Health status, neighborhood socioeconomic context, and premature mortality in the United States: The National Institutes of Health-AARP Diet and Health Study

Objectives. We examined whether the risk of premature mortality associated with living in socioeconomically deprived neighborhoods varies according to the health status of individuals.Methods. Community-dwelling adults (n = 566 402; age = 50–71 years) in 6 US states and 2 metropolitan areas participated in the ongoing prospective National Institutes of Health–AARP Diet and Health Study, which began in 1995. We used baseline data for 565 679 participants on health behaviors, self-rated health status, and medical history, collected by mailed questionnaires. Participants were linked to 2000 census data for an index of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. The main outcome was all-cause mortality ascertained through 2006.Results. In adjusted survival analyses of persons in good-to-excellent health at baseline, risk of mortality increased with increasing levels of census tract socioeconomic deprivation. Neighborhood socioeconomic mortality disparities among persons in fair-to-poor health were not statistically significant after adjustment for demographic characteristics, educational achievement, lifestyle, and medical conditions.Conclusions. Neighborhood socioeconomic inequalities lead to large disparities in risk of premature mortality among healthy US adults but not among those in poor health.Research dating back to at least the 1920s has shown that the United States has experienced persistent and widening socioeconomic disparities in premature mortality over time.^1–5 However, it has been unclear whether socioeconomic inequalities affect the longevity of persons in good and poor health equally. Socioeconomic status (SES) and health status are interrelated,^6–8 and both are strong independent predictors of mortality.⁹ Low SES is associated with greater risk of ill health and premature death,^{1–5,8,10–13} partly attributable to disproportionately high prevalence of unhealthful lifestyle practices^10,14,15 and physical and mental health conditions.^13,16 Correspondingly, risk of premature mortality is higher in poor than in more affluent areas.^16,17 Although the association between neighborhood poverty and mortality is independent of individual-level SES,^17,18 aggregation of low-SES populations in poor areas may contribute to variations in health outcomes across neighborhoods. Conversely, economic hardships resulting from ill health may lead persons in poor physical or mental health to move to poor neighborhoods.¹⁹ This interrelatedness may create spurious associations between neighborhood poverty and mortality.Although previous studies have found that the risk of premature death associated with poor health status varies according to individuals'' SES,^20,21 no published studies have examined whether the relative risks for premature mortality associated with living in neighborhoods with higher levels of socioeconomic deprivation vary by health status of individuals. Clarifying these relationships will inform social and public health policies and programs that aim to mitigate the health consequences of neighborhood poverty.^22,23We used data from a large prospective study to examine whether the risk of premature mortality associated with neighborhood socioeconomic context differs according to health status at baseline and remains after adjustment for person-level risk factors for mortality, such as SES, lifestyle practices, and chronic medical illnesses.     

Life-Course Socioeconomic Position and Incidence of Diabetes Mellitus Among Blacks and Whites: The Alameda County Study, 1965�C1999

Objectives. We examined associations between several life-course socioeconomic position (SEP) measures (childhood SEP, education, income, occupation) and diabetes incidence from 1965 to 1999 in a sample of 5422 diabetes-free Black and White participants in the Alameda County Study.Methods. Race-specific Cox proportional hazard models estimated diabetes risk associated with each SEP measure. Demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and potential pathway components (physical inactivity, body composition, smoking, alcohol consumption, hypertension, depression, access to health care) were included as covariates.Results. Diabetes incidence was twice as high for Blacks as for Whites. Diabetes risk factors independently increased risk, but effect sizes were greater among Whites. Low childhood SEP elevated risk for both racial groups. Protective effects were suggested for low education and blue-collar occupation among Blacks, but these factors increased risk for Whites. Income was protective for Whites but not Blacks. Covariate adjustment had negligible effects on associations between each SEP measure and diabetes incidence for both racial groups.Conclusions. These findings suggest an important role for life-course SEP measures in determining risk of diabetes, regardless of race and after adjustment for factors that may confound or mediate these associations.Diabetes mellitus is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in the United States.^1,2 Type 2 diabetes disproportionately affects Hispanics, as well as non-Hispanic Black Americans, American Indians/Alaska Natives, and some Asian/Pacific Islander groups. In the United States, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are almost twice as likely to develop or have type 2 diabetes than are non-Hispanic Whites.^2–5 Significant racial and ethnic differences also exist in the rates of diabetes-related preventive services, quality of care, and disease outcomes.^6–10Researchers have attempted to determine why, relative to Whites, members of racial and ethnic minority groups are disproportionately affected by diabetes. For example, compared with White Americans, Black Americans are presumed to have stronger genetic^5,11 or physiological^11–13 susceptibility to diabetes, or greater frequency or intensity of known diabetes risk factors, such as obesity, physical inactivity, and hypertension.^14–17Black Americans also are more likely than are White Americans to occupy lower socioeconomic positions.¹⁸ Low socioeconomic position (SEP) across the life course is known to influence the prevalence^19–24 and incidence^3,19,25–30 of type 2 diabetes. The risk of diabetes also is greater for people who are obese,^3,17,31 physically inactive,^3,32 or have hypertension,^33,34 all of which are conditions more common among people with lower SEP.^16,35–37Several studies have focused on the extent to which socioeconomic factors, body composition (i.e., weight, height, body mass index, and waist circumference), and behaviors explain the excess risk of diabetes attributed to race.^4,12,19,30 For example, 2 separate studies, one with data from the Health and Retirement Study¹⁹ and the other with data from the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study,³⁰ used race to predict diabetes incidence. Attempting to separate the direct and indirect effects of race on diabetes,³⁸ these studies assessed, via statistical adjustment, which socioeconomic measures and diabetes-related risk factors, when adjusted, could account for the excess risk among Black participants relative to White participants.^19,30 Adjustment for education lessened the effect of Black race on diabetes incidence in the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study.³⁰ In the Health and Retirement Study, excess risk attributed to Black race was not explained by early-life socioeconomic disadvantage, but it was reduced after adjustment for education and later-life economic resources.¹⁹ The validity of this analytic approach has been challenged, however, because the socioeconomic measures used were assumed to have the same meaning across all racial/ethnic groups, a questionable assumption³⁸ in the United States, especially in 1965.We sought to explore the predictive effects of several life-course socioeconomic factors on the incidence of diabetes among both Black and White Americans. We examined demographic confounders (age, gender, marital status) and diabetes risk factors (obesity, large waist circumference, physical inactivity, high blood pressure, depression, access to health care) as possible mediators of the observed associations between SEP and incident diabetes (i.e., the development of new cases of diabetes over time).     

The association between perceived discrimination and obesity in a population-based multiracial and multiethnic adult sample

Objectives. We examined whether perceived chronic discrimination was related to excess body fat accumulation in a random, multiethnic, population-based sample of US adults.Methods. We used multivariate multinomial logistic regression and logistic regression analyses to examine the relationship between interpersonal experiences of perceived chronic discrimination and body mass index and high-risk waist circumference.Results. Consistent with other studies, our analyses showed that perceived unfair treatment was associated with increased abdominal obesity. Compared with Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who did not experience perceived chronic discrimination, Irish, Jewish, Polish, and Italian Whites who perceived chronic discrimination were 2 to 6 times more likely to have a high-risk waist circumference. No significant relationship between perceived discrimination and the obesity measures was found among the other Whites, Blacks, or Hispanics.Conclusions. These findings are not completely unsupported. White ethnic groups including Polish, Italians, Jews, and Irish have historically been discriminated against in the United States, and other recent research suggests that they experience higher levels of perceived discrimination than do other Whites and that these experiences adversely affect their health.It is estimated that 2 of every 3 adults in the United States are overweight or obese.^1,2 Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic health conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, hypertension, stroke, some forms of cancer, and osteoarthritis.³ Although it is widely accepted that high-fat diets and physical inactivity are preventable risk factors,⁴ obesity continues to increase.^1,2,5There is a growing interest in the relationship between psychosocial risk factors and excess body fat accumulation.^6–16 In particular, some evidence suggests that psychosocial stressors may play a role in disease progression in general and in excess body fat in particular.^7,8,17 The key factors underlying physiological reactions to psychosocial stress have not been completely elucidated, but McEwen and Seeman¹⁷ and others^7,18,19 posit that the continued adaptation of the physiological system to external challenges alters the normal physiological stress reaction pathways and that these changes are related to adverse health outcomes.^8,17,18,20 For example, in examining the association between psychosocial stress and excess body fat accumulation, Björntorp and others have suggested that psychosocial stress is linked to obesity, especially in the abdominal area.^7,8Perceived discrimination, as a psychosocial stressor, is now receiving increased attention in the empirical health literature.^21–24 Such studies suggest perceived discrimination is inversely related to poor mental and physical health outcomes and risk factors, including hypertension,^24,25 depressive symptoms,^26–28 smoking,^29–31 alcohol drinking,^32,33 low birthweight,^34,35 and cardiovascular outcomes.^36–38Internalized racism, the acceptance of negative stereotypes by the stigmatized group,³⁹ has also been recognized as a race-related psychosocial risk factor.⁴⁰ Recent studies have also suggested that race-related beliefs and experiences including perceived discrimination might be potentially related to excess body fat accumulation. Three of these studies^9,13,41 showed that internalized racism was associated with an increased likelihood of overweight or abdominal obesity among Black Caribbean women in Dominica⁴¹ and Barbados¹³ and adolescent girls in Barbados.⁹ These researchers posit that individuals with relatively high levels of internalized racism have adopted a defeatist mindset, which is believed to be related to the physiological pathway associated with excess body fat accumulation. However, Vines et al.¹⁶ found that perceived racism was associated with lower waist-to-hip ratios among Black women in the United States. Although the assessment of race-related risk factors varied across these studies, the findings suggest that the salience of race-related beliefs and experiences may be related to excess body fat accumulation.Collectively, the results of these studies are limited. First, because they examined the relationship between race-related beliefs and experiences and excess body fat only among women, we do not know if this relationship is generalizable to men.^13,16,41 Second, these studies only examined this relationship among Blacks, even though perceived unfair treatment because of race/ethnicity has been shown to be adversely related to the health of multiple racial/ethnic population groups in the United States^42–49 and internationally.^27,50–55 Third, none of the studies have examined the relationship between excess body fat accumulation and perceived nonracial/nonethnic experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Some evidence suggests that the generic perception of unfair treatment or bias is adversely related to health, regardless of whether it is attributed to race, ethnicity, or some other reason.^45,55,56 Fourth, none of these studies included other measures of stress. We do not know if the association between race-related risk factors and obesity is independent of other traditional indicators of stress.Using a multiethnic, population-based sample of adults, we examined the association of perceived discrimination and obesity independent of other known risk factors for obesity, including stressful major life events. Additionally, because reports of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and non-racial/ethnic discrimination vary by racial/ethnic groups^24,45,46,57 and because Whites tend to have less excess body fat than do Blacks and Hispanics,^1,3 we examined the relationships between perceived discrimination and excess body fat accumulation among Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites, and non-Hispanic Blacks.     

All Rural Places Are Not Created Equal: Revisiting the Rural Mortality Penalty in the United States

Objectives. I investigated mortality disparities between urban and rural areas by measuring disparities in urban US areas compared with 6 rural classifications, ranging from suburban to remote locales.Methods. Data from the Compressed Mortality File, National Center for Health Statistics, from 1968 to 2007, was used to calculate age-adjusted mortality rates for all rural and urban regions by year. Criteria measuring disparity between regions included excess deaths, annual rate of change in mortality, and proportion of excess deaths by population size. I used multivariable analysis to test for differences in determinants across regions.Results. The rural mortality penalty existed in all rural classifications, but the degree of disparity varied considerably. Rural–urban continuum code 6 was highly disadvantaged, and rural–urban continuum code 9 displayed a favorable mortality profile. Population, socioeconomic, and health care determinants of mortality varied across regions.Conclusions. A 2-decade long trend in mortality disparities existed in all rural classifications, but the penalty was not distributed evenly. This constitutes an important public health problem. Research should target the slow rates of improvement in mortality in the rural United States as an area of concern.Recent research has identified a new trend in rural–urban, macrolevel mortality disparities in the United States, called the rural mortality penalty.1,2 Historically, there has been a penalty associated with urban places; however, in recent decades, a reversal has occurred. Beginning in the mid-1980s, rural and urban mortality rates diverged, and the gap between them has grown for more than 2 decades. According to previous publications that introduced the rural mortality penalty, the rural United States is an aggregation of 6 nonmetropolitan designations distinguished by population size and adjacency to an urban area; this is a typology used in many previous studies.3,4 This research uncovers the disproportionate mortality burden across these rural classifications.Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, there was a mortality penalty associated with urban areas.5 The urban mortality penalty was largely attributed to the spread of contagious and infectious disease,6,7 poor water quality,8 and inadequate sewage disposal9 in densely populated areas.10,11 The first half of the 20th century transformed urban cities because of public works projects that improved water quality and sanitation8 and public health advancements that included vaccinations, quarantines, physical examinations, health education, workplace safety, food quality, and controlling medication.5 The result was unprecedented improvements in urban health from 1900 to 1940, highlighted by a 40% decline in mortality, an increased life expectancy from 47 to 63 years,8,12 and generally equivalent rural and urban mortality rates.5 This pattern persisted until the mid-1980s, when the rural mortality penalty emerged. Public health advances, however important, did not encompass all determinants of mortality.The major determinants of mortality in the rural United States exist at the individual, structural, or contextual levels. Individual-level determinants include use of self-care,13,14 low satisfaction of care,14,15 lack of a regular source of care,15,16 and lifestyle and behaviors.17,18 Structural and contextual determinants include poverty,15 high rates of female-headed households,19 degree of urbanization,15 age structure of the population,20,21 income inequality,22 high rates of chronic illnesses,23 access to care,13,15,24,25 physician and hospital shortages,26–28 and unique cultural characteristics,29,30 including an identity of resiliency.31 Furthermore, macrolevel restructuring because of immigration and suburbanization has occurred in many rural communities. These changes create diverse economic opportunities,19,32–34 populations,34–37 and changing demographic characteristic structures.34,37 Traditional social, racial, and ethnic boundaries have blurred,34–37 and the cultural gap between rural and urban places has shrunk,34,37 changing how we understand the dynamics among demographic, social, and economic processes, resources, constraints, and health policies in people’s pursuit of better health.37Innovative research investigating regional disparities in health outcomes has been published in the last decade, but there remains a gap in understanding intrarural differences. A recent study of life expectancy found widening disparities across rural–urban categories over a 40-year period, with poor rural Blacks having the lowest survival probability.38 Another regional study of mortality, titled “Eight Americas” uncovered disparities in life expectancy, mortality, health insurance, and health care utilization by regions based on race, county, population density, race-specific county level per capita income, and homicide rate.39,40 This work highlighted the complexity of “place” and its role in eliminating health disparities across population segments.41 The rural United States is complex, and is often treated as a “nonurban” residual category lacking a clear conceptualization of poverty, opportunity structure, and other social processes.42–44 With the emergent rural mortality penalty, it is paramount to understand the context and conditions unique to the rural part of the country.29,30 I sought to uncover differing mortality profiles and determinants across rural regions.     

Low-risk lifestyle behaviors and all-cause mortality: findings from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey III Mortality Study

Objectives. We examined the relationship between 4 low-risk behaviors—never smoked, healthy diet, adequate physical activity, and moderate alcohol consumption—and mortality in a representative sample of people in the United States.Methods. We used data from 16958 participants aged 17 years and older in the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey III Mortality Study from 1988 to 2006.Results. The number of low-risk behaviors was inversely related to the risk for mortality. Compared with participants who had no low-risk behaviors, those who had all 4 experienced reduced all-cause mortality (adjusted hazard ratio [AHR]=0.37; 95% confidence interval [CI]=0.28, 0.49), mortality from malignant neoplasms (AHR=0.34; 95% CI=0.20, 0.56), major cardiovascular disease (AHR=0.35; 95% CI=0.24, 0.50), and other causes (AHR=0.43; 95% CI=0.25, 0.74). The rate advancement periods, representing the equivalent risk from a certain number of years of chronological age, for participants who had all 4 high-risk behaviors compared with those who had none were 11.1 years for all-cause mortality, 14.4 years for malignant neoplasms, 9.9 years for major cardiovascular disease, and 10.6 years for other causes.Conclusions. Low-risk lifestyle factors exert a powerful and beneficial effect on mortality.Lifestyle behaviors lie at the root of many chronic diseases.^1–3 Smoking, unhealthy diets, and sedentary behavior predispose numerous people to diseases that rank among the leading causes of death such as heart disease, cancer, stroke, and diabetes. The costs associated with these behaviors are enormous.^4–7Previous studies have generally examined the independent effect of these lifestyle behaviors in isolation on a variety of adverse health outcomes. Yet, optimal health is only achieved by maximizing the number of healthy behaviors. Therefore, examining the joint effect of multiple lifestyle behaviors on health outcomes yields valuable insights into the improvements in health that are potentially achievable in populations. Starting around 2000, research appeared that examined the impact of multiple low-risk lifestyle behaviors on various health outcomes including cardiovascular disease,^8–15 diabetes,^16–18 all-cause mortality,^19–25 and mortality from cancer.^23–25Few studies relating multiple low-risk lifestyle factors to all-cause mortality have been conducted in the United States or have included substantial samples of racial/ethnic minorities.^22,24 Therefore, we examined the relationship between 4 lifestyle behaviors—never smoked, healthy diet, adequate physical activity, and moderate alcohol consumption—and all-cause mortality in a national sample of people in the United States.     

Reinforcement of smoking and drinking: tobacco marketing strategies linked with alcohol in the United States

Objectives. We investigated tobacco companies’ knowledge about concurrent use of tobacco and alcohol, their marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol, and the benefits tobacco companies sought from these marketing activities.Methods. We performed systematic searches on previously secret tobacco industry documents, and we summarized the themes and contexts of relevant search results.Results. Tobacco company research confirmed the association between tobacco use and alcohol use. Tobacco companies explored promotional strategies linking cigarettes and alcohol, such as jointly sponsoring special events with alcohol companies to lower the cost of sponsorships, increase consumer appeal, reinforce brand identity, and generate increased cigarette sales. They also pursued promotions that tied cigarette sales to alcohol purchases, and cigarette promotional events frequently featured alcohol discounts or encouraged alcohol use.Conclusions. Tobacco companies’ numerous marketing strategies linking cigarettes with alcohol may have reinforced the use of both substances. Because using tobacco and alcohol together makes it harder to quit smoking, policies prohibiting tobacco sales and promotion in establishments where alcohol is served and sold might mitigate this effect. Smoking cessation programs should address the effect that alcohol consumption has on tobacco use.Smoking remains the leading preventable cause of premature mortality in the United States, accounting for more than 440 000 deaths annually.¹ Alcohol consumption is the third-leading cause of mortality in the nation.² Each year, approximately 79 000 deaths are attributable to excessive alcohol use.³ The concurrent use of cigarettes and alcohol further increases risks for certain cancers, such as cancer of the mouth, throat, and esophagus.^4,5 In addition, the use of both tobacco and alcohol makes it more difficult to quit either substance.⁶Smoking and drinking are strongly associated behaviors.^7–13 Smokers are more likely to drink alcohol,¹¹ drink more frequently,^8,11 consume a higher quantity of alcohol,^8,11,14 and demonstrate binge drinking (5 or more drinks per episode) than are nonsmokers.^9,11,12 Alcohol drinkers, especially binge drinkers, are also more likely to smoke^7,8,10 and are more likely to smoke half a pack of cigarettes or more per day.¹⁰The association between tobacco use and alcohol use becomes stronger with the heavier use of either substance.^8,15,16 Alcohol consumption increases the desire to smoke,^17,18 and nicotine consumption increases alcohol consumption.¹⁹ Experimental studies have demonstrated that nicotine and alcohol enhance each other''s rewarding effects.^16,18 Alcohol increases the positive subjective effects of smoking,^8,15,16,20 and smoking while using alcohol is more reinforcing than is smoking without concurrent alcohol use.⁸ Smokers smoke more cigarettes while drinking alcohol,^8,15,18 especially during binge-drinking episodes.^8,15 This behavior has also been observed among nondaily smokers^8,15 and light smokers.¹⁷The concurrent use of alcohol and tobacco is common among young adults,^8,10,12,21 including nondaily smokers,^19,22–24 nondependent smokers,⁸ and novice smokers.¹³ Young adult smokers have reported that alcohol increases their enjoyment of and desire for cigarettes^8,25 and that tobacco enhances the effect of alcohol: it “brings on the buzz” or “gave you a double buzz.”^13,23,26 Young adult nondaily smokers described the pairing of alcohol and cigarettes as resembling “milk and cookies” or “peanut butter with jelly.”²⁴ Young adults have also been the focus of aggressive tobacco promotional efforts in places where alcohol is consumed, such as bars and nightclubs.^27,28Consumer products often fall into cohesive groups (sometimes referred to as “Diderot unities”) that may reinforce certain patterns of consumption,²⁹ and these groupings may be influenced by marketing activities. In the case of tobacco and alcohol, these product links may have been further enhanced by cooperation between tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., cosponsorship) or corporate ownership of both tobacco and alcohol companies (e.g., Philip Morris''s past ownership of Miller Brewing Company).We used tobacco industry documents to explore tobacco companies’ knowledge regarding linked tobacco and alcohol use and the companies’ marketing strategies that linked cigarettes with alcohol. We were interested in 3 basic issues: (1) what tobacco companies knew about the association between drinking and smoking, especially about smokers’ drinking behaviors, (2) how tobacco and alcohol companies developed cross promotions featuring cigarettes and alcohol, and (3) how tobacco companies linked cigarettes with alcohol in their marketing activities and the benefits they expected to gain from those activities.     

Prevalence of HCV Infection Among Clients in Community-Based Health Settings in Hawaii, 2002–2010: Assessing Risk Factors

Objectives. We sought to determine the prevalence of HCV infection and identify risk factors associated with HCV infection among at-risk clients presenting to community-based health settings in Hawaii.Methods. Clients from 23 community-based sites were administered risk factor questionnaires and screened for HCV antibodies from December 2002 through May 2010. We performed univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses.Results. Of 3306 participants included in the analysis, 390 (11.8%) tested antibody positive for HCV. Highest HCV antibody prevalence (17.0%) was in persons 45 to 64 years old compared with all other age groups. Significant independent risk factors were current or prior injection drug use (P < .001), blood transfusion prior to July 1992 (P = .002), and having an HCV-infected sex partner (P = .03). Stratification by gender revealed sexual exposure to be significant for males (P = .001).Conclusions. Despite Hawaii’s ethnic diversity, high hepatocellular carcinoma incidence, and a statewide syringe exchange program in place since the early 1990s, our HCV prevalence and risk factor findings are remarkably consistent with those reported from the mainland United States. Hence, effective interventions identified from US mainland population studies should be generalizable to Hawaii.Hepatitis C is the most prevalent chronic blood-borne viral infection in the United States, with an estimated 1.3% of the population chronically infected.1 Chronic HCV infection is often asymptomatic; approximately 75% of infected persons may be unaware that they are infected.2 Transmission is mainly through direct blood-to-blood contact, and the most common risk factor in the United States is the sharing of injection drug use equipment.1,2 Complications from HCV infection include cirrhosis, hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC), and end-stage liver disease; more than one third of liver transplants in the United States can be attributed to HCV.3 There is currently no vaccine,4 and until recently, standard therapy with pegylated interferon and ribavirin achieved a sustained virologic response in only 40% to 50% of patients.5,6In May 2011, the US Food and Drug Administration approved 2 new HCV-specific protease inhibitors for the treatment of chronic genotype 1 HCV infections: boceprevir7,8 and telaprevir.9,10 In combination with standard therapy, these drugs have achieved significantly higher rates of sustained virologic response: up to 67% to 75%.7,10 Achieving sustained virologic response is key to reducing mortality, HCC, and other comorbidities.11,12 With such a large percentage of HCV-infected individuals unaware of their status and new successful treatments available, there is now increased rationale for health providers to screen their clients for chronic HCV infection.The population of Hawaii differs from that of the mainland United States on a number of key factors related to HCV and HCC. Hawaii has the highest incidence of HCC nationally.13 Asian/Pacific Islanders have the highest incidence of HCC in the United States,13 and 57% of the Hawaii’s population is Asian, either alone or in combination with other ethnic groups.14 The high HCC incidence among Asian/Pacific Islanders is attributed in large part to chronic hepatitis B virus (HBV) infection,13,15 and the identification and treatment of persons with chronic HBV or HCV infection is an important public health priority in Hawaii. In addition, Hawaii implemented a statewide syringe exchange program in the early 1990s, the first state to do so.16 The risk factor demonstrating the strongest association with HCV infection in the United States is injection drug use,1,17 and syringe exchange programs have demonstrated efficacy in reducing HCV infection among injection drug users.18,19To our knowledge, only 3 HCV prevalence studies have been conducted in Hawaii; however, each focused on a specific well-defined subgroup population: patients with HCC,20 HIV-infected persons enrolled in a state drug assistance plan,21 and adults from a homeless shelter.22The Adult Viral Hepatitis Prevention Program of the Hawaii State Department of Health, which offers risk-based HCV antibody testing based on reported national risk factors,1,23 has been collecting data on persons undergoing screening since 2002. We investigated the prevalence of HCV antibody positivity among at-risk clients of community-based health programs in Hawaii and identified demographic characteristics and independent risk factors associated with HCV infection.     

Impact of individual-, environmental-, and policy-level factors on health care utilization among US farmworkers

Objectives. We examined individual-, environmental-, and policy-level correlates of US farmworker health care utilization, guided by the behavioral model for vulnerable populations and the ecological model.Methods. The 2006 and 2007 administrations of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (n = 2884) provided the primary data. Geographic information systems, the 2005 Uniform Data System, and rurality and border proximity indices provided environmental variables. To identify factors associated with health care use, we performed logistic regression using weighted hierarchical linear modeling.Results. Approximately half (55.3%) of farmworkers utilized US health care in the previous 2 years. Several factors were independently associated with use at the individual level (gender, immigration and migrant status, English proficiency, transportation access, health status, and non-US health care utilization), the environmental level (proximity to US–Mexico border), and the policy level (insurance status and workplace payment structure). County Federally Qualified Health Center resources were not independently associated.Conclusions. We identified farmworkers at greatest risk for poor access. We made recommendations for change to farmworker health care access at all 3 levels of influence, emphasizing Federally Qualified Health Center service delivery.US farmworkers face significant disease burden¹ and excessive mortality rates for some diseases (e.g., certain cancers and tuberculosis) and injuries.² Disparities in health outcomes likely stem from occupational exposures and socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities. US farmworkers are typically Hispanic with limited education, income, and English proficiency.³ Approximately half are unauthorized to work in the United States.³ Despite marked disease burden, health care utilization appears to be low.^1,4–9 For example, only approximately half of California farmworkers received medical care in the previous year.⁶ This rate parallels that of health care utilization for US Hispanics, of whom approximately half made an ambulatory care visit in the previous year, compared with 75.7% of non-Hispanic Whites.¹⁰ Disparities in dental care have a comparable pattern.^6,8,11,12 However, utilization of preventive health services is lower for farmworkers^5,7,13,14 than it is for both US Hispanics and non-Hispanic Whites.^15,16Farmworkers face numerous barriers to health care^1,4,17: lack of insurance and knowledge of how to use or obtain it,^6,18 cost,^{5,6,12,13,18–20} lack of transportation,^{6,12,13,19–21} not knowing how to access care,^6,18,20,21 few services in the area or limited hours,^12,20,21 difficulty leaving work,¹⁹ lack of time,^5,13,19 language differences,^6,8,18–20 and fear of the medical system,¹³ losing employment,⁶ and immigration officials.²¹ Few studies have examined correlates of health care use among farmworkers. Those that have are outdated or limited in representativeness.^5,7,14,22,23 Thus, we systematically examined correlates of US health care use in a nationally representative sample of farmworkers, using recently collected data. The sampling strategy and application of postsampling weights enhance generalizability. We selected correlates on the basis of previous literature and the behavioral model for vulnerable populations.²⁴ The behavioral model posits that predisposing, enabling, and need characteristics influence health care use.²⁵ The ecological model, which specifies several levels of influence on behavior (e.g., policy, environmental, intrapersonal),²⁶ provided the overall theoretical framework. To our knowledge, we are the first to extensively examine multilevel correlates of farmworker health care use. We sought to identify farmworkers at greatest risk for low health care use and to suggest areas for intervention at all 3 levels of influence so that farmworker service provision can be improved.     

Risks of Recreational Exposure to Waterborne Pathogens Among Persons With HIV/AIDS in Baltimore, Maryland

Objectives. We assessed the prevalence of recreational activities in the waterways of Baltimore, MD, and the risk of exposure to Cryptosporidium among persons with HIV/AIDS.Methods. We studied patients at the Johns Hopkins Moore Outpatient AIDS Clinic. We conducted oral interviews with a convenience sample of 157 HIV/AIDS patients to ascertain the sites used for recreational water contact within Baltimore waters and assess risk behaviors.Results. Approximately 48% of respondents reported participating in recreational water activities (fishing, crabbing, boating, and swimming). Men and women were almost equally likely to engage in recreational water activities (53.3% versus 51.3%). Approximately 67% (105 of 157) ate their own catch or that of friends or family members, and a majority (61%, or 46 of 75) of respondents who reported recreational water contact reported consumption of their own catch.Conclusions. Baltimoreans with HIV/AIDS are engaging in recreational water activities in urban waters that may expose them to waterborne pathogens and recreational water illnesses. Susceptible persons, such as patients with HIV/AIDS, should be cautioned regarding potential microbial risks from recreational water contact with surface waters.Persons with HIV/AIDS are at high risk for increased morbidity and mortality associated with a range of opportunistic infections, some of which are caused by Cryptosporidium. Cryptosporidium species are of particular public health and medical importance because they are prevalent in surface waters of the United States,^1–7 are efficiently transmitted via water,⁸ and can be consumed in foods contaminated by fecal matter.^9–11 Exposures to Cryptosporidium are common in the US population,¹² and past studies have demonstrated that Cryptosporidium infections significantly contribute to illness and mortality in persons with HIV/AIDS.^13–15 In the 1980s, Cryptosporidium was identified as a major opportunistic pathogen.^16–21 Infection continues to be frequently diagnosed in persons with HIV/AIDS.^22–27 Before the advent of highly active antiretroviral therapy, Cryptosporidium was a relatively common opportunistic infection even in developed countries.^28,29Cryptosporidiosis manifests as an acute gastroenteritis, accompanied by cramps, anorexia, vomiting, abdominal pains, fever, and chills²⁹ and by histological presentation of gastrointestinal mucosal injury.^30,31 Persons with AIDS who become infected with this parasite are at increased risk of developing chronic and often life-threatening diarrhea, biliary tract diseases, pancreatitis, colitis, and chronic asymptomatic infection and recurrence. These developments are especially likely in those who are severely immunosuppressed (CD4 counts < 150 cells/mL).^29,32–35 Infection is diagnosed by the presence of oocysts in unpreserved or preserved stools.³⁶ Histological and ultrastructural examination of biopsy material for different Cryptosporidium life stages, detection of Cryptosporidium DNA and antigens, and identification of species through molecular techniques can also aid in diagnosis.^36–38Cryptosporidium species are enteric protozoan organisms and are prevalent in US watersheds, especially in urban waters.^1,6,39 These parasites have natural hosts in domestic and wild animals such as cattle (especially newborn calves), horses, fish, and birds.^5,40–42 These parasites cause cryptosporidiosis by infecting and damaging the cells of the small intestine and other organs.^13,41 For persons with HIV/AIDS, increased risk for infection by Cryptosporidium has been related to sexual practices such as engaging in sexual intercourse within the past 2 years, having multiple partners during that time, and engaging in anal intercourse.⁴³ Use of spas and saunas has also been identified as a risk factor.⁴³In the United States, Cryptosporidium is the most commonly identified pathogen in cases of recreationally acquired gastroenteritis⁴⁴; the majority of those affected are children. Increased risk of cryptosporidiosis in persons with HIV/AIDS has been associated with swimming.^45,46 US residents make an estimated 360 million annual visits to recreational water venues such as swimming pools, spas, and lakes; swimming is the second most popular physical activity in the country and the most popular among children.⁴⁷Recreational swimming, even in highly chlorinated water, carries a high risk of exposure to enteric pathogens, including Cryptosporidium, Norovirus, Shigella, Escherichia coli, and Giardia.⁴⁸ Cryptosporidiosis and some other enteric illnesses are seasonal, with spikes in occurrence in the summer months from contact with recreational water venues.⁴⁹ Extreme precipitation⁵⁰ and high ambient temperatures⁵¹ can also affect patterns of disease outbreaks. Because not all infections with Cryptosporidium lead to apparent illness or symptoms, infected persons may unknowingly transmit these pathogens to others, such as household members and other recreationists.^12,52 Cryptosporidiosis from swimming, wading, and splashing is prevalent in the United States.^44,46,53,54Risks from the presence of pathogens in waterways include (1) waterborne gastroenteritis and other recreational water illnesses in anglers and other recreationists^44,55–59; (2) transmission of pathogens to humans from caught seafood acting as fomites, or surface carriers⁶⁰; (3) food-borne gastroenteritis from consumption of raw or improperly cooked fish and shellfish^61,62; and (4) hand-to-mouth transmission of pathogens while eating, drinking, or smoking during activities such as fishing and crabbing.⁷Recreational water activities in the Baltimore, Maryland, area take place in Jones Falls and Baltimore Harbor. These and other waterways are used for angling, crabbing, swimming, kayaking, and boating (including paddle boating).^7,63 In addition, Baltimore-area residents often catch and consume fish and crabs from the Baltimore Harbor and local waterways, many of which are already highly contaminated by persistent chemicals such as mercury and polychlorinated biphenyls.⁶⁴ These activities are known to increase risks of exposure to waterborne pathogens through direct contact with contaminated waters or through contact with or handling and consumption of caught seafood (fish, crabs, oysters).^7,65,66To investigate the potential contribution of recreational water contact to Cryptosporidium exposures among persons with HIV/AIDS, we carried out a cross-sectional study at the Johns Hopkins Moore Outpatient AIDS Clinic. The Baltimore metropolitan area has a high prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS among both men and women,⁶⁷ and its population makes intensive recreational use of a contaminated watershed. In addition, laboratory experiments have indicated that crabs can become superficially contaminated by Cryptosporidium and transfer the pathogen to hands.⁶⁸ Local anglers are at risk from Cryptosporidium on wild-caught fish.⁷Our objective was to address the risks of exposure to Cryptosporidium for an urban subpopulation, persons with HIV/AIDS, as a result of recreational contact with Baltimore waterways. We also assessed the patterns and locations of recreational water activities in Baltimore waters.     

Relationship Between Past Food Deprivation and Current Dietary Practices and Weight Status Among Cambodian Refugee Women in Lowell, MA

Objectives. We investigated Cambodian refugee women''s past food experiences and the relationship between those experiences and current food beliefs, dietary practices, and weight status.Methods. Focus group participants (n = 11) described past food experiences and current health-related food beliefs and behaviors. We randomly selected survey participants (n = 133) from a comprehensive list of Cambodian households in Lowell, Massachusetts. We collected height, weight, 24-hour dietary recall, food beliefs, past food experience, and demographic information. We constructed a measure of past food deprivation from focus group and survey responses. We analyzed data with multivariate logistic and linear regression models.Results. Participants experienced severe past food deprivation and insecurity. Those with higher past food-deprivation scores were more likely to currently report eating meat with fat (odds ratio [OR] = 1.14 for every point increase on the 9-to-27–point food-deprivation measure), and to be overweight or obese by Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (OR = 1.28) and World Health Organization (OR = 1.18) standards.Conclusions. Refugees who experienced extensive food deprivation or insecurity may be more likely to engage in unhealthful eating practices and to be overweight or obese than are those who experienced less-extreme food deprivation or insecurity.Since 2000, almost 500 000 refugees have resettled in the United States, with tens of thousands arriving annually.¹ In addition to their high rates of mental health disease resulting from the turmoil they are fleeing,^2–4 refugees have higher rates of heart disease, hypertension, and diabetes than do other immigrant groups and native-born Americans.^2,3,5,6 The high rates of chronic disease are likely related to multiple factors. Refugees may have suffered physiological damage during stress and war,⁷ and traumatic stress may have increased their risk of cardiovascular disease and stroke.⁸The increased rates of chronic disease may also be related to changes in food consumption. In a postconflict environment with plentiful food, people may adopt harmful eating behaviors that affect health both directly and through increased weight.^9–14 World War II prisoners of war who experienced highest trauma and food deprivation also reported the highest rate of binge-eating behaviors 50 years after the war.¹⁵ Holocaust survivors reported lifelong binge eating and preoccupation with food, including worrying about food availability and hoarding.¹⁶Uneven access to food is associated with higher rates of overweight and obesity and weight gain in the United States,^9–13 possibly because it may lead to excessive consumption of food in times of plenty.^9,11,13,14 Refugees who experienced food deprivation or insecurity and who currently have abundant access to food may approach food in ways that increase risk for overweight and obesity. African refugees reported eating high-status foods, such as meat and steak, more often in the United States than in their native countries.¹⁷ Hmong refugees indicated that they purchased and ate food they knew to be unhealthful because it was very affordable in the United States.¹⁸ Studies of Vietnamese, Hmong, and Cambodian refugees reported high preference for steak.^19–21 Although food security has been well-defined,²² to our knowledge, there is no existing quantitative measure of variation in the past food deprivation experiences of refugees.Cambodian refugees stand out as a potential refugee model for examining how past experiences of food deprivation or food insecurity affect current food beliefs, dietary practices, and weight. Cambodian refugees survived high levels of trauma and food deprivation in their home countries,³ and both trauma²³ and food deprivation or insecurity are experienced by most refugees.²⁴ Cambodian refugees also have disproportionately high rates of chronic disease,⁵ as do other refugee groups.^3,6,25Our research sheds some light on the food experiences of Cambodian refugees from 1975 through arrival in the United States (1980s through mid-1990s), develops and validates a measure of past food deprivation to allow measurement of potential effects on current dietary practices, and tests for relationships between severity of past food deprivation and current food beliefs. We also discuss implications for refugee communities.     

Walking and Cycling to Health: A Comparative Analysis of City, State, and International Data

Objectives. We sought to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of the relationship between active travel and rates of physical activity, obesity, and diabetes.Methods. We examined aggregate cross-sectional health and travel data for 14 countries, all 50 US states, and 47 of the 50 largest US cities through graphical, correlation, and bivariate regression analysis on the country, state, and city levels.Results. At all 3 geographic levels, we found statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and self-reported obesity. At the state and city levels, we found statistically significant positive relationships between active travel and physical activity and statistically significant negative relationships between active travel and diabetes.Conclusions. Together with many other studies, our analysis provides evidence of the population-level health benefits of active travel. Policies on transport, land-use, and urban development should be designed to encourage walking and cycling for daily travel.Many nations throughout the world have experienced large increases in obesity rates over the past 30 years.^1,2 The World Health Organization estimates that more than 300 million adults are obese,³ putting them at increased risk for diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, cardiovascular disease, gout, gallstones, fatty liver, and some cancers.^4,5 Several studies have linked the increase in obesity rates to physical inactivity^6–8 and to widespread availability of inexpensive, calorie-dense foods and beverages.^1,9The importance of physical activity for public health is well established. A US Surgeon General''s report in 1996, Physical Activity and Health,¹⁰ summarized evidence from cross-sectional studies; prospective, longitudinal studies; and clinical investigations. The report concluded that physical inactivity contributes to increased risk of many chronic diseases and health conditions. Furthermore, the research suggested that even 30 minutes per day of moderate-intensity physical activity, if performed regularly, provides significant health benefits. Subsequent reports have supported these conclusions.^11–13The role of physical activity in prevention of weight gain is well documented.¹⁴ Strong evidence from cross-sectional studies has established an inverse relationship between physical activity and body mass index.^15,16 In addition, longitudinal studies have shown that exercisers gain less weight than do their sedentary counterparts.^6,8 Thus, the obesity epidemic may be explained partly by declining levels of physical activity.^1,17,18A growing body of evidence suggests that differences in the built environment for physical activity (e.g., infrastructure for walking and cycling, availability of public transit, street connectivity, housing density, and mixed land use) influence the likelihood that people will use active transport for their daily travel.^19,20 People who live in areas that are more conducive to walking and cycling are more likely to engage in these forms of active transport.^21–25 Walking and cycling can provide valuable daily physical activity.^26–30 Such activities increase rates of caloric expenditure,³¹ and they generally fall into the moderate-intensity range that provides health benefits.^32–35 Thus, travel behavior could have a major influence on health and longevity.^29,30,36,37Over the past decade, researchers have begun to identify linkages between active travel and public health.^38–40 Cross-sectional studies indicate that walking and cycling for transport are linked to better health. The degree of reliance on walking and cycling for daily travel differs greatly among countries.^39,41 European countries with high rates of walking and cycling have less obesity than do Australia and countries in North America that are highly car dependent.²⁶ In addition, walking and cycling for transport are directly related to improved health in older adults.⁴² The Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults Study found that active commuting was positively associated with aerobic fitness among men and women and inversely associated with body mass index, obesity, triglyceride levels, resting blood pressure, and fasting insulin among men.^26,39,41,43Further evidence of the link between active commuting and health comes from prospective, longitudinal studies.⁴⁴ Matthews et al. examined more than 67 000 Chinese women in the Shanghai women''s health study and followed them for an average of 5.7 years.³⁷ Women who walked (P < .07) and cycled (P < .05) for transport had lower rates of all-cause mortality than did those who did not engage in such behaviors. Similarly, Andersen et al. observed that cycling to work decreased mortality rates by 40% among Danish men and women.³⁶ A recent analysis of a multifaceted cycling demonstration project in Odense, Denmark, reported a 20% increase in cycling levels from 1996 to 2002 and a 5-month increase in life expectancy for males.⁴⁵We analyzed recent evidence from a variety of data sources that supports the crucial relationship between active travel, physical activity, obesity, and diabetes. We used city- and state-level data from the United States and national aggregate data for 14 countries to determine the magnitude, direction, and statistical significance of each relationship.     

Pathways and Correlates Connecting Latinos' Mental Health With Exposure to the United States

Objectives. We examined potential pathways by which time in the United States may relate to differences in the predicted probability of past-year psychiatric disorder among Latino immigrants as compared with US-born Latinos.Methods. We estimated predicted probabilities of psychiatric disorder for US-born and immigrant groups with varying time in the United States, adjusting for different combinations of covariates. We examined 6 pathways by which time in the United States could be associated with psychiatric disorders.Results. Increased time in the United States is associated with higher risk of psychiatric disorders among Latino immigrants. After adjustment for covariates, differences in psychiatric disorder rates between US-born and immigrant Latinos disappear. Discrimination and family cultural conflict appear to play a significant role in the association between time in the United States and the likelihood of developing psychiatric disorders.Conclusions. Increased perceived discrimination and family cultural conflict are pathways by which acculturation might relate to deterioration of mental health for immigrants. Future studies assessing how these implicit pathways evolve as contact with US culture increases may help to identify strategies for ensuring maintenance of mental health for Latino immigrants.It has been shown that Latino immigrants have better mental health than their US-born counterparts and non-Latino Whites, despite having disadvantaged socioeconomic status^1–3 (the “immigrant paradox”). It has also been shown that the mental health of immigrants declines over time in the host country³ (the “acculturation hypothesis”). Our findings from the National Latino and Asian American Study (NLAAS) on the prevalence of psychiatric disorders among Latinos in the United States indicate that foreign nativity is protective for some Latino groups (e.g., Mexicans) but not others (e.g., Puerto Ricans),⁴ implying that other factors besides nativity play a part in US Latinos'' risk of psychiatric disorders. Also, there is evidence that risk of psychopathology is the result of differences in immigrants'' length of residence in the United States and age at arrival. For example, Mexican immigrants in the United States for 13 years or more had higher rates of any mental health disorder, any mood disorder, alcohol abuse, and drug abuse than Mexican immigrants in the United States for fewer than 13 years.³ Findings from the NLAAS indicate that the longer that Latino immigrants remain in their country of origin, the less cumulative risk of onset of psychiatric disorders they experience, resulting in lower lifetime rates of disorders.⁵There is a lack of consensus about which aspects of US exposure are relevant for mental health.⁵ A number of hypotheses have linked years in the United States and mental illness among Latinos.³ US-born Latinos may have a weaker affiliation with traditional Latino values that buffer against mental illness than do Latino immigrants. When individuals come into contact with US culture, there may be negative outcomes such as increased intergenerational conflict,⁶ augmenting their risk for psychopathology. Although family factors have been hypothesized to be a protective factor for immigrant Latinos,^7,8 few empirical studies have actually tested this hypothesis with regard to psychiatric disorders. Another hypothesis is that US-born Latinos may have higher expectations for their quality of life than immigrant Latinos because of their citizenship status and their acquisition of skills similar to those possessed by non-Latino Whites.⁹ However, over time, these expectations may remain unfulfilled because of discrimination, resulting in social stress and declining levels of mental health.¹ Also, as time passes, immigrants may have perceptions of low social status¹⁰ that may be associated with higher risk of psychopathology.Other immigration-related factors could also affect adaptation experiences when integrating into the United States. Specifically, those arriving in the United States at early formative ages (0–10 years) may have weaker identification with Latino cultural values¹¹ and may confront significant pressure to acquire English as their dominant language.¹² English language dominance represents a strong cultural anchor for socially constructed meaning¹³ that may enable immigrants to join certain peer networks and not others. The neighborhoods where Latinos typically live are less safe than those inhabited by non-Latino Whites,¹⁴ which may increase Latinos'' likelihood of psychiatric disorders¹⁵ by increasing ambient hazards. In addition, exposure to racial/ethnic based discrimination^16,17 has been associated with negative mental health outcomes. The NLAAS study provides a unique opportunity to explore these pathways because these domains have been assessed for both Latino immigrants and US-born Latino respondents.We assessed the association of time in the United States with past-year risk for psychiatric disorder, with and without adjustment for potentially influential covariates. Then we tested different pathways explaining the link between time in the United States and psychiatric disorders.     

Promoters and Barriers to Fruit, Vegetable, and Fast-Food Consumption Among Urban, Low-Income African Americans��A Qualitative Approach

To identify promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption, we interviewed low-income African Americans in Philadelphia. Salient promoters and barriers were distinct from each other and differed by food type: taste was a promoter and cost a barrier to all foods; convenience, cravings, and preferences promoted consumption of fast foods; health concerns promoted consumption of fruits and vegetables and avoidance of fast foods. Promoters and barriers differed by gender and age. Strategies for dietary change should consider food type, gender, and age.Diet-related chronic diseases—the leading causes of death in the United States^1,2—disproportionately affect African Americans^3–7 and those having low income.^8–10 Low-income African Americans tend to have diets that promote obesity, morbidity, and premature mortality^3,4,11,12; are low in fruits and vegetables^13–18; and are high in processed and fast foods.^19–23Factors that may encourage disease-promoting diets include individual tastes and preferences, cultural values and heritage, social and economic contexts, and systemic influences like media and marketing.^24–30 Because previous research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has largely come from an etic (outsider) perspective, it has potentially overlooked community-relevant insights, missed local understanding, and failed to identify effective sustainable solutions.³¹ Experts have therefore called for greater understanding of an emic (insider) perspective through qualitative methods.³¹ However, past qualitative research on dietary patterns among low-income African Americans has been limited, focusing mostly or exclusively on ethnic considerations,^28,29 workplace issues,¹⁰ women,^32–38 young people,^38,39 or only those with chronic diseases^34,36,39,40 and neglecting potentially important differences by age and gender.^31,41–43To build on prior research, we conducted interviews in a community-recruited sample using the standard anthropological technique of freelisting.^44–46 Our goals were (1) to identify the promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption most salient to urban, low-income African Americans and (2) to look for variation by gender and age.     

All-Cause and External Mortality in Released Prisoners: Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis

Objectives. We systematically reviewed studies of mortality following release from prison and examined possible demographic and methodological factors associated with variation in mortality rates.Methods. We searched 5 computer-based literature indexes to conduct a systematic review of studies that reported all-cause, drug-related, suicide, and homicide deaths of released prisoners. We extracted and meta-analyzed crude death rates and standardized mortality ratios by age, gender, and race/ethnicity, where reported.Results. Eighteen cohorts met review criteria reporting 26 163 deaths with substantial heterogeneity in rates. The all-cause crude death rates ranged from 720 to 2054 per 100 000 person-years. Male all-cause standardized mortality ratios ranged from 1.0 to 9.4 and female standardized mortality ratios from 2.6 to 41.3. There were higher standardized mortality ratios in White, female, and younger prisoners.Conclusions. Released prisoners are at increased risk for death following release from prison, particularly in the early period. Aftercare planning for released prisoners could potentially have a large public health impact, and further work is needed to determine whether certain groups should be targeted as part of strategies to reduce mortality.The global prison population in 2008 was estimated at 9.8 million with a median rate of imprisonment of 145 prisoners per 100 000 persons, most of whom are aged between 18 and 44 years.1 More than 2.3 million of these prisoners reside in the United States, which has the highest rate of imprisonment of 756 per 100 000 population. Natural cause mortality inside prison has been reported to be lower than that of the general population in France,2 Russia,3 England and Wales,4 and the United States.5 However, it is well-established that prisoner suicide rates are elevated compared with age-matched general populations.6 For example, the suicide rate of male prisoners in England and Wales between 1973 and 2003 was found to be 5 times higher than that of the general population,7 and in US jails, it has been reported to be 8 times higher.8 The odds of chronic medical conditions are increased by up to 4 times in US prisons.9 As prison populations are drawn from socioeconomically deprived backgrounds with reduced access to health care and health-seeking behavior when living in the community,10 prison provides an opportunity to provide public health interventions including health education and improving engagement with health services following release.11 For example, targeted health interventions such as medication review12 and HIV health education13,14 have been proposed.The health of prisoners following release from prison is less understood. At the end of 2009 in the United States, 819 308 prisoners were on parole or release following a prison term,15 and in England and Wales 20 895 offenders were released from prison in the first quarter of 2011.16 Despite these high absolute numbers, research has demonstrated that most sampled US jails did not plan for release of prisoners with mental illness, cardiovascular disease, or HIV/AIDS even though they considered it important.17 Mortality from suicide and drug-related causes has been reported to be particularly high in the immediate postrelease period,18,19 and, thus, public health interventions to target this period for those with a history of substance misuse have been outlined.20 The current review aims to synthesize evidence on mortality rates following release from prison and examine possible demographic and methodological factors associated with variation in these rates.     

A Systematic Review of Neighborhood Disparities in Point-of-Sale Tobacco Marketing

We systematically reviewed evidence of disparities in tobacco marketing at tobacco retailers by sociodemographic neighborhood characteristics. We identified 43 relevant articles from 893 results of a systematic search in 10 databases updated May 28, 2014. We found 148 associations of marketing (price, placement, promotion, or product availability) with a neighborhood demographic of interest (socioeconomic disadvantage, race, ethnicity, and urbanicity).Neighborhoods with lower income have more tobacco marketing. There is more menthol marketing targeting urban neighborhoods and neighborhoods with more Black residents. Smokeless tobacco products are targeted more toward rural neighborhoods and neighborhoods with more White residents. Differences in store type partially explain these disparities.There are more inducements to start and continue smoking in lower-income neighborhoods and in neighborhoods with more Black residents. Retailer marketing may contribute to disparities in tobacco use. Clinicians should be aware of the pervasiveness of these environmental cues.Tobacco products and their marketing materials are ubiquitous in US retailers from pharmacies to corner stores.1 A similar presence is found across the globe, except in countries that ban point-of-sale (POS) tobacco marketing (e.g., Australia, Canada, Thailand2). In the United States, the POS has become the main communications channel for tobacco marketing3,4 and is reported as a source of exposure to tobacco marketing by more than 75% of US youths.5 Burgeoning evidence6,7 suggests that marketing at the POS is associated with youths’ brand preference,8 smoking initiation,9 impulse purchases,10,11 and compromised quit attempts.12,13The marketing of tobacco products is not uniform; it is clear from industry documents that the tobacco industry has calibrated its marketing to target specific demographic groups defined by race,14 ethnicity,15 income,16 mental health status,17 gender,18,19 and sexual orientation.20 Framed as an issue of social and environmental justice,14 research has documented historical racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic disparities in the presence of tobacco billboards,21–25 racial disparities in total tobacco marketing volume,24 and targeting of menthol cigarettes to communities with more Black residents.25,26 Targeted marketing of a consumer product that kills up to half27 of its users when used as directed exacerbates inequities in morbidity and mortality. Smoking is estimated to be responsible for close to half of the difference in mortality between men in the lowest and highest socioeconomic groups.28 However, evidence of marketing disparities is scattered across multiple disciplines and marketing outcomes, such as product availability, advertising quantity, presence of promotional discounts, and price. A synthesis of this literature would provide valuable information for intervention on tobacco marketing in the retail environment and inform etiological research on health disparities.To address this gap in the literature, we systematically reviewed observational studies that examined the presence and quantity of POS tobacco marketing to determine the extent to which marketing disparities exist by neighborhood demographic characteristic (i.e., socioeconomic disadvantage, race, ethnicity, and urbanicity).     

Beyond Recreational Physical Activity: Examining Occupational and Household Activity, Transportation Activity, and Sedentary Behavior in Relation to Postmenopausal Breast Cancer Risk

Objectives. We prospectively examined nonrecreational physical activity and sedentary behavior in relation to breast cancer risk among 97 039 postmenopausal women in the National Institutes of Health–AARP Diet and Health Study.Methods. We identified 2866 invasive and 570 in situ breast cancer cases recorded between 1996 and 2003 and used Cox proportional hazards regression to estimate multivariate relative risks (RRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs).Results. Routine activity during the day at work or at home that included heavy lifting or carrying versus mostly sitting was associated with reduced risk of invasive breast cancer (RR = 0.62; 95% CI = 0.42, 0.91; P_trend = .024).Conclusions. Routine activity during the day at work or home may be related to reduced invasive breast cancer risk. Domains outside of recreation time may be attractive targets for increasing physical activity and reducing sedentary behavior among postmenopausal women.Adult women in the United States aged 50 to 69 years spend on average about 8 waking hours per day being inactive.¹ Recreational physical activity has an established relation to reduced risk of postmenopausal breast cancer^2–4 as well as preventing weight gain, type 2 diabetes, metabolic syndrome, high blood pressure, coronary heart disease, stroke, and early death.³However, the relationship between postmenopausal breast cancer and physical activity outside of recreation time, in the domains of home, occupation, and transportation,⁵ has been examined less extensively. Occupational cohort studies^6–8 lack ideal control for potential confounding variables, but they have tended to support an inverse relationship between nonrecreational physical activity and breast cancer. In some prospective cohort studies, women who, on average, engaged in higher levels of household activity each week had lower risk of invasive breast cancer^9,10; in others, however, no relationship was observed between risk of invasive breast cancer and either nonrecreational^11,12 or occupational physical activity.^9,13,14At present, the extent to which sedentary behavior is associated with breast cancer risk has not been examined prospectively. Sedentary behavior is ubiquitous in the daily routines of modern adults¹⁵ and has emerged as a new focus for research on physical activity and health.^16–21 It has been proposed that too much sitting may be distinct from too little moderate–vigorous recreational physical activity.¹⁹ Sedentary behavior may independently reduce overall energy expenditure,²² leading to adverse effects on insulin sensitivity, fat storage,²³ and estrogen metabolism,²⁴ pathways that are relevant to breast cancer development.The study of nonrecreational physical activity and sedentary behavior in relation to breast cancer could prove fruitful because these exposures have been related to risk of other chronic conditions among women and may work through similar pathways. Independent of recreational moderate–vigorous physical activity, standing and walking around the home have been inversely associated with chronic conditions such as obesity and diabetes,²⁵ and walking and bicycling to work have been inversely associated with all-cause mortality^26–28 and obesity.²⁹ Sedentary behavior has been positively associated with obesity,^30,31 weight gain,²⁵ diabetes,³⁰ all-cause mortality,^32–34 cardiovascular disease mortality,^32–34 cancer mortality,³² and mortality from other causes.³² Among women, television watching has been positively associated with increases in obesity and diabetes.¹⁵ Breaks in sedentary behavior have been associated cross-sectionally with beneficial changes in biomarkers of metabolic risk such as waist circumference, adiposity, triglycerides, and 2-hour plasma glucose.³⁵We explored the associations of occupational and household activity, transportation activity (i.e., walking or bicycling to work), and sedentary behavior in relation to breast cancer risk in the National Institutes of Health (NIH)–AARP Diet and Health Study. We hypothesized that (1) occupational and household activity and transportation activity are inversely associated with risk of invasive breast cancer and (2) sedentary behavior is positively associated with risk of invasive breast cancer. We planned a priori to explore these hypotheses for in situ breast cancer as well.     

Health Among Caregivers of Children With Health Problems: Findings From a Canadian Population-Based Study

Objectives. We used population-based data to evaluate whether caring for a child with health problems had implications for caregiver health after we controlled for relevant covariates.Methods. We used data on 9401 children and their caregivers from a population-based Canadian study. We performed analyses to compare 3633 healthy children with 2485 children with health problems. Caregiver health outcomes included chronic conditions, activity limitations, self-reported general health, depressive symptoms, social support, family functioning, and marital satisfaction. Covariates included family (single-parent status, number of children, income adequacy), caregiver (gender, age, education, smoking status, biological relationship to child), and child (age, gender) characteristics.Results. Logistic regression showed that caregivers of children with health problems had more than twice the odds of reporting chronic conditions, activity limitations, and elevated depressive symptoms, and had greater odds of reporting poorer general health than did caregivers of healthy children.Conclusions. Caregivers of children with health problems had substantially greater odds of health problems than did caregivers of healthy children. The findings are consistent with the movement toward family-centered services recognizing the link between caregivers'' health and health of the children for whom they care.Caring for a child with health problems can entail greater than average time demands,^1,2 medical costs,^3,4 employment constraints,^5,6 and childcare challenges.^6–8 These demands may affect the health of caregivers, a notion supported by a variety of small-scale observational studies that have shown increased levels of stress, distress, emotional problems, and depression among caregivers of children with health problems.^1,2,5,9–12Whether these problems are caused by the additional demands of caring for children with health problems or by confounding variables is difficult to answer definitively. The literature reports the identification of a variety of factors purported to be associated with caregiver health, including contextual factors such as socioeconomic status^13–17; child factors such as level of disability,^{1,11,13,18–21} presence of behavior problems,^22–25 and overall child adjustment²⁶; and caregiver-related characteristics such as coping strategies^11,22,27 and support from friends and family.^15,17,28,29 In general, this work has been based on small clinic-based samples^9,30 or specific child populations (e.g., cerebral palsy,^5,25 attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder^31,32), and typically has been hampered by limited generalizability and a lack of careful, multivariate analysis. Furthermore, most studies have focused on caregivers'' psychological health,^1,2,5,9–12 although physical health effects may also exist among caregivers.^5,19,25,33One of the few studies to involve large-scale, population-based data compared the health of 468 caregivers of children with cerebral palsy to the health of a population-based sample of Canadian parents.⁵ The study showed that caregivers of children with cerebral palsy had poorer health on a variety of physical and psychological health measures. Furthermore, the data were consistent with a stress process model,^5,25 which proposes that additional stresses associated with caring for a child with cerebral palsy directly contribute to poorer caregiver health. However, these findings were based on a specific subpopulation of caregivers and univariate comparisons that could not control for potentially important confounders such as variation in caregiver education, income, and other demographic factors.We used population-based data to test the hypothesis that the health of caregivers of children with health problems would be significantly poorer than that of caregivers of healthy children, even after we controlled for relevant covariates. Our approach of using large-scale, population-based data representing a broad spectrum of childhood health problems³⁴ makes 4 key contributions to the current literature. First, our use of population-based data rather than small-scale, clinic-based studies yielded results that are potentially generalizable to a wide group of caregivers caring for children with health problems. Second, our examination of children with and without health problems allowed us to examine caregiver health effects across a wide variety of caregiving situations. Third, consideration of physical health outcomes (in addition to more regularly studied psychological outcomes) increased our knowledge of the breadth of caregiver health issues. Finally, controlling for relevant covariates allowed us to rule out a number of alternative explanations for caregiver health effects.     

Migrants in Transit: The Importance of Monitoring HIV Risk Among Migrant Flows at the Mexico–US Border

We conducted a probability-based survey of migrant flows traveling across the Mexico–US border, and we estimated HIV infection rates, risk behaviors, and contextual factors for migrants representing 5 distinct migration phases. Our results suggest that the influence of migration is not uniform across genders or risk factors. By considering the predeparture, transit, and interception phases of the migration process, our findings complement previous studies on HIV among Mexican migrants conducted at the destination and return phases. Monitoring HIV risk among this vulnerable transnational population is critical for better understanding patterns of risk at different points of the migration process and for informing the development of protection policies and programs.Previous research indicates that Mexican labor migrants in the United States are at increased risk for HIV infection1–3 and may be a bridge population for increasing rates of HIV/AIDS in rural Mexico.4–6 The behavioral ecological model posits that health behaviors are influenced by a hierarchy of factors, including individual characteristics, features of the proximal context, and broader structural factors.7 The proximal context involves the physical and social conditions in which individuals live, work, learn, and play. The broader environment comprises political, social, and economic structures and cultural factors. Bidirectional influences exist across factors at the individual, contextual, and structural level, with interventions at the structural level having the most far-reaching public health impact.7 Mexican migrants tend to be male and young, have low levels of educational attainment, and report limited HIV prevention knowledge and condom use.8,9 Increased risk for HIV in migrants may result from the interplay between these individual characteristics and the broader contextual and structural factors in migration between Mexico and the United States.10Migration is a complex and multistage process involving 5 phases: predeparture, transit, destination, interception, and return.11 Different constellations of contextual and structural factors may influence risk behaviors for HIV infection among migrants at each of these stages. Research on HIV risk among migrants must cover the different phases involved in the migration process and identify risks as well as prevention and treatment opportunities associated with each of them.12 Much of our knowledge regarding HIV prevalence and behavioral risk factors among Mexican migrants has emanated from surveys conducted among receiving communities in the United States 1^,2^,13–15 and sending communities in Mexico.16^,17 These studies have covered the destination and return phases of migration.Mexican migrants in the United States (i.e., the destination) are exposed to contexts that may heighten their HIV risk. HIV prevalence rates are higher in the United States than in Mexico,18 increasing the probability of coming into contact with the virus. Furthermore, many migrants live in environments characterized by unbalanced gender composition (i.e., male overrepresentation) and limited family- and community-based social behavioral controls.19 They experience loneliness, geographic isolation, social exclusion,20 fear,21 poor living and working conditions, and limited access to health care, including access to HIV testing and other prevention services.2^,16^,19^,21–24 All these factors coalesce to increase the probability of risk behaviors for HIV, such as alcohol and drug use, sex with sex workers, and unprotected sex practices.9,10 Surveys in Mexican sending communities have documented higher rates of behavioral risk factors, such as a higher number of sexual partners and illicit drug use, but also increased rates of condom use, knowledge of HIV transmission, and HIV testing among return migrants, compared to nonmigrants in the same communities.16,25Little research has examined HIV risk among Mexican migrants during the predeparture, transit, and interception phases of the migration process. The same factors that may push migrants away from their sending communities, such as poverty,26 violence,27 and gender power unbalances,28,29 are also structural factors that may increase their HIV risk even before they leave these communities.30 The transit phase is defined as the period when migrants are between their place of origin and their destination.11 For most Mexican migrants, the northern border of Mexico is an intermediate point in their trajectory between the 2 countries. Northbound unauthorized and deported migrants may spend time in this transit location making arrangements to enter or reenter the United States. This region has been described as at heightened risk for infectious diseases such as HIV to occur and is characterized by “an economically disadvantaged population” and “a nexus for drug use, prostitution, and mobility.”^31(p428)Research with injecting drug users and sex workers in Mexican border cities has provided critical evidence of migration as a structural risk factor for HIV infection and substance use as well as the prevention needs of these high-risk groups.14,32 These studies have offered some insights into the potential risks among migrants in this intermediate migration context. Finally, migrants apprehended while trying to enter or after reaching the destination communities (i.e., interception phase) are at a particularly critical stage. Detention in immigration centers or prisons can have detrimental effects on migrants’ health.11 Interception may also be a marker of higher social vulnerability, as migrants who have less economic and social resources are more likely to experience this migration phase. A recent survey found higher rates of HIV infection and behavioral risk factors among deported Mexican migrants in Tijuana, Mexico, than among the US and Mexico populations.33 In general, knowledge concerning HIV risk among migrants at the 5 migration phases is fragmented, and the heterogeneity of sampling and data collection methodologies that previous studies have used creates challenges for comparing data on the different phases.There are an estimated 12 million Mexican migrants in the United States.34 Although not all migrants go through all 5 migration phases (some may never be intercepted, some may settle permanently in the region of destination and never return), many Mexican migrants go through 2 or more of these phases in their lifetime. Data on Mexican migration patterns indicate that circular migration (i.e., traveling back and forth between Mexico and the United States) is relatively common among Mexican migrants.34,35 About 29% of Mexican migrants are estimated to engage in circular migration,36 and 50% of undocumented migrants leave the United States within the first year of immigration.37 Proximity, social and political conditions, transportation costs, and cultural identity make Mexicans more likely to return to their home country than are migrants from other countries. Although the strengthening and stricter enforcement of border policies has lowered this trend in recent years, the incentives to emigrate out of Mexico have also increased.38 These circular migration patterns between Mexico and the United States result in sizable migrant flows traveling across the Mexican border.It is estimated that each year more than 600 000 Mexican migrants arrive in the United States, approximately 400 000 Mexican migrants return from the United States, and approximately 400 000 Mexican migrants are deported to Mexico.39,40 The same individual may arrive, return, or be deported more than once. In 2012, the net rate of Mexicans departing Mexico (mostly to the United States) and entering Mexico (most of whom are return migrants) was 41.9 and 14.3 per 1000, respectively.41 An estimated 300 000 Mexican migrants were admitted to a detention facility and repatriated by US immigration authorities,42 and an additional 266 000 unauthorized Mexican migrants were apprehended at the Mexican border.40 The volume and mix of migrants traveling across the Mexico–US border makes this region an important setting for binational monitoring of the mobile populations’ health. Such monitoring can further our understanding of HIV infection levels and of behavioral and environmental factors that contribute to HIV infection among Mexican migrants representing different phases and contexts of the migration process. Ongoing surveillance of this region can also reveal changes in HIV infection and behavioral risk factors among migrants on the move and inform the need for interventions to reduce HIV risk among Mexican migrants in sending, receiving, and intermediate communities.We estimated and compared the levels of HIV infection, risk behaviors, and contextual factors associated with different migration phases, using data from a survey of migrant flows who traveled across the Mexico–US border region and represented the different phases and geographic contexts of migration between Mexico and the United States.     

Hombres Sanos: evaluation of a social marketing campaign for heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women

Objectives. We evaluated the effectiveness of Hombres Sanos [Healthy Men] a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexually identified Latino men, especially among heterosexually identified Latino men who have sex with men and women (MSMW).Methods. Hombres Sanos was implemented in northern San Diego County, California, from June 2006 through December 2006. Every other month we conducted cross-sectional surveys with independent samples of heterosexually identified Latino men before (n = 626), during (n = 752), and after (n = 385) the campaign. Respondents were randomly selected from 12 targeted community venues to complete an anonymous, self-administered survey on sexual practices and testing for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. About 5.6% of respondents (n = 98) were heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.Results. The intervention was associated with reduced rates of recent unprotected sex with both females and males among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. The campaign was also associated with increases in perception of HIV risk, knowledge of testing locations, and condom carrying among heterosexual Latinos.Conclusions. Social marketing represents a promising approach for abating HIV transmission among heterosexually identified Latinos, particularly for heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Given the scarcity of evidence-based HIV prevention interventions for these populations, this prevention strategy warrants further investigation.In the United States, adult and adolescent Latino males represent 5.6% of the total population¹ but 18.7% of HIV/AIDS cases.² Low rates of condom use^3–5 and limited HIV testing^5–7 likely contribute to the risk for infection and transmission among Latinos.Sex between men continues to account for the majority of new HIV infections in the United States.² HIV prevention efforts have traditionally targeted gay and bisexual men. However, individuals’ self-identified sexual orientation frequently does not correspond to their sexual behavior,^8–12 and recent research has been focused on men who self-identify as heterosexual but have sex with men. The results of studies on men who have sex with both men and women (MSMW) suggest that, regardless of sexual identity, this population is at greater risk for HIV than are men who exclusively have sex with men; likewise, MSMW are at greater risk than are men who exclusively have sex with women (MSW).^11,13–16 Reasons for greater risk among MSMW may include lower rates of condom use^11,16 and having sexual partners who engage in high-risk sexual practices.¹¹Previous studies have suggested that Latino men are more likely than are White men to engage in bisexual sexual behavior^9,11,17,18 but less likely than are White men to self-identify as gay or bisexual or to disclose their sexual orientation.^19–23 Cultural factors such as homophobia, social stigma related to same-sex practices, and sexual conservatism may inhibit Latino men from self-identifying as homosexual or bisexual.^{10,13,23–26} The degree to which Latinos integrate same-sex sexual practices into their sexual identities may influence their risk for HIV infection.²⁷ Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may perceive that they are at lower risk for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) than are gay or bisexual men, and Latino MSMW may thus be less likely to use condoms to protect themselves or their partners. Latino MSMW who identify as heterosexual may also be more likely to resort to substance use to reduce sexual inhibition, thus increasing the likelihood that they will engage in unsafe sex.^19,27Nondisclosure of same-sex sexual practices among MSMW also has significant implications for the health of their female sexual partners.^9,17 More than 70% of Latinas living with HIV/AIDS in the United States were infected via heterosexual contact.² Most cases of heterosexual transmission to Latinas are related to sex with partners who use injection drugs,²⁸ but unprotected sex with men who have multiple partners, including MSMW, has likely contributed to a subset of HIV cases among Latina women.^2,29Social marketing involves applying the principles and techniques of commercial marketing to the promotion of behavioral change for the good of a target audience.^30,31 Social marketing has been successfully used for HIV prevention with gay and bisexual males,^32,33 racial and ethnic minorities,³⁴ and youths.^35–38 Interventions using social marketing have been associated with improvements in HIV/STI testing^32,34 and condom use.^36,37,39,40 To our knowledge, no social marketing campaigns have been designed to reduce HIV risk among heterosexually identified Latino MSMW. Because of the secrecy of their sexual practices and the perceived association of HIV infection with homosexuality,^24,41,42 heterosexually identified Latino MSMW are difficult to reach with HIV prevention efforts. This population is not likely to be exposed to prevention messages or programs targeted to the gay and bisexual communities.¹⁸ Moreover, interventions requiring active recruitment of heterosexually identified MSMW may fail to reach sufficient numbers or may not reach those who are most secretive about their same-sex sexual practices.⁴¹ We sought to evaluate the effectiveness of a social marketing campaign to increase condom use and HIV testing among heterosexual Latino men in northern San Diego County, California, with a special emphasis on heterosexually identified Latino MSMW.