An event‐related potential study of predictive and integrative semantic context processing in subjects with schizotypal traits

Context processing abnormalities may explain thought disorder in schizophrenia/schizotypy. This study aimed to assess predictive and integrative context processing in subjects with high or low scores on the Schizotypal Personality Questionnaire (SPQ). The N400 amplitude was recorded during semantic judgment of sentence pairs ending with a lateralized expected or unexpected word from the same or a different category (related and unrelated violation). In both groups, the N400 amplitude was less negative for expected words versus unrelated violations, regardless of which hemisphere received the stimulus, and for related versus unrelated violations, but only for left‐hemisphere stimuli. The N400 amplitude for unrelated violations was less negative in subjects with high SPQ scores for both hemispheres. These results indicate that subjects with schizotypal traits use context to predict or integrate congruent words, but fail to inhibit incongruent words.     

Event-related potentials suggest early interaction between syntax and semantics during on-line sentence comprehension

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to investigate interaction between syntactic parsing and semantic integration processes during a visual sentence comprehension task. The linguistic stimuli were Finnish five-word sentences containing morphosyntactic and/or semantic violations. Single morphosyntactic violations evoked left anterior negativity (LAN) and P600 components. Single semantic violations elicited a robust N400 effect over the left hemisphere. A later and weaker N400-like response was also observed in the right hemisphere, left-right hemispheric latency difference being 40 ms. Combined morphosyntactic and semantic violations elicited a P600 component and a negative ERP component within the latency range of the LAN and N400 components. Further analysis of these ERP effects provided evidence for early processual interaction between syntax and semantics during on-line sentence comprehension. The hemispheric distribution of the LAN and N400 components was taken to suggest lateralization of initial morphosyntactic parsing and semantic integration processes to the left hemisphere. In contrast, the later syntax-related P600 component was observed as being more pronounced over the posterior areas of the right hemisphere.     

Revisiting the incremental effects of context on word processing: Evidence from single‐word event‐related brain potentials

The amplitude of the N400—an event‐related potential (ERP) component linked to meaning processing and initial access to semantic memory—is inversely related to the incremental buildup of semantic context over the course of a sentence. We revisited the nature and scope of this incremental context effect, adopting a word‐level linear mixed‐effects modeling approach, with the goal of probing the continuous and incremental effects of semantic and syntactic context on multiple aspects of lexical processing during sentence comprehension (i.e., effects of word frequency and orthographic neighborhood). First, we replicated the classic word‐position effect at the single‐word level: Open‐class words showed reductions in N400 amplitude with increasing word position in semantically congruent sentences only. Importantly, we found that accruing sentence context had separable influences on the effects of frequency and neighborhood on the N400. Word frequency effects were reduced with accumulating semantic context. However, orthographic neighborhood was unaffected by accumulating context, showing robust effects on the N400 across all words, even within congruent sentences. Additionally, we found that N400 amplitudes to closed‐class words were reduced with incrementally constraining syntactic context in sentences that provided only syntactic constraints. Taken together, our findings indicate that modeling word‐level variability in ERPs reveals mechanisms by which different sources of information simultaneously contribute to the unfolding neural dynamics of comprehension.     

Event-related potentials elicited during a context-free homograph task in normal versus schizophrenic subjects

Thought disorder in schizophrenia may involve abnormal semantic activation or faulty working memory maintenance. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded while sentences reading "THE NOUN WAS ADJECTIVE/VERB" were presented to 34 schizophrenic and 34 control subjects. Some nouns were homographs with dominant and subordinate meanings. Their sentence ending presented information crucial for interpretation (e.g., The bank was [closed, steep]). Greatest N400 activity to subordinate homograph-meaning sentence endings in schizophrenia would reflect a semantic bias to strong associates. N400 to all endings would reflect faulty verbal working memory maintenance. Schizophrenic subjects showed N400 activity to all endings, suggesting problems in contextual maintenance independent of content, but slightly greater N400 activity to subordinate endings that correlated with the severity of psychosis. Future research should help determine whether a semantic activation bias in schizophrenia toward strong associates is reflected in ERP activity or whether this effect is overshadowed by faulty verbal working memory maintenance of context.     

Will the glass be half full or half empty? Brain potentials and emotional expectations

Brainwave responses to words in context depend on semantic and world-knowledge expectations. Using the N400 component of event-related potentials as an index of word expectation, we explored brain responses to negatively and positively biased sentence frames randomly presented with their emotionally matched highly expected outcome or with violations that included switches to unexpected emotionally opposite outcomes or nonsense. Nonsense elicited large N400 responses regardless of the bias of the preceding sentence frame. Unexpected emotionally opposite outcomes elicited smaller than nonsense N400 responses and subsequent post-N400 frontal positivities, both unaffected by sentence frame bias. Over a midline-posterior scalp region, expected positive outcomes elicited larger N400 responses than negative ones, despite a high and matched word probability. Our study reveals that brains respond to unexpected emotional outcomes regardless of the direction of the emotional switch and hints at the possibility that the strength of positive and negative expectations may be adjusted before experiencing unexpected events.     

Early components of event-related potentials related to semantic and syntactic processes in the Japanese language

Brain activities were compared between semantic and syntactic processing in the Japanese language using event-related potentials with a 58-ch EEG system. We previously found that semantic violations elicited N400 and syntactic violations elicited P600 but not early left anterior negativity (ELAN) or left anterior negativity (LAN) using a relatively long stimulus presentation time (1 s). In the present study, we adopted a shorter stimulus presentation time (0.5 s), which might impose a heavier burden on the working memory system, to test the possible relevance of load on the working memory system to ELAN/LAN. A global field power analysis showed an increased potential field strength at the latency of 320 ms in either type, as well as those at the later latencies reflecting N400 (556 ms) and P600 (712 ms). Statistical analyses revealed a significant negative deflection in the right frontal region for the semantic type, whereas no significant deflection in either specified region was obtained for the syntactic type at the latency of 320 ms. The lack of ELAN/LAN suggested that it was not due to the deactivation of the working memory system. Moreover, scalp current density topographies implied that the processing of the verbal stimuli was mediated by distinct areas within the left temporal region, according to its semantic congruency with the preceding context at a latency as early as 320 ms. These findings are in line with the dual-route hypothesis of reading, which suggests that the reading of verbal stimuli semantically incongruent with the preceding context is dominated by phonological processes rather than lexico-semantic.     

Building up linguistic context in schizophrenia: evidence from self-paced reading

An impairment in the build-up and use of context has been proposed as a core feature of schizophrenia. The current study tested the hypothesis that schizophrenia patients show impairments in building up context within sentences because of abnormalities in combining semantic with syntactic information. Schizophrenia patients and healthy controls read and made acceptability judgments about sentences containing verbs that were semantically associated with individual preceding words but that violated either the meaning (animacy/semantic constraints) or the syntactic structure (morphosyntactic constraints) of their preceding contexts. To override these semantic associations and determine that such sentences are unacceptable, participants must integrate semantic with syntactic information. These sentences were compared with congruous and pragmatically/semantically violated sentences that imposed fewer semantic-syntactic integration demands. At sentence-final words and decisions, patients showed smaller reaction time differences than controls to animacy/semantically violated or morphosyntactically violated sentences relative to pragmatically/semantically violated or nonviolated sentences. The relative insensitivity to these violations in patients with schizophrenia may arise from impairments in combining semantic and syntactic information to build up sentence context.     

Examining the N400m in affectively negative sentences: A magnetoencephalography study

Magnetoencephalography was used to examine the effect on the N400m of reading words that create emotional violations in sentences. The beginnings of the sentences were affectively negative and were completed with either a negative congruous, positive incongruous, or neutral incongruous adjective (e.g., “My mother was killed and I felt bad/great/normal”). The task conditions were also manipulated to favor semantic over affective processing. Compared to the sentences with the congruous negative adjectives, the results of sensor space analysis showed that there was an N400m effect with the sentences with the neutral but not positive adjectives, despite both types of sentences containing an emotional violation. Source localization results showed a similar pattern where the sentences with the incongruous positive versus congruous negative adjectives showed no significant N400m effect in the temporal and frontal areas examined, but the sentences with the incongruous neutral versus incongruous positive adjectives in the temporal areas did, particularly the left middle temporal gyrus. These results suggest that (a) the N400m effect was likely to be caused by the incongruous neutral adjectives being comparatively harder to integrate into a negative emotional context than the incongruous positive ones, (b) emotional context created by the negative sentence stems caused deeper semantic processing of the incongruous positive adjectives to be bypassed, and (c) negative affective context was generated from reading the sentences even in task conditions where it has not been generated with isolated words.     

When syntax meets semantics

Three experiments concerning the processing of syntactic and semantic violations were conducted. Event related potentials (ERPs) showed that semantic violations elicited an N400 response, whereas syntactic violations elicited two early negativities (150 and 350 ms) and a P600 response. No interaction between the semantic and early syntactic ERP effects was found sentence complexity and violation probability (25% vs 75%) affected only the P600 and not the early negativities. The probability effect was taken as evidence that the P600 resembles the P3B, The temporal order of word processing in a sentence as suggested by the data was such that a more automatic syntactic analysis was performed (earlier syntactic-related negativities) in parallel with a semantic analysis 9N400), after which a syntactic reanalysis was performed (P600). A reanalysis interpretation of the P600 could explain why the extent of the reanalysis differed with syntactic complexity and probability of ungrammaticality.     

Semantic processing of highly repeated concepts presented in single-word trials: Electrophysiological and behavioral correlates

Repetition has often been associated with a reduction or a suppression of semantic effects. However, several studies have reported that semantic processing can still be effective for repeated target stimuli when the context, prime word or sentence frame, changes from trial to trial. This type of context-target designs allows to study semantic associations between repeated words. However, it is not optimal to study single concepts or categories and therefore structural aspects of semantic memory. Here, we tested whether semantic effects could be observed if single-word trials were used. Concrete and Abstract words were presented multiple times in two concrete-abstract classification experiments. In the first experiment, 6 words of each category were repeatedly presented. In the second experiment, only one word of each category was used. Results of both experiments showed significant effects of concreteness on reaction times and N400-like event-related potentials (ERPs), which were comparable to those reported in non-repeated conditions. In the second experiment, in which repetitions occurring in consecutive and non-consecutive trials were contrasted, N400-like effects were observed only for non-consecutive repetitions. These findings suggest that it could be possible to study the brain activity corresponding to individual concepts in experimental designs using single-word trials, provided that consecutive repetitions are avoided.     

A topographical study of ERP correlates of semantic and syntactic violations in the Japanese language using the multichannel EEG system

Language processing was investigated using event-related potentials obtained using a multichannel (58-channel) EEG system, with regard to semantic dependency (i.e., selectional restriction between a verb and the arguments it takes: the SR type) and syntactic dependency between sentence-final particles and interrogative phrases (the WH-Q type) in Japanese. It was found that semantic violations elicited the conventional N400, which was distributed in the bilateral occipital and the right temporal regions, and that the syntactic violations elicited the P600 in a broad area, predominantly in the centroparietal regions. Scalp current density mappings suggested that the right temporal cortex plays a significant role in integrating pieces of contextual information, especially when it is difficult to integrate a word in the context of a sentence, and that the P600 was connected to the syntactic processes conceivably indexed by the left temporal current sink with a relatively early onset.     

On the role of phonological short-term memory in sentence processing: ERP single case evidence on modality-specific effects

The present study explored a possible interaction between distinct language processes and components of phonological short-term memory (pSTM) in a patient with a pSTM profile. Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded while HG and age-matched controls engaged in auditory and visual sentence correctness tasks. Stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) was varied in the visual modality. Controls showed an early anterior negativity followed by a P600 for syntactic violations and an N400 for semantic violations in the auditory and the short visual SOA condition. In the long visual SOA condition only a P600 and an N400 were observed. Across all tasks, HG displayed a comparable early anterior negativity and N400 pattern to controls. However, the P600 was replaced by a centro-parietal negativity (500-800?ms) that was followed by a very late positivity (900-1300?ms) in the visual modality, indicating that late syntactic processes are sensitive to SOA manipulation. This result implies that the cortical regions lesioned in HG may be part of a neural network that engages the pSTM system during "temporally variable" late syntactic processing in the visual modality. The combined results indicate that the pSTM system differentially impacts semantic and late syntactic processes.     

Active and passive attention in schizophrenia: an ERP study of information processing in a linguistic task.

Attentional dysfunctions in schizophrenia were investigated using a sentence priming task. Schizophrenic patients and healthy control subjects were presented with sentences to which they were required to make a response based on either semantic or physical stimulus features. Schizophrenics' behavioural responses were slower than those of controls, particularly when attending to semantic relationships, but their performance was no less accurate. Both the P300 and the N400 components of the event-related potentials (ERPs) recorded to the sentence completions were attenuated in the schizophrenic sample. The results are interpreted in terms of a deficit in the active maintenance of semantic information in memory and the integration of new information with this representation.     

The Relationship Between N2 and N400: Scalp Distribution, Stimulus Probability, and Task Relevance

The N2 and N400 components of the event-related brain potential were compared along several dimensions. In one task, subjects discriminated on the basis of size, and in another task, subjects discriminated on the basis of semantic category. In one set of conditions stimuli deviated infrequently along one stimulus dimension (either in size or semantic category) and in another set of conditions stimuli deviated infrequently along two stimulus dimensions (both size and semantic category). When subjects discriminated on the basis of size, infrequent deviation in the size of the stimuli was associated with a negativity that peaked around 320 ms (N2). When subjects discriminated on the basis of semantic category, infrequent deviation in the semantic category of the stimuli was associated with a negativity that peaked around 400 ms (N400). N2 and N400 were found to be generally alike in scalp distribution, hemispheric asymmetry, and sensitivity to stimulus probability. N2 was not elicited when size changes were task irrelevant and N400 was not elicited when changes in semantic category were task irrelevant.     

On the role of phonological short-term memory in sentence processing: ERP single case evidence on modality-specific effects

The present study explored a possible interaction between distinct language processes and components of phonological short-term memory (pSTM) in a patient with a pSTM profile. Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded while HG and age-matched controls engaged in auditory and visual sentence correctness tasks. Stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) was varied in the visual modality. Controls showed an early anterior negativity followed by a P600 for syntactic violations and an N400 for semantic violations in the auditory and the short visual SOA condition. In the long visual SOA condition only a P600 and an N400 were observed. Across all tasks, HG displayed a comparable early anterior negativity and N400 pattern to controls. However, the P600 was replaced by a centro-parietal negativity (500–800 ms) that was followed by a very late positivity (900–1300 ms) in the visual modality, indicating that late syntactic processes are sensitive to SOA manipulation. This result implies that the cortical regions lesioned in HG may be part of a neural network that engages the pSTM system during “temporally variable” late syntactic processing in the visual modality. The combined results indicate that the pSTM system differentially impacts semantic and late syntactic processes.     

Neuropsychological correlates of N400 anomalies in patients with schizophrenia: A preliminary report

We investigated N400 anomalies and their relationship with neuropsychological disturbance of schizophrenia. Twelve patients with schizophrenia and 12 normal controls, matched for age, sex, education and handedness underwent both the neuropsychological test and the electrophysiological recordings employing semantic violation sentence paradigm. The patients with schizophrenia showed a reduced N400 amplitude and worse performance in the frontal lobe function test compared to healthy participants. Furthermore, statistically significant positive correlations were found between N400 amplitude and neuropsychological performances on the Stroop Task and Wisconsin Card Sorting Test in patients with schizophrenia. Our results suggest the possibility that N400 anomalies reflect the disturbed integrity of the fronto-temporal network in schizophrenia evidenced by neuropsychological deficits. In addition, we concluded that the N400 amplitude is a candidate for an endophenotype marker of schizophrenia by revealing its relationship to neuropsychological deficits.     

Processing sentence context in women with schizotypal personality disorder: an ERP study

Accumulating evidence suggests that schizophrenic patients do not use context efficiently. Also, studies suggest similarities in clinical and cognitive profiles between schizophrenic and schizotypal personality disorder (SPD) individuals, and epidemiological studies point to a genetic link between the two disorders. This study examined electrophysiological correlates of processing sentence context in a group of SPD women in a classical N400 sentence paradigm. The study assessed if the dysfunction in context use found previously in schizophrenia and male SPD also exists in female SPD. We tested 17 SPD and 16 matched normal control women. The results suggest the presence of abnormality in context use in female SPD similar to that previously reported for male schizophrenic and SPD individuals, but of lesser degree of severity. In SPD women, relative to their comparison group, a more negative N400 was found only to auditory congruent sentences.     

An electrophysiological investigation of indirect semantic priming

In two experiments, direct and indirect semantic priming were measured using event-related potentials. In Experiment 1, participants rated the relatedness between prime and target on a seven-point scale. In Experiment 2, participants simply read the primes and targets as they monitored for a semantic category in probe filler items. Significant direct and indirect N400 priming effects were observed in both experiments. In Experiment 1, the indirect N400 priming effect remained significant when indirectly related and unrelated word pairs were matched for participants' explicit relatedness judgments. In both experiments, the indirect N400 priming effects were preserved when indirectly related and unrelated word pairs were matched on more global and objective measures of semantic similarity. These findings are discussed in the context of current theoretical models of semantic memory and semantic priming.     

The interplay between semantic and phonological constraints during spoken‐word comprehension

This study addresses how top‐down predictions driven by phonological and semantic information interact on spoken‐word comprehension. To do so, we measured event‐related potentials to words embedded in sentences that varied in the degree of semantic constraint (high or low) and in regional accent (congruent or incongruent) with respect to the target word pronunciation. The data showed a negative amplitude shift following phonological mismatch (target pronunciation incongruent with respect to sentence regional accent). Here, we show that this shift is modulated by sentence‐level semantic constraints over latencies encompassing auditory (N100) and lexical (N400) components. These findings suggest a fast influence of top‐down predictions and the interplay with bottom‐up processes at sublexical and lexical levels of analysis.     

ERPs of metaphoric, literal, and incongruous semantic processing in schizophrenia

The ability of schizophrenia patients to access metaphorical meaning was studied on the basis of psycholinguistic models of metaphor processing. ERPs were recorded from 20 schizophrenic and 20 control participants who were asked to read metaphorical, literal, and incongruous sentences and to judge their meaningfulness. In all participants, incongruous endings to sentences evoked the most negative N400 amplitude, whereas literal endings evoked more negative N400 amplitude than metaphorical ones, consistent with the direct model of metaphor processing. Although the patients had ERPs patterns that were similar to controls, they exhibited a more negative N400 amplitude for all sentences, LPC amplitude reduction, and latency delay in both components. The results suggest that schizophrenics have no specific anomalies in accessing the meaning of metaphors but are less efficient in integrating the semantic context of all sentences--both figurative and literal.