Native and nonnative speakers' processing of a miniature version of Japanese as revealed by ERPs

Several event-related potential (ERP) studies in second language (L2) processing have revealed a differential vulnerability of syntax-related ERP effects in contrast to purely semantic ERP effects. However, it is still debated to what extent a potential critical period for L2 acquisition, as opposed to the attained proficiency level in the L2, contributes to the pattern of results reported in previous ERP studies. We studied L2 processing within the model of a miniature version of a natural language, namely Japanese, specifically constructed to assure high proficiency of the learners. In an auditory ERP experiment, we investigated sentence processing of the "Mini-Japanese" in Japanese native speakers and German volunteers before and after training. By making use of three different types of violation, namely, word category, case, and classifier violations, native and nonnative ERP patterns were compared. The three types of violation elicited three characteristic ERP patterns in Japanese native speakers. The word category violation elicited an anteriorly focused, broadly distributed early negativity followed by a P600, whereas the case violation evoked a P600 which was preceded by an N400. The classifier violation led solely to a late left distributed negativity with an anterior focus. Although the P600 was similar for Japanese natives and learners, the N400 and the anterior negativities were not present in the learner group. The differences across groups suggest deviant neural processes in on-line syntactic and thematic processing in the L2 learners despite high behavioral skills.     

The relative timing of syntactic and semantic processes in sentence comprehension

The functional primacy of syntactic over semantic processes was put to test in an auditory event-related brain potentials study using sentences in which the final words were semantically and/or syntactically incongruent with the prior context. Crucially, these words encoded the syntactically relevant word category information in the suffix, available only after the word stem which carried the semantic information. Semantic violations elicited an N400 and syntactic violations a biphasic LAN-P600 pattern. Words that were semantically and syntactically incongruent with the context evoked a biphasic LAN-P600 ERP pattern, but no N400. The similarity of the ERP pattern for the pure syntactic and the double violation condition provides strong evidence for a functional primacy of initial syntactic over lexical-semantic processes.     

It's early: event-related potential evidence for initial interaction of syntax and prosody in speech comprehension

Psycholinguistic theories assume an interaction between prosody and syntax during language processing. Based on studies using mostly off-line methods, it is unclear whether an interaction occurs at later or initial processing stages. Using event-related potentials, the present study provides neurophysiological evidence for a prosody and syntax interaction in initial processing. The sentence material contained mere prosodic and syntactic as well as combined prosodic-syntactic violations. For the syntax violation, the critical word appeared after a preposition. The suffix of the critical word either indicated a noun fulfilling the syntactic requirements of the preceding preposition or a verb causing a word category violation. For the prosodic manipulation, congruent critical words were normally intonated (signaling sentence continuation) while prosodically incongruent critical words signaled sentence end. For the mere prosodic incongruity, a broadly distributed negativity was observed at the critical word-stem (300-500 msec aligned to word onset). In response to a mere syntactic error, a left temporal negativity was elicited in an early time window (200-400 msec aligned to suffix onset), taken to reflect initial phrase structure building processes. In contrast, in response to the combined prosodic-syntactic violation, an early temporal negativity showed up bilaterally at the suffix in the same time window. Our interpretation is that the process of initial structure building as reflected in the early left anterior negativity recruits additional right hemispheric neural resources when the critical word contains both syntactic and prosodic violations. This suggests the immediate influence of phrasal prosody during the initial parsing stage in speech processing.     

Setting the stage for automatic syntax processing: the mismatch negativity as an indicator of syntactic priming

The present study investigated the automaticity of morphosyntactic processes and processes of syntactic structure building using event-related brain potentials. Two experiments were conducted, which contrasted the impact of local subject-verb agreement violations (Experiment 1) and word category violations (Experiment 2) on the mismatch negativity, an early event-related brain potential component reflecting automatic auditory change detection. The two violation types were realized in two-word utterances comparable with regard to acoustic parameters and structural complexity. The grammaticality of the utterances modulated the mismatch negativity response in both experiments, suggesting that both types of syntactic violations were detected automatically within 200 msec after the violation point. However, the topographical distribution of the grammaticality effect varied as a function of violation type, which indicates that the brain mechanisms underlying the processing of subject-verb agreement and word category information may be functionally distinct even at this earliest stage of syntactic analysis. The findings are discussed against the background of studies investigating syntax processing beyond the level of two-word utterances.     

What's left if the Jabberwock gets the semantics? An ERP investigation into semantic and syntactic processes during auditory sentence comprehension

This study examined auditory ERP responses to syntactic phrase structure violations occurring either in sentences containing regular words or in sentences in which content words had been replaced by pseudowords while retaining morphological markers (so-called jabberwocky sentences). Syntactic violations were found to elicit an early anterior negativity followed by a P600 for both types of sentences, suggesting that the syntactic processes in question are independent of the presence of lexical-semantic information. In syntactically correct sentences, content words in regular sentences elicited an N400 component while their pseudoword place-holders in jabberwocky sentences did not. By contrast, in syntactically incorrect sentences neither sentence type showed an N400 for the word creating the syntactic violation, indicating that the detection of a syntactic error at an early stage blocks semantic integration processes in regular sentences. We discuss these results and findings from related studies in the light of a timing hypothesis of syntactic and semantic information processing and propose that syntactic information extracted particularly early can affect semantic processes while syntactic information extracted relatively late cannot.     

Event-related brain responses to morphological violations in Catalan

The ERP (event-related potential) violation paradigm was used to investigate brain responses to morphologically correct and incorrect verb forms of Catalan. Violations of stem formation and inflectional processes were examined in separate experimental conditions. Our most interesting finding is that misapplications of stem formation rules elicit an early left preponderant negativity. This complements our previous ERP results on morphological violations in other languages in which misapplications of inflectional rules were shown to produce such effects. We make use of the linguistic distinction between lexically stored and rule-based word forms and suggest a unified interpretation of the experimental results, arguing that these negativities vary as a function of processes involved in morpho-syntactic structure building.     

Segregating early physical and syntactic processes in auditory sentence comprehension

Auditory language comprehension involves physical as well as syntactic processing. The present study examined whether early physical and syntactic processes in spoken sentence comprehension can be segregated using event-related brain potentials (ERPs). In the physical manipulation condition, the terminal word of the sentence was presented either from the same or from a different location to the preceding sentence fragment. In the syntactic manipulation condition, the terminal word was either a syntactically correct continuation of the preceding sentence fragment or violated syntactic constraints. These two factors were completely crossed. Physical deviances elicited the mismatch negativity (MMN) and syntactic deviances the early syntax-related negativity, both deviance-related components of the ERP. Sentences which violated physical as well as syntactic constraints elicited a negativity which was larger than that elicited by only a physical or only a syntactic deviance. The elicitation of the MMN in connected speech demonstrates that this component can be used as a probe for auditory change-detection even in ecologically highly valid situations. The increase of deviance-related effects with double deviants suggests that the early physical and syntactic processing systems act, to a high degree, in parallel and independently of each other.     

When Chinese semantics meets failed syntax

Previous event-related potential studies in Indo-European languages reported a surprising finding that failed syntactic category processing appears to block lexical-semantic integration, suggesting a functional primacy of syntax over semantics. An event-related potential experiment was conducted to test whether there is such primacy in Chinese sentence reading, using sentences containing either semantic only violations, combined syntactic category and semantic violations, or no violations. Semantic only violations elicited a centro-parietal negativity and combined violations a broadly distributed, but centro-parietally focused negativity, both in the 300-500 ms window and followed by a P600, suggesting that semantic integration proceeds even when syntactic category processing fails. Thus, there is no functional primacy of syntactic category over semantic processes during Chinese sentence reading.     

How the mass counts: an electrophysiological approach to the processing of lexical features

Nouns may refer to countable objects such as tables, or to mass entities such as rice. The mass/count distinction has been discussed in terms of both semantic and syntactic features encoded in the mental lexicon. Here we show that event-related potentials (ERPs) can reflect the processing of such lexical features, even in the absence of any feature-related violations. We demonstrate that count (vs mass) nouns elicit a frontal negativity which is independent of the N400 marker for conceptual-semantic processing, but resembles anterior negativities related to grammatical processing. This finding suggests that the brain differentiates between count and mass nouns primarily on a syntactic basis.     

Syntax-related ERP-effects in Dutch

In two studies subjects were required to read Dutch sentences that in some cases contained a syntactic violation, in other cases a semantic violation. All syntactic violations were word category violations. The design excluded differential contributions of expectancy to influence the syntactic violation effects. The syntactic violations elicited an Anterior Negativity between 300 and 500 ms. This negativity was bilateral and had a frontal distribution. Over posterior sites the same violations elicited a P600/SPS starting at about 600 ms. The semantic violations elicited an N400 effect. The topographic distribution of the AN was more frontal than the distribution of the classical N400 effect, indicating that the underlying generators of the AN and the N400 are, at least to a certain extent, non-overlapping. Experiment 2 partly replicated the design of Experiment 1, but with differences in rate of presentation and in the distribution of items over subjects, and without semantic violations. The word category violations resulted in the same effects as were observed in Experiment 1, showing that they were independent of some of the specific parameters of Experiment 1. The discussion presents a tentative account of the functional differences in the triggering conditions of the AN and the P600/SPS.     

Distinct patterns of neural modulation during the processing of conceptual and syntactic anomalies

The aim of this study was to gain further insights into how the brain distinguishes between meaning and syntax during language comprehension. Participants read and made plausibility judgments on sentences that were plausible, morphosyntactically anomalous, or pragmatically anomalous. In an event-related potential (ERP) experiment, morphosyntactic and pragmatic violations elicited significant P600 and N400 effects, respectively, replicating previous ERP studies that have established qualitative differences in processing conceptually and syntactic anomalies. Our main focus was a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study in which the same subjects read the same sentences presented in the same pseudorandomized sequence while performing the same task as in the ERP experiment. Rapid-presentation event-related fMRI methods allowed us to estimate the hemodynamic response at successive temporal windows as the sentences unfolded word by word, without assumptions about the shape of the underlying response function. Relative to nonviolated sentences, the pragmatic anomalies were associated with an increased hemodynamic response in left temporal and inferior frontal regions and a decreased response in the right medial parietal cortex. Relative to nonviolated sentences, the morphosyntactic anomalies were associated with an increased response in bilateral medial and lateral parietal regions and a decreased response in left temporal and inferior frontal regions. Thus, overlapping neural networks were modulated in opposite directions to the two types of anomaly. These fMRI findings document both qualitative and quantitative differences in how the brain distinguishes between these two types of anomalies. This suggests that morphosyntactic and pragmatic information can be processed in different ways but by the same neural systems.     

Brain responses to agreement violations of Chinese grammatical aspect

Grammatical aspect captures ways in which a language uses grammatical markers to describe the temporal structure of an event. An event-related potential experiment was conducted to investigate event-related potential correlates of agreement violations of Chinese grammatical aspect. Participants read sentences containing either aspect agreement violations, semantic violations, or no violations. Semantic violations elicited an N400, whereas aspectual violations elicited a 200-400 ms posterior and left central negativity, followed by a P600, instead of left anterior negativity or N400, suggesting that left anterior negativities may not reflect a general, rule-governed, syntactically compositional process, and that grammatical aspect processing is at least not completely semantically driven. The negativity mostly reflects a failure to bind aspect markers or the detection of aspectual errors.     

Differential task effects on semantic and syntactic processes as revealed by ERPs

Two experiments investigated the time-course of semantic and syntactic processes in auditory language comprehension as well as their possible functional dependencies, using event-related brain potentials (ERPs). Participants listened to sentences which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. In experiment 1, participants judged the overall correctness of these sentences. The semantic violation elicited an N400 whereas the syntactic phrase structure violation elicited an early anterior negativity followed by a P600. Sentences in which the critical element violated both semantic and syntactic constraints elicited the same pattern of ERPs as the syntactic violation alone, not evoking an N400. In experiment 2, participants judged the same sentences for semantic coherence, required to ignore syntactic violations. Again, an early anterior negativity was elicited for those sentences containing phrase-structure errors. In contrast to experiment 1, however, combined violations elicited both an early negativity and an N400. Together, the results suggest that the N400 associated with semantic aspects of sentence comprehension reflects controlled processes whereas initial parsing processes associated with the early anterior negativity are independent of semantic constraints and task requirements.     

Dissociable neural imprints of perception and grammar in auditory functional imaging

In language processing, the relative contribution of early sensory and higher cognitive brain areas is still an open issue. A recent controversial hypothesis proposes that sensory cortices show sensitivity to syntactic processes, whereas other studies suggest a wider neural network outside sensory regions. The goal of the current event-related fMRI study is to clarify the contribution of sensory cortices in auditory syntactic processing in a 2 × 2 design. Two-word utterances were presented auditorily and varied both in perceptual markedness (presence or absence of an overt word category marking "-t"), and in grammaticality (syntactically correct or incorrect). A multivariate pattern classification approach was applied to the data, flanked by conventional cognitive subtraction analyses. The combination of methods and the 2 × 2 design revealed a clear picture: The cognitive subtraction analysis found initial syntactic processing signatures in a neural network including the left IFG, the left aSTG, the left superior temporal sulcus (STS), as well as the right STS/STG. Classification of local multivariate patterns indicated the left-hemispheric regions in IFG, aSTG, and STS to be more syntax-specific than the right-hemispheric regions. Importantly, auditory sensory cortices were only sensitive to the overt perceptual marking, but not to the grammaticality, speaking against syntax-inflicted sensory cortex modulations. Instead, our data provide clear evidence for a distinction between regions involved in pure perceptual processes and regions involved in initial syntactic processes.     

Demonstration of mismatch negativity in the monkey.

In humans, deviant auditory stimuli elicit an event-related potential (ERP) component, termed "mismatch negativity" (MMN), that reflects the operation of a cortical detector of infrequent stimulus change. Epidural auditory ERPs were recorded from 3 cynomolgous monkeys in response to soft and loud clicks. "Oddball" loud or soft stimuli elicited a long-duration frontocentral negativity, peaking at approximately 85 msec, that was superimposed upon cortically generated obligatory ERP components. These data suggest that monkeys might serve as a heuristically valuable system in which to study the neurochemical and neuroanatomical substrates of early context-dependent ERP generation.     

Sentence processing in 30-month-old children: an event-related potential study

In a previous event-related brain potential study, we provided evidence that preschoolers display different brain electrical patterns to semantic content and syntactic structure processing. In the present study, we aimed to determine the time-course of these event-related potential effects in 30-month-old children, using the same syntactically anomalous, semantically anomalous and control sentences that we used in our previous study. The results show that semantic violations elicit a frontal negativity peaking around 600 ms, whereas the morphosyntactic violations elicit a slow positive shift peaking around 800 ms with a frontocentral distribution. Our findings replicate the event-related potential patterns previously observed in young children and indicate that the neural signatures of sentence processing can be observed at an early point in development.     

Demonstration of mismatch negativity in the monkey

In humans, deviant auditory stimuli elicit an event-related potential (ERP) component, termed “mismatch negativity” (MMN), that reflects the operation of a cortical detector of infrequent stimulus change. Epidural auditory ERPs were recorded from 3 cynomolgous monkeys in response to soft and loud clicks. “Oddball” loud or soft stimuli elicited a long-duration frontocentral negativity, peaking at approximately 85 msec, that was superimposed upon cortically generated obligatory ERP components. These data suggest that monkeys might serve as a heuristically valuable system in which to study the neurochemical and neuroanatomical substrates of early context-dependent ERP generation.     

Auditory sensory memory in schizophrenia: inadequate trace formation?

This study explored duration mismatch negativity reductions observed in individuals with schizophrenia, in particular, the relationship to behavioural measures of temporal discrimination and two event-related potential (ERP) components occurring during the first phase of auditory sensory memory. Twenty-two patients with a DSM-IV and ICD-10 diagnosis of schizophrenia and 25 healthy comparison volunteers participated in a behavioural and an ERP testing session. Both groups performed equivalently on behavioural estimates of filled interval duration discrimination and gap detection. In contrast, electrophysiological measures revealed a significant reduction in patients' duration mismatch negativity and a significant difference in patients for the pattern of N100 facilitation over short stimulus onset asynchronies. Whilst behavioural results indicate intact temporal processing of filled intervals and equal temporal resolution limits in schizophrenia, both ERP measures indicated differences in auditory processing that may be traced to activity occurring during the first 250 ms. Results highlight the possibility of abnormalities in the process of auditory trace formation and temporal summation in schizophrenia.     

Maturational constraints on the recruitment of early processes for syntactic processing

An enduring question in the study of second-language acquisition concerns the relative contributions of age of acquisition (AOA) and ultimate linguistic proficiency to neural organization for second-language processing. Several ERP and neuroimaging studies of second-language learners have found that neural organization for syntactic processing is sensitive to delays in second-language acquisition. However, such delays in second-language acquisition are typically associated with lower language proficiency, rendering it difficult to assess whether differences in AOA or proficiency lead to these effects. Here we examined the effects of delayed second-language acquisition while controlling for proficiency differences by examining participants who differ in AOA but who were matched for proficiency in the same language. We compared the ERP response to auditory English phrase structure violations in a group of late learners of English matched for grammatical proficiency with a group of English native speakers. In the native speaker group, violations elicited a bilateral and prolonged anterior negativity, with onset at 100 msec, followed by a posterior positivity (P600). In contrast, in the nonnative speaker group, violations did not elicit the early anterior negativity, but did elicit a P600 which was more widespread spatially and temporally than that of the native speaker group. These results suggest that neural organization for syntactic processing is sensitive to delays in language acquisition independently of proficiency level. More specifically, they suggest that both early and later syntactic processes are sensitive to maturational constraints. These results also suggest that late learners who reach a high level of second-language proficiency rely on different neural mechanisms than native speakers of that language.     

ERP effects of listening to speech compared to reading: the P600/SPS to syntactic violations in spoken sentences and rapid serial visual presentation

In this study, event-related brain potential effects of speech processing are obtained and compared to similar effects in sentence reading. In two experiments sentences were presented that contained three different types of grammatical violations. In one experiment sentences were presented word by word at a rate of four words per second. The grammatical violations elicited a Syntactic Positive Shift (P600/SPS), 500 ms after the onset of the word that rendered the sentence ungrammatical. The P600/SPS consisted of two phases, an early phase with a relatively equal anterior-posterior distribution and a later phase with a strong posterior distribution. We interpret the first phase as an indication of structural integration complexity, and the second phase as an indication of failing parsing operations and/or an attempt at reanalysis. In the second experiment the same syntactic violations were presented in sentences spoken at a normal rate and with normal intonation. These violations elicited a P600/SPS with the same onset as was observed for the reading of these sentences. In addition two of the three violations showed a preceding frontal negativity, most clearly over the left hemisphere.