Jeff Koons and the celebration of banality: impressions from Oslo

The annual conferences of the European Public Health Associationare a good opportunity to look around in the old continent.I vividly remember the Dresden conference in 2002, which broughtthe European public health community to a city reflecting thegreat and tragic history of Germany. Some of that history, andits effects on German public health, can be experienced firsthand     

Deprivation and survival from breast cancer.

We studied the association between deprivation and survival from breast cancer in 29,676 women aged 30 and over who were diagnosed during the period 1980-89 in the area covered by the South Thames Regional Health Authority. The measure of deprivation was the Carstairs Index of the census enumeration district of each woman''s residence at diagnosis. We studied the impact of stage at diagnosis, morphology and type of treatment on this association, with the relative survival rate and the hazard ratio as measures of outcome. There was a clear gradient in survival, with better survival for women from more affluent areas. At all ages, women in the most deprived category had a 35% greater hazard of death than women from the most affluent areas after adjustment for stage at diagnosis, morphological type and type of treatment. In younger women (30-64 years), the survival gradient by deprivation category cannot be explained by these prognostic factors. In older women (65-99 years), part of the unadjusted gradient in survival can be explained by differences in the stage of disease: older women in the most deprived category were more often diagnosed with advanced disease. Other factors, so far unidentified, are responsible for the gradient in breast cancer survival by deprivation category. The potential effect on breast cancer mortality of eliminating the gradient in survival by deprivation category is substantial (7.4%). In women aged 30-64 years, 10% of all deaths within 5 years might be avoidable, while in older women this figure is 5.8%.     

Post-1950 mortality trends and medical care: gains in life expectancy due to declines in mortality from conditions amenable to medical intervention in The Netherlands

In order to assess the impact of medical care innovations on post-1950 mortality in The Netherlands, we analysed trends in mortality from a selection of conditions suggested by Rutstein et al.'s lists of "unnecessary untimely mortality". This selection covers 11 types of innovation, and includes 35 conditions which have become amenable to medical care. Loglinear regression analysis shows that for most of these conditions mortality declined during each of two subperiods (1950-1968; 1969-1984). Mortality decline accelerated in the second subperiod for many conditions. Reductions in mortality from these conditions between 1950/54 and 1980/84 added 2.96 and 3.95 years to life expectancy at birth of Dutch males and Dutch females respectively. A priori evidence indicates that these mortality reductions are due to some extent to 'spontaneous' incidence declines. Although the exact contribution of medical care innovations to these changes in mortality thus cannot be determined, the impact of medical care on post-1950 mortality in The Netherlands could well have been substantial.     

Regional differences in mortality from conditions amenable to medical intervention in The Netherlands: a comparison of four time periods.

In The Netherlands, as in many other countries, important geographical variation in mortality from conditions amenable to medical intervention exists. Associations with a number of simple medical care supply characteristics (general practitioner density, hospital bed density, and percentage of regional hospital beds located in university and small hospitals) are generally weak and inconsistent, both before and after controlling for possible confounding factors. We explored one of the possible reasons for this lack of consistency, which is the time dependency of the relationship between medical care supply and avoidable mortality. A comparison of associations in four time periods (1950-54, 1960-64, 1970-74 and 1980-84) shows that the percentage of variance in regional mortality levels which can be "explained" by the medical care supply variables has changed over time. Although the patterns of change differ little from what one would expect on the basis of the time of introduction of medical care innovations, the exact nature of the associations is puzzling. Apart from some expected negative associations between mortality and the presence of university hospitals, we also found a few unexpected positive associations with general practitioner density. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed, and it is concluded that further study is necessary to reveal the causes of a higher or lower mortality level for conditions considered to be amenable to medical intervention.     

Occupational class and ischemic heart disease mortality in the United States and 11 European countries.

OBJECTIVES: Twelve countries were compared with respect to occupational class differences in ischemic heart disease mortality in order to identify factors that are associated with smaller or larger mortality differences. METHODS: Data on mortality by occupational class among men aged 30 to 64 years were obtained from national longitudinal or cross-sectional studies for the 1980s. A common occupational class scheme was applied to most countries. Potential effects of the main data problems were evaluated quantitatively. RESULTS: A north-south contrast existed within Europe. In England and Wales, Ireland, and Nordic countries, manual classes had higher mortality rates than nonmanual classes. In France, Switzerland, and Mediterranean countries, manual classes had mortality rates as low as, or lower than, those among nonmanual classes. Compared with Northern Europe, mortality differences in the United States were smaller (among men aged 30-44 years) or about as large (among men aged 45-64 years). CONCLUSIONS: The results underline the highly variable nature of socioeconomic inequalities in ischemic heart disease mortality. These inequalities appear to be highly sensitive to social gradients in behavioral risk factors. These risk factor gradients are determined by cultural as well as socioeconomic developments.     

Socioeconomic inequalities in mortality among women and among men: an international study

OBJECTIVES: This study compared differences in total and cause-specific mortality by educational level among women with those among men in 7 countries: the United States, Finland, Norway, Italy, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Estonia. METHODS: National data were obtained for the period ca. 1980 to ca. 1990. Age-adjusted rate ratios comparing a broad lower-educational group with a broad upper-educational group were calculated with Poisson regression analysis. RESULTS: Total mortality rate ratios among women ranged from 1.09 in the Czech Republic to 1.31 in the United States and Estonia. Higher mortality rates among lower-educated women were found for most causes of death, but not for neoplasms. Relative inequalities in total mortality tended to be smaller among women than among men. In the United States and Western Europe, but not in Central and Eastern Europe, this sex difference was largely due to differences between women and men in cause-of-death pattern. For specific causes of death, inequalities are usually larger among men. CONCLUSIONS: Further study of the interaction between socioeconomic factors, sex, and mortality may provide important clues to the explanation of inequalities in health.     

The Contribution of National Disparities to International Differences in Mortality Between the United States and 7 European Countries

Objectives. This study examined to what extent the higher mortality in the United States compared to many European countries is explained by larger social disparities within the United States. We estimated the expected US mortality if educational disparities in the United States were similar to those in 7 European countries.Methods. Poisson models were used to quantify the association between education and mortality for men and women aged 30 to 74 years in the United States, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Norway, Sweden, and Switzerland for the period 1989 to 2003. US data came from the National Health Interview Survey linked to the National Death Index and the European data came from censuses linked to national mortality registries.Results. If people in the United States had the same distribution of education as their European counterparts, the US mortality disadvantage would be larger. However, if educational disparities in mortality within the United States equaled those within Europe, mortality differences between the United States and Europe would be reduced by 20% to 100%.Conclusions. Larger educational disparities in mortality in the United States than in Europe partly explain why US adults have higher mortality than their European counterparts. Policies to reduce mortality among the lower educated will be necessary to bridge the mortality gap between the United States and European countries.The United States has lower life expectancy at birth than most Western European countries. In 2009, life expectancy in the United States was 76 years for men and 81 years for women, between 2 and 4 years less than in several European countries.1 The disadvantage is greater for women than for men and originated in the 1980s.2 The US health disadvantage is found not only for life expectancy, but also for self-reported health measures,3,4 biomarkers,3 and many specific causes of death5,6 across the entire life course.3–5,7A recent report by the National Research Council suggests that smoking and obesity explain an important part of the US mortality disadvantage.2,8,9 However, an approach that solely emphasizes behavioral differences is impoverished by ignoring the role of socioeconomic and environmental determinants.10 A substantial body of research suggests that most behavioral risk factors are socially patterned; lower education or income are associated with a higher prevalence of smoking, excessive alcohol consumption, obesity, and poor dietary patterns.11–19 In addition, European countries and the United States differ in many aspects of the physical and social environment that can affect population health and that are in turn socially patterned within each country. For example, the socioeconomic distribution of access to healthy food differs between countries.20 Social environmental factors related to safety, violence, social connections, social participation, social cohesion, social capital, and collective efficacy have also been shown to influence health and in turn differ between countries and socioeconomic groups.21 Indeed, differences in mortality between the United States and Europe are larger among those with a lower educational level,6 suggesting that larger educational disparities in mortality, which partly coincide with differences in behavior, partly explain why Americans have higher mortality than Europeans.The United States is characterized by relatively higher levels of income inequalities,22 residential and racial segregation,23–25 and financial barriers to health care access2,26 than any European country. Social protection policies and benefits are also less comprehensive in the United States than in Europe, including policies on early education and childcare programs,27 access to high-quality education,28 employment protection and support programs,29,30 and housing29,31 and income transfer programs.31,32 A plausible hypothesis is that the more unequal distribution of resources and less comprehensive policies contribute to the more unfavorable risk factor profile and poorer health of lower-educated Americans as compared with corresponding Europeans.4,33,34 A follow-up report by the National Research Council and the Institute of Medicine published in 2013 concluded that there is a lack of evidence on how these factors explain the US health disadvantage.21 The aim of this article is to assess to what extent larger educational disparities in mortality explain why Americans have higher mortality than Europeans.