accounts for 50% to 75% of all deaths among young women, with average suicide rates of 158 per 100 000.²Common mental disorders such as depressive and anxiety disorders, and social disadvantage such as gender-based violence and poverty, are major risk factors for suicide among women.^1,3,6–8 Although research from high-income countries shows that common mental disorders are a major contributor to the risk of suicidal behavior, their role is less clear in low- and middle-income countries in which social disadvantage has been found to be at least as important.^1,3,6–8 Gender disadvantage is increasingly seen as an important contributing factor to the high rates of suicide seen among women in Asia.^1,3,6,7 Gender-based violence is a common manifestation of gender disadvantage and has been linked with common mental disorders and suicide in population-based studies of women and young adults in Goa, India.^4,5,9 Lack of autonomy, early sexual debut, limited sexual choices, poor reproductive health, and social isolation are other manifestations of gender disadvantage.Sex work in India is common. An estimated 0.6% to 0.7% of the female adult urban population are engaged in commercial sexual transactions.¹⁰ Studies from developed nations have found a high prevalence of self-harming behaviors in people engaged in transactional sexual activity.¹¹ There is also growing evidence suggesting that HIV-positive individuals from traditionally stigmatized groups report higher rates of violence exposure and suicidal ideation.^12,13 Female sex workers in India are a traditionally stigmatized group, with high prevalence of HIV¹⁰ and levels of stigma and violence that relate to the context of their work.¹⁴ Yet, despite substantial investigation of their reproductive and sexual health needs, there is virtually no information on suicide and its determinants among female sex workers from low- and middle-income countries.¹⁵As demonstrated in the hierarchical conceptual framework outlined in Figure 1,^4,5,9 we hypothesized that gender disadvantage, sex work, and health factors together with factors indicative of social disadvantage are distal determinants of female sex workers'' vulnerability to suicidal behaviors,^4,5,9,15 the effects of which would be mediated though poor mental health.³ We studied the burden of suicidal behaviors in a cross-sectional sample of female sex workers in Goa, India. We explored the association of sociodemographic factors, type of sex work, sexual health, and gender disadvantage, with and without measures of poor mental health, on suicide attempts in the past 3 months.Open in a separate windowFIGURE 1A conceptual framework for social risk factors for suicide among female sex workers in India.Note. STI = sexually transmitted infection.     

First-Trimester Working Conditions and Birthweight: A Prospective Cohort Study

Objectives. We investigated the relationship between women''s first-trimester working conditions and infant birthweight.Methods. Pregnant women (N = 8266) participating in the Amsterdam Born Children and Their Development study completed a questionnaire gathering information on employment and working conditions. After exclusions, 7135 women remained in our analyses. Low birthweight and delivery of a small-for-gestational-age (SGA) infant were the main outcome measures.Results. After adjustment, a workweek of 32 hours or more (mean birthweight decrease of 43 g) and high job strain (mean birthweight decrease of 72 g) were significantly associated with birthweight. Only high job strain increased the risk of delivering an SGA infant (odds ratio [OR] = 1.5; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.1, 2.2). After adjustment, the combination of high job strain and a long workweek resulted in the largest birthweight reduction (150 g) and the highest risk of delivering an SGA infant (OR = 2.0; 95% CI = 1.2, 3.2).Conclusions. High levels of job strain during early pregnancy are associated with reduced birthweight and an increased risk of delivering an SGA infant, particularly if mothers work 32 or more hours per week.Delivery of a low-birthweight or small-for-gestational-age (SGA) infant as a result of fetal growth restriction is one of the principal adverse pregnancy outcomes. In the short term, low birthweight and small size for gestational age are major determinants of infant mortality and morbidity¹ and impaired neonatal development.² In the long term, they increase metabolic and cardiovascular disease risk.^3–5 Prevention of fetal growth restriction is therefore of undisputed clinical and economic importance.Maternal factors, obstetric factors (e.g., placental dynamics), and social factors,⁵ including employment-related factors, can all play a role in fetal growth impairment.^6–24 Although employment in general is associated with enhanced outcomes,^6,20,21 certain working conditions represent potential risk factors for the mother and child. Increased levels of risk resulting from long working hours,^{12,13,17,18,24} high physical workloads,^13–16 prolonged standing,^13,18 and psychosocial job strain^7,9,10,24 have been suggested, but the findings in this area are not unequivocal.^8,11,22,23 So far, 2 reviews have been conducted that focused on physical workload and delivery of an SGA infant. Mozurkewich et al.¹⁶ concluded from their review of 29 studies that physically demanding work is associated with SGA births (pooled odds ratio [OR] = 1.37; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.30, 1.44). Bonzini et al.¹⁹ reached the same conclusion in their study. To our knowledge, job strain has not been considered in any published review.Limitations in research designs,^6,8,19–21 variability in definitions and measurement of work-related factors,^6,18–20 and true variability across countries and cultures may account for the inconsistent results observed to date. Another important limitation of occupational hazard research is the focus on third-trimester exposures.^11,13 Experimental data and emerging theory point to the first rather than the second or third trimester as a crucial period for regulating the relevant fetal hormonal set points, in particular the hypothalamic pituitary axis (HPA).^25–27 Stress-dependent dysregulation of the HPA affects birthweight and a child''s subsequent growth and development.^25–31 From this perspective, employment during pregnancy is perhaps the most prevalent potential stress factor, given that few working women quit their jobs early in pregnancy.In an effort to overcome the limitations of previous studies, we explored the association between infant birthweight and employment-related conditions (e.g., hours worked per week, hours standing or walking, physical demands of work, and job strain) in an unselected urban cohort of pregnant women. We hypothesized that after adjustment for all known major cofactors, first-trimester work-related effects on birthweight would exceed the third-trimester effects reported in previous research.     

Childbearing Intentions of HIV-Positive Women of Reproductive Age in Soweto,South Africa: The Influence of Expanding Access to HAART in an HIV Hyperendemic Setting

Objectives. We investigated whether the intention to have children varied according to HIV status and use of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) among women in Soweto, South Africa.Methods. We used survey data from 674 women aged 18 to 44 years recruited from the Perinatal HIV Research Unit in Soweto (May through December 2007); 217 were HIV-positive HAART users (median duration of use = 31 months; interquartile range = 28, 33), 215 were HIV-positive and HAART–naive, and 242 were HIV negative. Logistic regression models examined associations between HIV status, HAART use, and intention to have children.Results. Overall, 44% of women reported intent to have children, with significant variation by HIV status: 31% of HAART users, 29% of HAART-naive women, and 68% of HIV-negative women (P < .001). In adjusted models, HIV-positive women were nearly 60% less likely to report childbearing intentions compared with HIV-negative women (for HAART users, adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.40; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.23, 0.69; for HAART-naive women, AOR = 0.35; 95% CI = 0.21, 0.60), with minimal differences according to use or duration of HAART.Conclusions. Integrated HIV, HAART, and reproductive health services must be provided to support the rights of all women to safely achieve their fertility goals.In sub-Saharan Africa, women of childbearing age comprise 61% of people living with HIV, accounting for over 12 million women.¹ In many regions, HIV incidence is increasing most dramatically among young women aged 18 to 30 years,^1,2 which coincides with their peak reproductive years.³ Globally, a plethora of evidence indicates that many women living with HIV continue to desire children,^4–8 become pregnant,^5,6,9 and give birth^5,6,10 after knowing their HIV-positive status.Childbearing decision making can be complex regardless of HIV seropositivity¹¹; among HIV-infected women, however, reproduction introduces additional personal, public health, and clinical care issues.¹² The vast majority of conceptions occur without the use of reproductive technologies such as sperm washing and artificial insemination.¹³ Thus, the unprotected sexual activity required for conception carries a risk of HIV transmission to uninfected sexual partners.¹⁴ Reproduction among HIV-positive women also carries a risk of vertical transmission during pregnancy and labor and through breastfeeding.^15,16 Moreover, HIV-positive women have a lower life expectancy than HIV-negative women,¹⁷ increasing the risk of maternal orphanhood.¹⁸ In light of these concerns, early reproductive guidelines for people living with HIV were dissuasive,¹⁹ and HIV-positive women who express a desire to have children continue to encounter the disapproval of the community and of health care workers.^4,20Nonetheless, although the potential health risks may have dampened the fertility intentions of some HIV-positive women, stigma associated with childlessness in many societies²¹ and the strong personal desires for biological parenthood⁴ remain potent drivers of childbearing intentions, despite an HIV-positive status. Indeed, in some cultural contexts, remaining childless can be a violation of societal norms more stigmatizing than the HIV infection itself.^4,22Expanding access to highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) is changing the landscape of childbearing decision making for people living with HIV.²³ HAART increases life expectancy,^24–26 decreases morbidity,^25,27 and dramatically reduces the risks of vertical²⁸ and horizontal^29,30 transmission. In this era of expanding access to HAART, the significant reduction in health risks and barriers to reproduction among people living with HIV has coincided with increased calls for a rights- and evidenced-based approach to reproduction.^31,32 Since childbearing intentions are among the strongest predictors of eventual childbearing,³³ creating effective and responsive sexual and reproductive health services for HIV-positive women in the context of expanding access to HAART requires a clear understanding of expressed childbearing intentions.Existing evidence concerning the influence of expanding access to HAART on childbearing intentions is largely incomplete. Although recent regional studies have shown that HAART use is associated with higher childbearing intentions, these studies neglected to consider the duration of HAART use^6,7 and tended only to compare the childbearing intentions of HIV-positive women without conducting a comparison with HIV-negative women from the same community.^6–8 Moreover, the lack of an HIV-negative control group precludes the opportunity to assess whether HAART users begin to resemble HIV-negative women in their childbearing intentions, particularly as HIV is increasingly recognized as a manageable chronic disease.Given the high HIV prevalence among women of reproductive age in Soweto, South Africa,¹ we aimed to assess the prevalence of childbearing intentions and to determine whether they varied according to HIV status and HAART use among women. We hypothesized that HIV-positive women would have lower childbearing intentions than would HIV-negative women. In addition, we hypothesized that HIV-positive women receiving HAART would have higher childbearing intentions than would HIV-positive HAART-naive women, with increasing duration of HAART treatment associated with incrementally higher childbearing intentions. Overall, we hypothesized that HAART use would narrow the measurable differences in childbearing intentions between HIV-positive and HIV-negative women.²³     

Walking and Cycling to Health: A Comparative Analysis of City, State, and International Data

Objectives. We sought to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of the relationship between active travel and rates of physical activity, obesity, and diabetes.Methods. We examined aggregate cross-sectional health and travel data for 14 countries, all 50 US states, and 47 of the 50 largest US cities through graphical, correlation, and bivariate regression analysis on the country, state, and city levels.Results. At all 3 geographic levels, we found statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and self-reported obesity. At the state and city levels, we found statistically significant positive relationships between active travel and physical activity and statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and diabetes.Conclusions. Together with many other studies, our analysis provides evidence of the population-level health benefits of active travel. Policies on transport, land-use, and urban development should be designed to encourage walking and cycling for daily travel.Many nations throughout the world have experienced large increases in obesity rates over the past 30 years.^1,2 The World Health Organization estimates that more than 300 million adults are obese,³ putting them at increased risk for diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, cardiovascular disease, gout, gallstones, fatty liver, and some cancers.^4,5 Several studies have linked the increase in obesity rates to physical inactivity^6–8 and to widespread availability of inexpensive, calorie-dense foods and beverages.^1,9The importance of physical activity for public health is well established. A US Surgeon General''s report in 1996, Physical Activity and Health,¹⁰ summarized evidence from cross-sectional studies; prospective, longitudinal studies; and clinical investigations. The report concluded that physical inactivity contributes to increased risk of many chronic diseases and health conditions. Furthermore, the research suggested that even 30 minutes per day of moderate-intensity physical activity, if performed regularly, provides significant health benefits. Subsequent reports have supported these conclusions.^11–13The role of physical activity in prevention of weight gain is well documented.¹⁴ Strong evidence from cross-sectional studies has established an inverse relationship between physical activity and body mass index.^15,16 In addition, longitudinal studies have shown that exercisers gain less weight than do their sedentary counterparts.^6,8 Thus, the obesity epidemic may be explained partly by declining levels of physical activity.^1,17,18A growing body of evidence suggests that differences in the built environment for physical activity (e.g., infrastructure for walking and cycling, availability of public transit, street connectivity, housing density, and mixed land use) influence the likelihood that people will use active transport for their daily travel.^19,20 People who live in areas that are more conducive to walking and cycling are more likely to engage in these forms of active transport.^21–25 Walking and cycling can provide valuable daily physical activity.^26–30 Such activities increase rates of caloric expenditure,³¹ and they generally fall into the moderate-intensity range that provides health benefits.^32–35 Thus, travel behavior could have a major influence on health and longevity.^29,30,36,37Over the past decade, researchers have begun to identify linkages between active travel and public health.^38–40 Cross-sectional studies indicate that walking and cycling for transport are linked to better health. The degree of reliance on walking and cycling for daily travel differs greatly among countries.^39,41 European countries with high rates of walking and cycling have less obesity than do Australia and countries in North America that are highly car dependent.²⁶ In addition, walking and cycling for transport are directly related to improved health in older adults.⁴² The Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults Study found that active commuting was positively associated with aerobic fitness among men and women and inversely associated with body mass index, obesity, triglyceride levels, resting blood pressure, and fasting insulin among men.^26,39,41,43Further evidence of the link between active commuting and health comes from prospective, longitudinal studies.⁴⁴ Matthews et al. examined more than 67 000 Chinese women in the Shanghai women''s health study and followed them for an average of 5.7 years.³⁷ Women who walked (P < .07) and cycled (P < .05) for transport had lower rates of all-cause mortality than did those who did not engage in such behaviors. Similarly, Andersen et al. observed that cycling to work decreased mortality rates by 40% among Danish men and women.³⁶ A recent analysis of a multifaceted cycling demonstration project in Odense, Denmark, reported a 20% increase in cycling levels from 1996 to 2002 and a 5-month increase in life expectancy for males.⁴⁵We analyzed recent evidence from a variety of data sources that supports the crucial relationship between active travel, physical activity, obesity, and diabetes. We used city- and state-level data from the United States and national aggregate data for 14 countries to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of each relationship.