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1.
Elizabeth A. Simpson Valentina Sclafani Annika Paukner Amanda F. Hamel Melinda A. Novak Jerrold S. Meyer Stephen J. Suomi Pier Francesco Ferrari 《Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America》2014,111(19):6922-6927
Early caregiver–infant interactions are critical for infants’ socioemotional and cognitive development. Several hormones and neuromodulators, including oxytocin, affect these interactions. Exogenous oxytocin promotes social behaviors in several species, including human and nonhuman primates. Although exogenous oxytocin increases social function in adults—including expression recognition and affiliation—it is unknown whether oxytocin can increase social interactions in infants. We hypothesized that nebulized oxytocin would increase affiliative social behaviors and such effects would be modulated by infants’ social skills, measured earlier in development. We also hypothesized that oxytocin’s effects on social behaviors may be due to its anxiolytic effects. We tested these hypotheses in a blind study by nebulizing 7- to 14-d-old macaques (n = 28) with oxytocin or saline. Following oxytocin administration, infants’ facial gesturing at a human caregiver increased, and infants’ salivary oxytocin was positively correlated with the time spent in close proximity to a caregiver. Infants’ imitative skill (measured earlier in development: 1–7 d of age) predicted oxytocin-associated increases in affiliative behaviors—lip smacking, visual attention to a caregiver, and time in close proximity to a caregiver—suggesting that infants with higher propensities for positive social interactions are more sensitive to exogenous oxytocin. Oxytocin also decreased salivary cortisol, but not stress-related behaviors (e.g., scratching), suggesting the possibility of some anxiolytic effects. To our knowledge, this study provides the first evidence that oxytocin increases positive social behaviors in newborns. This information is of critical importance for potential interventions aimed at ameliorating inadequate social behaviors in infants with higher likelihood of developing neurodevelopmental disorder.Oxytocin is a neuropeptide that has wide-ranging effects on social behaviors and social perception, including increased emotion recognition and prosocial behavior (1, 2). Animal studies present convergent evidence of oxytocin’s positive effects on social behavior (2–6), including humans (1, 7). In recent years, an increasing literature on human and nonhuman primates suggests an association between oxytocin levels—either endogenous or exogenously administered—and prosocial behaviors (8–10). In both humans and macaques, exogenous oxytocin appears to enhance social attention, prosocial behaviors, sensitivity to gaze, and sensitivity to facial expressions (for reviews, see refs. 1 and 2).Oxytocin, therefore, may be a tool for promoting social behaviors, especially in clinical populations in which social faculties are compromised (8, 11–13). In the last few years, in fact, oxytocin has been tested in autistic individuals, and it appears to increase social attention and improve emotion recognition (e.g., refs. 14–19; although see ref. 20; for a recent review, see ref. 21). Given the importance of early assessments in the diagnosis of autism (22), studies clarifying the role of oxytocin in early development are critically important. For example, human infants actively participate in face-to-face caregiver–infant interactions; failure to engage with caregivers in this way can disrupt the development of healthy emotion regulation and socioemotional skills (23–25). In both caregivers and neonates, complex cortical and limbic brain networks are prepared to sustain such exchanges (26–28), and several hormones and neuromodulators regulate the affective components of face-to-face caregiver–infant interactions (29–32). However, to our knowledge, studies investigating the role of infants’ oxytocin levels in these early intersubjective exchanges have not been carried out. Only one study to date measured endogenous oxytocin levels in newborns and reported that higher levels of oxytocin in newborns’ cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) were associated with higher levels of social engagement, including actively seeking parental social interaction for soothing and a greater interest in social interaction (33). No studies to date, however, have administered oxytocin to infants to determine its effects on social behavior, despite the fact that a more thorough understanding of oxytocin and its behavioral consequences may provide a potential tool for interventions aimed at promoting social affiliation in individuals with social impairments (11–15, 34). The necessity to fill this gap motivated the present study.Our first goal was to determine whether oxytocin influences newborn macaques’ behaviors during an interaction with a human caregiver. We predicted that oxytocin, compared with saline, would increase positive social behavior, including facial gestures [i.e., lip smacking (LPS) and tongue protrusion (TP)], visual attention to a human caregiver, and time spent in close proximity to a human caregiver (35). As adults, macaques display positive behavioral changes in response to exogenous oxytocin (2–6), as in humans (1).
Open in a separate windowAn additional motivation for the present study was to examine individual differences in sensitivity to oxytocin. We predicted that individual differences in infants’ social skills might moderate the effects of oxytocin. In particular, in the first week of life, macaques, like humans, imitate facial gestures (36); this response reflects the emergence of infants’ early social skills in tuning their own behavior with that of their mothers (36). Despite large individual differences in imitative ability (37), the neurochemical mechanism mediating these responses remains unknown. Early imitative abilities are associated with some aspects of later social cognitive development (37–39) and may reflect general social interest (for a review, see ref. 40). For example, macaque infants who consistently imitate in the first week of life, compared with those who do not, are better at recognizing human caregivers (38) and visually attend more to caregivers (39). Together, these lines of evidence suggest that the capacity to imitate at birth is associated with a range of social-cognitive skills, and that the interindividual differences in such skills may rely on neurobiological substrates mediated by oxytocin. Given that infants may vary in their social interest, and that oxytocin may enhance intrinsic social motivation (2, 4), we predicted infants’ imitative skill—a measure of social interest—may predict their sensitivity to exogenous oxytocin.A final motivation was to assess infants’ salivary oxytocin and cortisol levels, to determine the influence of inhaled oxytocin. Other studies report that administering oxytocin results in a dose-dependent decrease in plasma cortisol (41) and reduces anxiety, which increases affiliative motivation (42). We predicted that inhaled oxytocin would increase infants’ salivary oxytocin and decrease salivary cortisol. We also measured anxiolytic effects behaviorally by examining self-directed behaviors that have been associated with stress (43), including scratching, yawning, self-sucking, self-clinging, and interactions with the surrogate (SI Methods). In the second week of life, we carried out a procedure on 2 consecutive days, in which infants were nebulized with oxytocin or saline (one per day). One and 2 h following nebulization, infants were tested in an imitation recognition task in which a human experimenter imitated all of an infant’s mouth movements for 2 min, followed by 2 min of still face (i.e., neutral face), while trying to maintain eye contact with the infant. This paradigm was selected because of previous findings that monkeys recognize when they are being imitated (44) and display affiliation toward social partners who imitate them (45). We collected saliva samples 2 and 4 h after the end of nebulization to measure salivary oxytocin and cortisol levels (see SI Methods for details). 相似文献
Table 1.
Ethogram for 12 behaviors scored during imitation recognitionBehavior | Operational definition | |
Events | LPS | Lip smacking. Rapid opening and closing of the mouth |
TP | Protrusion and retraction of the tongue | |
States | Vis attn | Visual attention. Looking at the face of the human caregiver model |
Prox | Proximity. Infant torso is within 5 cm (infant arm’s reach) from cage front | |
Events | Scratch | Common use |
Yawn | Common use | |
States | Self-suck | Insertion into mouth of fingers/hands, toes/feet |
Self-clasp | Hand or foot closed on fur or some body part | |
Surrogate | Any touching of surrogate mother | |
Loco | Locomotion. Directed movement of torso (>15 cm within 5 s) | |
Explore | Exploration. Manipulating toys or bedding | |
Sleep | Infant lying down with head on floor of cage |
2.
Adam T. Tierney Jennifer Krizman Nina Kraus 《Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America》2015,112(32):10062-10067
Fundamental changes in brain structure and function during adolescence are well-characterized, but the extent to which experience modulates adolescent neurodevelopment is not. Musical experience provides an ideal case for examining this question because the influence of music training begun early in life is well-known. We investigated the effects of in-school music training, previously shown to enhance auditory skills, versus another in-school training program that did not focus on development of auditory skills (active control). We tested adolescents on neural responses to sound and language skills before they entered high school (pretraining) and again 3 y later. Here, we show that in-school music training begun in high school prolongs the stability of subcortical sound processing and accelerates maturation of cortical auditory responses. Although phonological processing improved in both the music training and active control groups, the enhancement was greater in adolescents who underwent music training. Thus, music training initiated as late as adolescence can enhance neural processing of sound and confer benefits for language skills. These results establish the potential for experience-driven brain plasticity during adolescence and demonstrate that in-school programs can engender these changes.By age six, the brain has reached 90% of its adult size (1). However, the years between childhood and young adulthood are marked by a host of subtler neural developments. Myelination and synaptic pruning (2–5) lead to a decrease in gray matter and an increase in white matter (6–13). Resting-state oscillations decline (14–16), and passive evoked responses to sound change in complex ways. Cortically, the P1, which is a positive deflection at around 50 ms generated within lateral Heschl’s gyrus (17), declines whereas the N1, a negative deflection at around 100 ms generated within primary and secondary auditory cortices (18–20), increases (21–23). Subcortically, the trial-by-trial consistency of the response declines (24, 25). An open question is how experience interacts with this developmental plasticity during adolescence. Is the transition from the plasticity of childhood to the stability of adulthood malleable by experience? And if so, what types of enrichment have the greatest impact on the development of the neural mechanisms contributing to auditory and language skills?Music training is an enrichment program commonly available to high school students, and its neural and behavioral consequences are well-understood (for a review, see ref. 26). Studies comparing nonmusicians with musicians who began training early in life have revealed a “signature” set of enhancements associated with musical experience (27, 28). Relative to nonmusician peers, musicians tend to show enhanced speech-in-noise perception (29–34), verbal memory (30–33, 35–38), phonological skills (39–45), and reading (46–50), although not without exception (51, 52). Music training has also been linked to enhancements in the encoding of sound throughout the auditory system. For example, musicians show an enhanced N1 (53–56). These enhancements extend to the subcortical auditory system, with musicians showing responses to sound that are faster (55, 57–61), are degraded less by background noise (32, 61), represent speech formant structure more robustly (32, 62–64). differentiate speech sounds to a greater extent (65–67), track stimulus pitch more accurately (68, 69), and are more consistent across trials (59, 70). In adolescence, music training leads to faster responses to speech in noise (71), but the extent to which adolescent music training can confer other aspects of the musician signature remains unknown.Motivated by a conceptual framework in which auditory enrichment interacts with the auditory processes that remain under development during adolescence, we undertook a school-based longitudinal study of adolescent auditory enrichment. We focused on objective biological measures of sound processing that (i) have shown developmental plasticity during adolescence in the absence of intervention and (ii) contribute to the “neural signature” of musicianship: the consistency of the subcortical response to speech and the magnitude of the cortical onset response to speech. Subcortical response consistency peaks in childhood, waning into young adulthood (24), coinciding with a period when learning a second language becomes more difficult than earlier in life (72). Response consistency tracks with language skills (73) and is enhanced in musicians (59, 70). Accordingly, we predicted that music training in adolescence prolongs this period of heightened auditory stability. Moreover, given that the cortical N1 onset response emerges during adolescence while the P1 response declines (17, 18, 21–23), and that N1 is enhanced in younger and older musicians (53–56), we predicted that music training during adolescence would accelerate the development of the cortical onset response.To test these hypotheses, we followed two groups of high school students longitudinally, testing them just before they entered high school (mean age 14.7) and again 4 y later during their last year of school. One group (n = 19) engaged in music training in which they performed music from written notation in a group setting whereas the active control group (n = 21) engaged in Junior Reserve Officers Training Corps (JROTC) training. Both types of training required investment of time and effort and emphasized the development of self-discipline, dedication, and determination; however, only the music training targeted auditory function. Both activities were part of the high school curriculum, which was otherwise identical for both groups. We also tested students’ language skills (phonological memory, phonological awareness, and rapid naming ability) to determine whether in-school music engendered benefits for literacy skills, a prediction consistent with cross-sectional studies (39–45). The two groups were matched demographically and on all outcome measures at the start of the study (see Demographic information Music training JROTC training No. female 8 8 Age at pretest 14.66 (0.42) 14.72 (0.38) Nonverbal IQ scores at pretest 51.74 (9.88) 51.14 (4.75) Avg degree of maternal education* 2.53 (0.84) 2.4 (0.75)