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1.
IntroductionThis study sought to estimate the number of illicit retailers and the average price of cannabis in the largest municipality in each province and territory in Canada by obtaining information from retailers.MethodsOnline search engines were used to identify retailers in each municipality. The advertised prices for various volumes of the least expensive, most expensive, and most popular dry herb were determined using the retailer's website, Weedmaps, or Leafly. Data was collected between October 2017 and May 2018, including two waves in Toronto to examine changes over a five-month period.ResultsAcross the 13 municipalities, 997 cannabis retailers were identified, including 215 physical storefronts. The average price per gram of cannabis was $10.02, $7.80, and $12.30 for the most popular, least expensive, and most expensive strains, respectively. The price-per-gram decreased as purchase volume increased: purchasing one-eighth of an ounce and one ounce of cannabis led to savings of up to 9% and 27%, respectively. Prices were consistent across municipalities, although the number of outlets varied greatly. Prices were similar between storefronts and delivery-only services; however, delivery services offered larger discounts for cannabis purchased by the ounce. The five-month comparison in Toronto revealed modest changes in the number of retailers and more pronounced changes in the price of the most popular and least expensive strains.ConclusionThe findings depict a well-established retail cannabis market in Canada in the year prior to legalization. The average advertised price of the most popular cannabis varieties was approximately $10, which aligns with the projected retail price of cannabis from licensed sources following legalization in Canada.  相似文献   

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BackgroundIllegal drug prices are extremely high, compared to similar goods. There is, however, considerable variation in value depending on place, market level and type of drugs. A prominent framework for the study of illegal drugs is the “risks and prices” model (Reuter & Kleiman, 1986). Enforcement is seen as a “tax” added to the regular price. In this paper, it is argued that such economic models are not sufficient to explain price variations at country-level. Drug markets are analysed as global trade networks in which a country's position has an impact on various features, including illegal drug prices.MethodologyThis paper uses social network analysis (SNA) to explain price markups between pairs of countries involved in the trafficking of illegal drugs between 1998 and 2007. It aims to explore a simple question: why do prices increase between two countries? Using relational data from various international organizations, separate trade networks were built for cocaine, heroin and cannabis. Wholesale price markups are predicted with measures of supply, demand, risks of seizures, geographic distance and global positioning within the networks. Reported prices (in $US) and purchasing power parity-adjusted values are analysed.ResultsDrug prices increase more sharply when drugs are headed to countries where law enforcement imposes higher costs on traffickers. The position and role of a country in global drug markets are also closely associated with the value of drugs. Price markups are lower if the destination country is a transit to large potential markets. Furthermore, price markups for cocaine and heroin are more pronounced when drugs are exported to countries that are better positioned in the legitimate world-economy, suggesting that relations in legal and illegal markets are directed in opposite directions.ConclusionConsistent with the world-system perspective, evidence is found of coherent world drug markets driven by both local realities and international relations.  相似文献   

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BackgroundThere are increasing reports of social media being used to buy and sell illegal drugs internationally. Studies of social media drug markets to date have largely involved general explorations of social media drug transactions in select countries. Social media drug markets may operate differently for different drug types and in different country contexts.AimsTo identify predictors of the use of social media to purchase cannabis, methamphetamine, LSD and ecstasy/MDMA in New Zealand using a large-scale online survey sample.MethodsThe annual New Zealand Drug Trends Survey (NZDTS), an online convenience survey promoted via targeted Facebook™ campaign, was completed by 23,500 respondents aged 16+. Logistic regression models were fitted to identify demographic, drug use and drug market predictors of reporting the use of social media to purchase cannabis, methamphetamine, LSD and ecstasy/MDMA.ResultsFifty-one percent of the sample had purchased cannabis, methamphetamine, ecstasy/MDMA or LSD in the past six months, of which 22% had done so via social media (n = 2,650). Cannabis was the drug type most purchased from social media among drug purchasers (24%), followed by ecstasy/MDMA (13%). Sixty percent of social media purchasers had used Facebook™, 48% Snapchat™, and 20% Instagram™. The leading advantages of social media purchasing were “high convenience” (74%), and “fast transaction speed” (43%). Younger age was a significant predictor of social media purchasing for all drug types (particularly among 16–17 year olds). Purchasing from someone identified as a “drug dealer” was a predictor of social media purchasing among respondents for all drug types.ConclusionSocial media drug markets may have significant implications for drug purchasing by youth through providing greater access to supply and breaking down age-related barriers between social supply and commercial drug markets. Our findings highlight the importance of incorporating social media platforms into youth drug prevention and harm minimisation strategies.  相似文献   

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IntroductionNew Zealand has a number of unusual geographical features that may influence the price of illegal drugs including international isolation, numerous rural communities, and two separate islands (North and South Islands).Aims(1) Collect data on the prices of different drug types from all regions of New Zealand; (2) Identify independent predictors of the reported prices.MethodAn online drug survey was promoted via a targeted Facebook™ campaign. A total of 6331 respondents completed the survey. Normal regression models were constructed to identify predictors of the reported price of an ounce of cannabis, gram of methamphetamine, pill of ecstasy and tab of LSD using demographics, drug use frequency, drug market indicators, region, community size, type of seller, and location of purchase as predictor variables.ResultsHigher availability was a predicator of lower prices for cannabis (-3% per higher availability category), methamphetamine (-4%) and ecstasy (-5%). Those living in the North Island (-26%) and buying from gangs (-5%) paid lower prices for methamphetamine. Those living in rural communities reported higher prices for methamphetamine (+5%) but lower prices for cannabis (-3%). Daily cannabis users (+4%) and those on social welfare (+2%) paid higher prices for cannabis.ConclusionLower prices for methamphetamine in the North Island may reflect the concentration of methamphetamine manufacture there. The fact that gangs offer lower prices for methamphetamine suggests they do not have monopoly control of this market. Gangs may be able to offer lower prices for methamphetamine due to scale of production/trafficking and lower risk of victimisation. Higher prices for methamphetamine in rural areas may reflect less competitive markets. Lower prices for cannabis in rural communities may be due to proximity to growing locations. Daily cannabis users and those on social welfare may be less able to delay their cannabis purchases to low price harvest months.  相似文献   

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BackgroundThe use of new technology is frequently harnessed by drug suppliers to both increase profits and reduce risk. While a growing body of research has investigated drug sales through online pharmacies and cryptomarkets, despite growing media interest, no published research exists on how smartphone-enabled social media and messaging applications (‘apps’) are utilised in the drug economy. This study analyses the ways such apps (e.g. Snapchat, Instagram and WhatsApp) are utilised to supply and access drugs.MethodsThree data collection methods were employed: an international online survey of 358 drug users that had either used or considered using apps to access drugs; ‘rapid’ interviews (n = 20) with a similar population; and in-depth interviews (n = 27). Key issues explored were the perceived benefits and risks associated with sourcing drugs through apps, with specific attention paid to novel supply and purchasing practices.ResultsApps appear to provide a quick, convenient method for connecting buyer and seller. They were often viewed as a valuable intermediary option between cryptomarkets and street dealing, providing ‘secure’ features and the opportunity to preview product without the requirement for technical expertise. Apps are used in a range of novel and diverse ways, including as social networking spaces in which drugs are advertised, and as encrypted messaging services for communicating with known sellers and arranging transactions. Key anxieties related to potential for exposure to law enforcement and legitimacy of substances.ConclusionThough ‘social supply’ through friends is still typically preferred and there is a degree of wariness toward app-mediated supply, our data indicate that apps are fast becoming a viable option for accessing drugs. Apps can provide an easily accessible platform that connects buyers with commercial drug suppliers and substances that may otherwise remain elusive. Potential harms can be reduced through the provision of information which demystify common-sense assumptions that apps are secure and that this ‘visual’ drug economy promotes safer purchasing practices.  相似文献   

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BackgroundCannabis consumption is common among cocaine users; however, little is known about its effect on cocaine craving. The objective of this study was to assess whether cannabis co-use is associated with lower cue-induced cocaine craving in non-treatment-seeking cocaine-dependent individuals.MethodsData from twenty-eight cocaine-dependent men were analyzed in this pilot study. Cocaine-dependent subjects (n = 12) were compared with cocaine-dependent subjects who also abused or were dependent on cannabis (n = 16). After at least 72 h of cocaine abstinence, verified using the Timeline Followback and a drug screening test, subjects participated in a functional magnetic resonance imaging session during which neutral and drug cue video sequences were presented. Each sequence comprised four video blocks alternating with resting blocks. We report here subjective craving measures that were collected using the Visual Analog Scale, administered before and after each video block as per standard craving measurement paradigms.ResultsCocaine craving was successfully induced, with no significant difference in cue-induced craving between the two groups. However, post-hoc analyses revealed a significant increase in pre-video cocaine craving scores over time among individuals with cannabis use disorders.ConclusionWe could not highlight significant differences in cocaine craving induction between groups, but we observed a possible deficit in craving decay in the cocaine and cannabis group. In light of this finding, methodology of craving assessment in non-treatment-seeking users, particularly when different substances are combined, should possibly include outcomes linked to craving decay. Studies examining the association between cocaine craving decay and other outcome measures, such as relapse, are also warranted.  相似文献   

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BackgroundBuyers and sellers of illegal drugs in cryptomarkets have been found to overcome trust issues created by anonymity and the lack of legal protection with the help of reputation systems. Cryptomarkets rarely operate for longer than a year before closing or getting shut down due to external shocks, such as law enforcement operations. This results in large flows of users migrating between market platforms. An important question in order to better understand why cryptomarkets recover quickly after external shocks is: to what extent can reputation be carried over between different markets? This problem is non-trivial given the anonymity of cryptomarket users and the fact that reputation is tied to a user's online identity. Here we analyze conditions under which sellers choose to migrate with the same identity and whether reputation history from previous cryptomarkets yields benefits in new contexts.MethodsWe analyze sellers’ migration in three cryptomarkets (Abraxas, Agora and AlphaBay) and follow their reputation history by linking user accounts between marketplaces using the Grams database. We use longitudinal multi-level regression models to compare market success of migrant and non-migrant sellers. In total, the data contains more than 7,500 seller account and 2.5 million buyers’ reputational feedback messages over a period of 3 years.FindingsIt is predominantly the successful sellers with a large number of sales and high reputation who choose to migrate and maintain their identity using cryptographic methods after market closures. We find that reputation history from previous markets creates a competitive advantage to migrant sellers compared to market entrants.ConclusionReputation transferability embeds cryptomarket users beyond a single market platform, which incentivizes cooperative behavior. The results also suggest that reputation transferability might contribute to a quick recovery of online drug trade after shutdowns and accumulation of market share in the hands of a small fraction of successful sellers.  相似文献   

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BackgroundThere is little information on the prevalence of recreational drug use among UK heterosexual men and women, in particular on use of drugs associated with ‘chemsex’ within gay communities. The aim of this study was to examine among HIV-negative and HIV-positive heterosexual men and women in England: (i) the prevalence of recreational drug use (including use of drugs associated with chemsex), (ii) socio-economic/lifestyle correlates of drug use, and (iii) the association of drug use with sexual behavior measures and mental health symptoms.MethodsData are from the AURAH study of HIV-negative individuals attending sexual health clinics across England (2013–2014) and the ASTRA study of HIV-positive individuals attending HIV outpatient clinics in England (2011–2012). Prevalence of recreational drug use (past three months) and associations are presented separately among the four sample groups: HIV-negative (N = 470) and HIV-positive (N = 373) heterosexual men and HIV-negative (N = 676) and HIV-positive (N = 637) women.ResultsThe age standardized prevalence of any drug use was 22.9%, 17.1%, 15.3%, and 7.1% in the four sample groups respectively. In all groups, cannabis was the drug most commonly used (range from 4.7% to 17.9%) followed by cocaine (1.6% to 8.5%). The prevalence of use of drugs associated with chemsex was very low among HIV-negative participants (1.0% heterosexual men, 0.2% women) and zero among HIV-positive men and women. In age-adjusted analysis, factors linked to drug use overall and/or to cannabis and cocaine use specifically in the four sample groups included Black/mixed Caribbean and white (vs. Black/mixed African) ethnicity, lower level of education , cigarette smoking, and higher risk alcohol consumption. Associations of recreational drug use with measures of condomless sex, depression, and anxiety were observed in the four groups, but were particularly strong/apparent among women.ConclusionProviders need to be aware of cannabis and cocaine use and its potential link with sexual risk behavior and symptoms of depression and anxiety among heterosexual men and women attending sexual health and HIV clinics.  相似文献   

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BackgroundMonitoring drug use in México is a challenge due to emerging drugs and rapid changes in consumption patterns. The temporal and geographical patterns of cocaine, methamphetamine, amphetamine, MDMA, cannabis, heroin, ketamine, and fentanyl were examined in Mexican cities using wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE).Methods105 daily composite wastewater samples were collected from sewage treatment plants in fifteen Mexican cities. We quantified drug residues using liquid chromatography–high-resolution mass spectrometry, and estimated drug use by back-calculation of drug loads.ResultsWe identified ten drug target residues in at least one sample across cities. Drugs with the highest median levels were cannabis, methamphetamine, and cocaine. The median range of cannabis for one week was between 147 and 20,364 mg/day/1000inhab across cities, whereas methamphetamine ranged between 5 and 3,628 mg/day/1000inhab. Cocaine was found in levels between 2 and 370 mg/day/1000inhab. The highest levels of methamphetamine and amphetamine were observed in the US border cities of Tijuana and San Luis Río Colorado. The presence of heroin, MDMA, ketamine, and fentanyl was stronger during weekends, while cannabis, cocaine, and amphetamine were found throughout the week.ConclusionThis study provides the first report of fentanyl, norfentanyl, and ketamine in wastewater in Mexico. The results indicate an increased presence of drugs on known drug traffic routes, demonstrating that WBE can help identify areas of high drug use and assist governments in developing policies to reduce drug use and harm in the communities.  相似文献   

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BackgroundThe popularity of virtual raves and happy hours has increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. While nightlife settings are often associated with drug use, it is unknown whether virtual events are associated with use.MethodsElectronic dance music (EDM) partygoers who live in New York and reported recent drug use were recruited online and screened for eligibility throughout April and May 2020. Eligible adults (n = 128) were asked about virtual rave and happy hour attendance during the COVID-19 crisis. We examined prevalence and correlates of drug use during such events.Results55.5% of participants attended virtual raves and 69.5% attended virtual happy hours. 40.9% used illegal drugs during virtual raves and the most frequently used drugs were cannabis (29.6%), ecstasy/MDMA/Molly (8.5%), LSD (7.0%), and cocaine (4.2%). 33.7% used illegal drugs during virtual happy hours and the most frequently used drugs were cannabis (29.2%), cocaine (3.4%), and ketamine (3.4%). Older participants were more likely to use illegal drugs during virtual raves, and those reporting past-year use of more drugs were more likely to use drugs during virtual raves and/or happy hours (ps<0.05).ConclusionsEDM partygoers are at risk for using drugs during virtual events. Results can inform prevention and harm reduction efforts.  相似文献   

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BackgroundCocaine use among British football fans has yet to be quantified, despite its association with football-related aggression by the media. Identity fusion, a potent form of social bonding, is a well-established predictor of fan violence, which has never been investigated in relation to stimulant use.MethodsBritish football fans (n = 1486) completed a self-selected online survey about how bonded they were to their club and fellow fans, their cocaine use, and aggressive behavior toward rival fans over the prior 12-months.ResultsFans reported more cocaine use than the national average (6.19%). Of fans who attended stadia matches, 1.08% had used cocaine in stadia, and 30.05% had witnessed other fans take cocaine at matches. Fans who used cocaine reported significantly more aggression toward rivals than fans who did not. Cocaine and identity fusion significantly interacted, such that highly ‘fused’ cocaine users were especially likely to have behaved aggressively toward their rivals. Men were more fused and more aggressive than women.ConclusionFootball mirrors wider society, be it in social issues or drug use. The widespread availability of cheap but high purity cocaine may be associated with fan aggression, especially among fans who are highly bonded to their clubs and fellow fans.  相似文献   

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BackgroundLegalization of recreational cannabis use in Canada has prompted a wide array of new policy decisions to be made at all levels of government. Policies had to be designed and implemented to cover everything from the structure of production, distribution, and retail markets to zoning requirements governing the location of storefronts. Policies concerning price have proven particularly challenging due to a lack of observation data on price sensitivity of cannabis demand and the degree to which users are willing to substitute legal cannabis for illicit cannabis and other drugs.MethodThe most rigorous estimates of demand elasticity to date are derived from a sample of 289 cannabis users in Ontario who completed a hypothetical marijuana purchase task (Amlung & MacKillop, 2019). We calculate the optimal price of legal cannabis given a fixed illicit price based on this demand system for a range of parameters around the point estimates provided.ResultsOur results clearly show a dichotomy between minimizing social harms and maximizing government revenue from legal cannabis net of production costs and social harm. In all cases the social harm minimizing legal price was below the illicit price while the net-revenue-maximizing price was above the illicit price.ConclusionsThe existence of the illicit market must be considered when designing legal cannabis pricing policies as it limits the effectiveness of price increases in controlling demand. Legal cannabis prices in Canada have so far been more consistent with revenue maximization than with minimizing social harms.  相似文献   

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BackgroundThe legalization of medical and recreational cannabis is a topic of continued debate in countries around the world. It has been suggested that medical cannabis legalization influences cannabis legalization for recreational purposes through increased media attention toward the positive health effects of cannabis. However, the nature of media coverage is likely to vary across mass media and online sources (internet and social media). In addition, effects of information engagement on attitudes may vary depending on whether information was actively sought or obtained incidentally during patterns of regular media use (scanned).MethodsThis study uses data from an online survey of Israeli adults (N = 554) to test the association between information seeking and scanning about medical cannabis (from mass media and online sources) and attitudes toward medical cannabis. Furthermore, we test indirect effects of media engagement on attitudes toward cannabis legalization through medical cannabis attitudes.ResultsSeeking and scanning for information about medical cannabis from online sources, but not from mass media sources, were associated with positive attitudes toward medical cannabis. Engagement with medical cannabis information from online sources was also indirectly associated with greater support for cannabis legalization, through positive attitudes related to medical cannabis.ConclusionThe results suggest that one mechanism through which medical cannabis legalization is associated with cannabis legalization for all purposes is public engagement with information about medical cannabis in the media, particularly from the internet and social media channels. As increasingly more jurisdictions are expected to legalize medical cannabis, with resulting increase in media attention, support for recreational cannabis legalization may be expected to grow.  相似文献   

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IntroductionFrom the early use of pagers and cellular phones to the darknet and smartphones, technological developments have facilitated drug deals in various ways, especially by altering time and space boundaries. Traditional drug market literature theorises about how physical markets, within which sellers act according to their risk perceptions and motivation, are led by supply, demand, and enforcement. However, there is an almost absolute research gap in understanding how this relates to digital markets and social media markets in particular. It is expected that the plasticity of technology makes digital markets highly mouldable so that the sellers are able to shape markets according to their use.Research aimThe aim of the study is to describe and understand drug dealing on social media within the structure of existing markets. We aim to do so by analysing how drug sellers’ risk perceptions and motivations form and are formed by social media technology.MethodsWe conducted a three-month digital ethnographic study on Facebook and Instagram in the five Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden), as well as 107 semi-structured qualitative interviews with sellers (2/3 of the sample) and buyers (1/3 of the sample) using online markets within the same countries.ResultsDrug dealing on social media varies according to the structure of the chosen media and users’ risk perceptions and motivations. Two market forms are suggested: 1) public digital markets (e.g., Facebook groups and Instagram) allow sellers to expand their customer lists, but the risk is quite high, while 2) private digital markets are based on one-on-one communication and demand greater knowledge but are perceived as more secure. Sellers choose which media to use and how to use them based on perceived risk and, therefore, have a significant impact on the formation of social media drug markets.  相似文献   

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BackgroundCryptomarkets represent an important drug market innovation by bringing buyers and sellers of illegal drugs together in a ‘hidden’ yet public online marketplace. We ask: How do cryptomarket drug sellers and buyers perceive the risks of detection and arrest, and attempt to limit them?MethodsWe analyse selected texts produced by vendors operating on the first major drug cryptomarket, Silk Road (N = 600) alongside data extracted from the marketplace discussion forum that include buyer perspectives. We apply Fader’s (2016) framework for understanding how drug dealers operating ‘offline’ attempt to reduce the risk of detection and arrest: visibility reduction, charge reduction and risk distribution.ResultsWe characterize drug transactions on cryptomarkets as ‘stretched’ across time, virtual and physical space, and handlers, changing the location and nature of risks faced by cryptomarket users. The key locations of risk of detection and arrest by law enforcement were found in ‘offline’ activities of cryptomarket vendors (packaging and delivery drop-offs) and buyers (receiving deliveries). Strategies in response involved either creating or disrupting routine activities in line with a non-offending identity. Use of encrypted communication was seen as ‘good practice’ but often not employed. ‘Drop shipping’ allowed some Silk Road vendors to sell illegal drugs without the necessity of handling them.ConclusionSilk Road participants neither viewed themselves as immune to, nor passively accepting of, the risk of detection and arrest. Rational choice theorists have viewed offending decisions as constrained by limited access to relevant information. Cryptomarkets as ‘illicit capital’ sharing communities provide expanded and low-cost access to information enabling drug market participants to make more accurate assessments of the risk of apprehension. The abundance of drug market intelligence available to those on both sides of the law may function to speed up innovation in illegal drug markets, as well as necessitate and facilitate the development of law enforcement responses.  相似文献   

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BackgroundMuch attention has been directed towards the possible effects of e-cigarette advertisements on adolescent never smokers. However, e-cigarette advertising may also influence perceptions and behaviours of adult smokers. The aim of our study was to examine whether noticing e-cigarette advertisements is associated with current use of e-cigarettes, disapproval of smoking, quit smoking attempts, and quit smoking success.MethodsWe used longitudinal data from two survey waves of the ITC Netherlands Survey among smokers aged 16 years and older (n = 1198). Respondents were asked whether they noticed e-cigarettes being advertised on television, on the radio, and in newspapers or magazines in the previous 6 months.ResultsThere was a significant increase in noticing e-cigarette advertisements between 2013 (13.3%) and 2014 (36.0%), across all media. The largest increase was for television advertisements. There was also a substantial increase in current use of e-cigarettes (from 3.1% to 13.3%), but this was not related to noticing advertisements in traditional media (OR = 0.99, p = 0.937). Noticing advertisements was bivariately associated with more disapproval of smoking (Beta = 0.05, p = 0.019) and with a higher likelihood of attempting to quit smoking (OR = 1.37, p = 0.038), but these associations did not reach significance in multivariate analyses. There was no significant association between noticing advertisements and quit smoking success in either the bivariate or multivariate regression analysis (OR = 0.92, p = 0.807).ConclusionNoticing e-cigarette advertisements increased sharply in the Netherlands between 2013 and 2014 along with increased e-cigarette use, but the two appear unrelated. The advertisements did not seem to have adverse effects on disapproval of smoking and smoking cessation.  相似文献   

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BackgroundUse of social media and Internet for health information sharing is expanding among patients, physicians, and other health care professionals. Research on professional use of social media by community pharmacists is limited.Objectives1) To determine the extent to which Texas (U.S. state) independent community pharmacists use text messaging, email, Facebook, Twitter, and/or other information technology for professional communication with patients and health care professionals and identify the perceptions of Texas independent community pharmacists toward such usage; 2) to determine the extent to which Texas independent community pharmacists develop and employ their pharmacy websites to provide drug information and patient care services.MethodsA 25-item survey with questions addressing the objectives of the study as well as basic demographic questions (gender, age, and type of pharmacy degree) was mailed to a random sample of 1196 independent community pharmacists in Texas in January 2012.ResultsThe study response rate was 23.7%, with 284 usable questionnaires returned. The majority of respondents reported that Internet access is available at their pharmacies (98% (278)), and 91% (258) are familiar with the term ‘social media’. To communicate with health care professionals, 56% (n = 160) of respondents use email, 34% (n = 97) use text messages and 5% (n = 14) use Facebook. To communicate with patients, 36% (n = 102) of respondents use email, 30% (n = 86) use text messages and 7% (n = 19) use Facebook. The perceptions of pharmacists who communicate with patients using electronic tools about information related to drug therapy once a month or more frequently were more positive than those of pharmacists who never or hardly ever communicate with patients via electronic tools about drug therapy (P < 0.05). Over 50% of independent pharmacists reported maintaining a pharmacy website.ConclusionsThis study is the first U.S. statewide assessment of the use of electronic communication and social media for professional pharmacist's communications and perceptions toward the use of social media in patient–pharmacist communications among independent community pharmacists in Texas. Future studies conducted in other states as well as nationwide will contribute to a better understanding of the use of electronic communication, Internet, and social media in the daily professional activities of independent community pharmacists.  相似文献   

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